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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "MOLDOVA, UCRAINA E GEORGIA"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 11 березня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "MOLDOVA, UCRAINA E GEORGIA"

1

Bolgherini, Silvia. "Elezioni nel Mondo - Luglio-Dicembre 2012." Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 70, no. 2 (December 30, 2013): 85–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9565.

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Europa: Georgia, Lituania, Montenegro, Paesi Bassi, Repubblica Ceca, Romania, Slovenia, Ucraina; Africa: Ghana, Senegal; Americhe: Messico, Stati Uniti, Venezuela; Asia: Corea del Sud, Giappone, Timor Est.
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2

Veselovskyi, B. "Associated States: Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia ·Bohdan Veselovskyi." European State Aid Law Quarterly 20, no. 3 (2021): 434–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21552/estal/2021/3/10.

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3

Bastianon, Christina Diane. "Youth Migration Aspirations in Georgia and Moldova." Migration Letters 16, no. 1 (December 31, 2018): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v16i1.596.

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Анотація:
This study investigates in what ways individual and household capabilities and their general life aspirations affect migration aspirations in particular, among Georgian and Moldovan youth. The utilized sample was extracted from nationally representative surveys and considers youth aged 11 to 19 (N=3,583). Multi-level, step-wise probit models are used to predict youth migration aspirations. Among the findings are that individual capabilities, aspirations, and household capabilities significantly impact youth migration aspirations, while household aspirations are statistically insignificant. The results further emulate the importance of residential satisfaction, the effects of gendered social norms and inequalities on youth migration aspirations.
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4

Davies, Lance. "El aprendizaje institucional ruso y las operaciones regionales de paz: los casos de Georgia y Moldavia." Comillas Journal of International Relations, no. 3 (August 31, 2015): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/cir.i03.y2015.006.

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Анотація:
Este artículo examina el comportamiento de Rusia con respecto a los conflictos intraestatales en sus espacios regionales próximos a partir de 1990. La documentación existente atribuye la posición de Rusia principalmente a una extensión de su lógica de seguridad principal basada en el fomento de los intereses regionales hegemónicos. Aunque estos intereses no pueden ser ignorados, este artículo propone que la falta de aprendizaje institucional de Rusia de la doctrina y práctica de las operaciones de paz ha sido también un factor determinante, aunque descuidado, al dar forma a su respuesta ante los conflictos. Se argumenta que esto está integrado en un subconjunto persuasivo de lógicas de seguridad secundarias, basadas en la preocupación legítima por la seguridad y estabilidad regionales. Este análisis se basa en el cuestionamiento de los conflictos regionales en Georgia y Moldavia, puesto que ambos son los casos más reveladores de la experiencia de Rusia en operaciones de paz. El artículo concluye con unos breves comentarios sobre la crisis actual en Ucrania y cómo se relaciona esta con la reacción de Rusia al conflicto regional intraestatal.
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5

DUMITRU, Ilie Răsvan. "UCRAINA ÎNTRE STAREA DE PACE ȘI CEA DE RĂZBOI CU RUSIA." Buletinul Universității Naționale de Apărare „Carol I” 9, no. 2 (July 2, 2021): 100–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2065-8281-21-12.

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Анотація:
După invadarea peninsulei Crimeea și amplificarea conflictelor din sud-estul Ucrainei, a devenit evident că politica Rusiei este axată pe prezervarea sferei de influență și a controlului strategic asupra deciziilor și direcțiilor politice luate de statele desprinse din fostul bloc sovietic. Pentru a putea înțelege efectele războiului ruso-ucrainean asupra Occidentului, precum și pentru a putea anticipa și a contracara o posibilă evoluție viitoare a unor fenomene similare, în state cu risc geopolitic, precum Moldova, dar chiar și în state membre ale NATO, precum țările baltice, România sau Bulgaria, merită să acordăm atenție consecințelor geopolitice ale pierderii Crimeii și a provinciilor de sud-est de către Ucraina. Articolul analizează rațiunea, mecanismele și mizele care au stat la baza declanșării războiului ruso-ucrainean atât din perspectivă geopolitică, cât și istorică. Înțelegerea modului în care diferite instrumente hibride pot fi folosite de Federația Rusă pentru a influența statele din proximitatea sa și, în special, a modului în care combinarea acestora conduce la o satisfacere eficientă a scopurilor este utilă pentru a evalua și a aborda riscurile și vulnerabilitățile sistemice ale statelor aflate în zonele disputate de Rusia și de Occident, în ultimii ani.
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Abbasov, Jeyhun A., and Khatai Aliyev. "Testing Wagner’s Law and Keynesian Hypothesis in Selected Post‑Soviet Countries." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 66, no. 5 (2018): 1227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201866051227.

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Анотація:
The aim of this research is to test Wagner’s law and Keynesian hypothesis in 9 Post‑Soviet countries – Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kyrgyz Republic, Moldova, and Ukraine. For this purpose, long‑ and short‑run causality between real per capita GDP and real per capita government expenditures are estimated by employing ARDL modelling approach. Estimation results support validity of Wagner’s law for Latvia, Lithuania, Uzbekistan, Georgia, Kyrgyz Republic and Ukraine, and validity of Keynesian hypothesis for Estonia, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyz Republic, and Moldova in the long‑run. Meanwhile, research findings indicate strong bidirectional short‑run causality in all countries except Lithuania and Kyrgyz Republic in the short‑run.
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7

Lavrelashvili, Teona. "Resilience-building in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine: Towards a tailored regional approach from the EU." European View 17, no. 2 (October 2018): 189–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685818805680.

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Анотація:
The article considers the dimensions and specificity of the concept of ‘resilience’ as applied to the concrete cases of three Eastern neighbourhood states: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. It argues that EU policymakers should acknowledge the similarities and differences between the three when considering policies to strengthen these countries’ resilience. At the same time, however, they need to recognise that the biggest common threat to their security emanates from neighbouring Russia. The article further suggests that fostering regional cooperation between Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova, as well as working with political institutions such as the political parties in these countries, will contribute to strengthening their resilience.
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8

Gorerainov, Victoria. "The results of the Republic of Moldova within the Eastern Partnership in the Light of the ―Eastern Partnership Index Study." Analele Universității din Oradea. Seria: Relații Internaționale și Studii Europene 2022 (2020): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.58603/xxiz7690.

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Анотація:
This paper is an in-depth analysis of the results of the Republic of Moldova within the Eastern Partnership in the light of the “Eastern Partnership Index” study. For ten years, the Republic of Moldova has had different results in the Eastern Partnership, being considered even the “success story” in a certain period of time, and then giving way to Ukraine and Georgia in certain areas of development.
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9

Tskhomelidze, Elene. "Effectiveness of the deep and comprehensive Free Trade Area: A structural gravity model approach." Journal of Eastern European and Central Asian Research (JEECAR) 9, no. 6 (December 3, 2022): 965–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15549/jeecar.v9i6.990.

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Анотація:
Based on the gravity model of international trade, this article examines the ex-post impact of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) on integration between Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine with the European Union. We evaluate the welfare outcome of trade creation and trade diversion effects, compare the results of individual countries and identify differences between them. Additionally, the article evaluates the general effectiveness of the DCFTA as an instrument for trade integration. According to the structural gravity model estimations, as a result of the DCFTA, EU-Georgia trade increased by approximately 18%. In the case of EU-Moldova trade, the DCFTA impact is statistically less significant, around 9%. While DCFTA in Ukraine has a negligible effect on trade with European Union. The agreement brings welfare gains only in the case of Georgia. Generally, the average impact of the DCFTA on trade with the EU is positive but statistically insignificant for the region. The results are very different for each country.
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10

Sergeev, V. A. "III National Congress on Respiratory Diseases (St. Petersburg, December 1-5, 1992)." Kazan medical journal 74, no. 2 (April 15, 1993): 174–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/kazmj64656.

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Анотація:
The Congress was attended by representatives of Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Moldova, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, as well as specialists from Austria, England, Germany, Holland, Canada, Poland, France, Finland, USA, Sweden.
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Більше джерел

Дисертації з теми "MOLDOVA, UCRAINA E GEORGIA"

1

Muller, Virginia Paige Robertson Graeme. "What right did Russia have? Russian intervention in Georgia and Moldova in the early 1990s /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,97.

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Анотація:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Russian, Eurasian, and East European Studies." Discipline: Russian and East European Studies; Department/School: Russian and East European Studies.
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2

Lynch, Dov. "Russian #peacekeeping' strategies in the CIS, 1992-1996 : the cases of Moldova, Georgia and ajikistan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389788.

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3

POPSOI, MIHAIL. "EUROPEANIZATION VERSUS DEMOCRATIZATION IN GEORGIA, MOLDOVA AND UKRAINE. INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/886506.

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Анотація:
There is a growing disconnect between Europeanization and democratization in the immediate neighborhood of the European Union. Often overlooked by euro-centric academic research, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine are a litmus test for the challenges facing democratic consolidation in a geopolitically contested region. The study dissects the relationship between Europeanization and Democratization processes in the three countries; scrutinizes the internal and external challenges to democratic consolidation and critically assesses the effectiveness of EU’s normative power projection in the region. In the process, the author challenges Huntington’s concept of ‘snowballing’, disconfirming his one directional democratic cascade theory in the specific condition of the countries comprising the case study. The unique condition of these countries is epitomized by the European Union’s facilitation of democracy, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, Russia’s facilitation of the status quo, while also encouraging undemocratic practices. This challenges the neofunctionalist democratic spillover expectation and accredits a path-dependent neo-institutionalist account of democratization in the region. Moreover, the author finds robust evidence in support of the modernization theory of democracy, while also confirming the negative effects of active geopolitical competition on the battleground countries. The study questions the efficacy of EU’s democracy promotion efforts and argues in favor of anchoring the three countries on the European integration track as an imperative mechanism for boosting the chances of democratic consolidation.
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4

Pajalic, Marko. "Capacity building for peace? The European Union's impact on security sector reform in Moldova and Georgia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2728.

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Анотація:
The recent enlargements of the European Union brought about a strategic shift in the EU’s approach to conflict management and security in the eastern neighbourhood. The Partnership and Co-operation Agreements between the EU and Moldova contained no mention of the Transnistrian dispute, while the agreement between the EU and Geor gia included a vague phrase regarding political dialogue which may include the issue of conflict resolution. The addition of new members to the Union, however, expanded the EU into its neighbourhood and brought closer the unresolved territorial disputes. Concerns that were once further away are now right next door. While the former accession states might have served as buffers to these concerns, they can no longer, as members of the Union, be seen as such. Therefore, there is a greater need to address security issues, such as the ‘frozen conflicts’ bordering the EU. This thesis will examine the evolution of the EU’s responses to security chal lenges in the Eastern neighbourhood, and assess the role the EU plays in addressing these ‘frozen conflicts’ through the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Fur ther, this thesis will argue that the EU has thus far exerted limited direct pressure towards direct resolution of these conflicts and has instead approached regional stability through a variety of other indirect and long term means, such as the pursuit of economic growth and political stability. In particular, the research will look at the security sector reform (SSR) and will focus on the EU’s impact, or Europeanization, in the rule of law and border management sectors of Moldova and Georgia. It will be shown that these two sectors are related to promoting political stability and economic growth, which is in line with the EU’s effort to support development in Moldova and Georgia, and thus indirectly address ‘frozen conflict’ resolution by. altering the incentive structures. This thesis will conclude that the EU does have an impact on the rule of law and border management sectors and subsequently some impact on the ‘frozen conflict’ in Moldova but less so on the conflicts in Georgia.
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5

Wientzek, Olaf [Verfasser]. "The European People's Party and the East : Party Cooperation in Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia / Olaf Wientzek." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1204708282/34.

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6

Hernández, i. Sagrera Raül. "The European Union and Eastern Europe migration policy convergence beyond Europeanisation: the cases of Russia, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/334385.

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Анотація:
La Unió Europea (UE) va presentar la Política Europea de Veïnatge (PEV) el 2004 per tal d'enfortir la cooperació en àrees como ara la immigració. La dimensió exterior de la política d'immigració de la UE a Europa Oriental (Associació Oriental i Rússia) ha estat molt activa i objecte de nombrosos treballs acadèmics, en gran part centrats en afirmar que la UE exporta les seves pròpies normes. Tanmateix, la teoria d'europeïtzació no té en compte els interessos i capacitats dels països d'Europa Oriental, així com les seves percepcions de legitimitat. Una dècada després de la posada en marxa de la PEV, la tesi respon a la qüestió sobre quines normes la UE i Europa Oriental adopten en la convergència normativa en matèria d'immigració. S'identifiquen tres models de convergència (envers normes de la UE, normes internacionals i normes acordades bilateralment), en funció fonamentalment de l'estructura de poder i de les percepcions de legitimitat a Europa Oriental. La convergència normativa en política d'immigració s'aplica als casos de (I) readmissió, (II) visats, (III) gestió de fronteres i (IV) immigració laboral. La tesi doctoral conclou que la cooperació en política d'immigració entre la UE i Europa Oriental no consisteix en l'adopció sistemàtica de normes de la UE. Argumenta que la UE ha promogut fonamentalment normes de la UE en l'àmbit de seguritat (acords de readmissió i Gestió Integrada de Fronteres). Malgrat tot, a causa de la manca de poder suficient de la UE i a baixes percepcions de legitimitat de la UE entre els veïns d’Europa Oriental, la UE ha ofert incentius en l'àmbit de la mobilitat (política de visats i associacions per a la mobilitat). L'evidència empírica mostra debilitats en la convergència normativa envers normes de la UE, que consisteixen en gran part en mesures de socialització (intercanvi d'informació i formació). Uns dels resultats més significatius de la tesi és que la UE promou activament, en el marc de la liberalizació de visats, la convergència normativa cap a normes internacionals en matèria d'estat de dret. Les normes que emanen del Consell d'Europa i de Nacions Unides són de fet percebudes com a més legítimes que les normes de la UE. No obstant, aquest rol de la UE como a transmissora de normes cal matitzar-lo pel fet que la UE ha jugat ara com ara un rol limitat en promoure normes internacionals de drets dels immigrants. Finalment, la convergència envers normes acordades bilateralment ha estat el model menys predominant. La comparativa entre els països d'Europa Oriental mostra que els instruments adoptats són similars per l'objectiu de la UE de ser coherent. Tanmateix, el poder de negociació de cada país amb la UE ha donat peu a condicions més o menys favorables pel país. A més a més, les percepcions de legitimitat i la voluntat de cada país d'apropament a la UE són elements clau. En conjunt, Ucraïna, Moldàvia i Geòrgia són països favorables a l'apropament a la UE mentre que Rússia ha construït una cooperació pragmàtica en matèria d'immigració amb la UE, influint en la institucionalització de l'agenda d'immigració amb Europa Oriental. Finalment, la tesi contribueix globalment al debat sobre el soft power de la UE al veïnatge, concluent que els instruments d'immigració adoptats estan molt més orientats a promoure la seguretat que la mobilitat.
La Unión Europea (UE) presentó la Política Europea de Vecindad (PEV) en 2004 para fortalecer la cooperación en áreas como la inmigración. La dimensión exterior de la política de inmigración de la UE hacia Europa Oriental (Asociación Oriental y Rusia) ha sido muy activa y objeto de numerosos trabajos académicos, en gran parte centrados en afirmar que la UE exporta sus propias normas. Sin embargo, la teoría de europeización no tiene en cuenta los intereses y capacidades de los países de Europa Oriental, así como sus percepciones de legitimidad. Una década después de la puesta en marcha de la PEV, la tesis responde a la cuestión sobre qué normas la UE y Europa Oriental adoptan en la convergencia normativa en materia de inmigración. Se identifican tres modelos de convergencia (hacia normas de la UE, normas internacionales y normas acordadas bilateralmente), en función fundamentalmente de la estructura de poder y de las percepciones de legitimidad en Europa Oriental. La convergencia normativa en política de inmigración se aplica a los casos de (I) readmisión, (II) visados, (III) gestión de fronteras e (IV) inmigración laboral. La tesis doctoral concluye que la cooperación en política de inmigración entre la UE y Europa Oriental no consiste en la adopción sistemática de normas de la UE. Argumenta que la UE ha promovido fundamentalmente normas de la UE en el ámbito de seguridad (acuerdos de readmisión y Gestión Integrada de Fronteras). Aun así, debido a la falta de poder suficiente de la Unión y a bajas percepciones de legitimidad de la Unión entre los vecinos de Europa Oriental, la UE ha ofrecido incentivos en el ámbito de la movilidad (política de visados y asociaciones para la movilidad). La evidencia empírica muestra debilidades en la convergencia normativa hacia normas de la UE, que consisten en gran parte en medidas de socialización (intercambio de información y formación). Uno de los resultados más significativos de la tesis es que la UE promueve activamente, en el marco de la liberalización de visados, la convergencia normativa hacia normas internacionales en materia de estado de derecho. Las normas que emanan del Consejo de Europa y de Naciones Unidas son de hecho percibidas como más legítimas que las normas de la UE. No obstante, este rol de la UE como transmisora de normas hay que matizarlo por el hecho de que la UE ha jugado hasta la fecha un rol limitado en promover normas internacionales de derechos de los inmigrantes. Finalmente, la convergencia hacia normas acordadas bilateralmente ha sido el modelo menos predominante. La comparativa entre los países de Europa Oriental muestra que los instrumentos adoptados son similares por el objetivo de la UE de ser coherente. Sin embargo, el poder de negociación de cada país con la UE ha dado pie a condiciones más o menos favorables para el país. Además, las percepciones de legitimidad y la voluntad de cada país de acercamiento a la UE son elementos clave. En conjunto, Ucrania, Moldavia y Georgia son países favorables al acercamiento a la UE mientras que Rusia ha construido una cooperación pragmática en materia de inmigración con la UE, influyendo en la institucionalización de la agenda de inmigración con Europa Oriental. Finalmente, la tesis contribuye globalmente al debate sobre el soft power de la UE en la vecindad, concluyendo que los instrumentos de inmigración adoptados están mucho más orientados a promover la seguridad que la movilidad.
In 2004, the European Union (EU) launched the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) to strengthen cooperation in areas such as migration. In particular, the external dimension of the EU migration policy in Eastern Europe (the Eastern Partnership countries and Russia) has been very active and under huge academic scrutiny, mostly with studies claiming that the EU exports its own norms. Yet, this Europeanisation approach does not take into account the interests and capacities of Eastern European countries, as well as their perceptions of legitimacy. A decade after the launch of the ENP, this thesis addresses the question of what norms are actually adopted in the EU-Eastern Europe migration policy convergence. Three models of policy convergence (towards EU norms, towards international norms and towards bilaterally-agreed norms) are identified, depending mainly on the structure of power and perceptions of legitimacy in Eastern Europe. Migration policy convergence is applied to the cases of (I) readmission, (II) visa, (III) border management and (IV) labour migration. The doctoral dissertation concludes that the EU-Eastern Europe migration cooperation has not consisted in the systematic adoption of EU norms. It argues that the EU primarily has promoted security-related EU norms (readmission agreements and Integrated Border Management). However, due to lack of enough EU leverage and low perceptions of EU legitimacy among the Eastern neighbours, the EU has offered incentives in the field of mobility (visa policy and mobility partnerships). Empirical evidence shows weaknesses in policy convergence to EU norms, consisting mainly in socialisation measures (information exchange and capacity-building). One of the main findings of the thesis is that the EU is actively promoting, in the framework of visa liberalisation, policy convergence towards international norms in the area of rule of law. In fact, norms emanating from the Council of Europe and the United Nations are perceived as more legitimate than EU norms. However, this EU role as norm-transmitter has to be nuanced by the fact that to date the EU has played a relatively limited role in promoting international norms in the area of migrants' rights. Finally, convergence to bilaterally-agreed norms has been the least predominant. A comparison across Eastern European countries shows that the policy instruments adopted are by and large similar for the sake of consistency. Nonetheless, the leverage of each country vis-à-vis the EU has usually shaped more or less favourable conditions for the country. In addition, the perceptions of legitimacy and willingness of each country to come closer with the EU are essential. Overall, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia are willing countries whereas Russia has built a pragmatic cooperation on migration with the EU, playing a role in the institutionalisation of the migration agenda to Eastern Europe. Finally, the thesis contributes overall to debate on the EU soft power in the Neighbourhood, concluding that the adopted migration policy instruments are much more oriented at promoting security than mobility.
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7

Kötschau, Kerstin [Verfasser]. "Impact of Land Reform Strategies on Rural Poverty in the Commonwealth of Independent States : Comparison between Georgia and Moldova / Kerstin Kötschau." Frankfurt : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1042415293/34.

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8

Jackson, Nicole Janine. "Russian policy towards the CIS, 1991-1996 : debates about the military and political involvement in the Moldova-Transdniestria, Georgia-Abkhazia and Tajikistan conflicts." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1616/.

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Анотація:
The most serious foreign policy challenge that the Russian Federation faced from 1991 to 1996 was whether and how to respond to outbreaks of conflict within its neighbouring states. Unlike under the Soviet Union, there were open, diverse and complex debates about whether Russia should react to these conflicts, and if so, by what means. These foreign policy debates among the political elite and the ensuing policies form the subject of this thesis. The thesis asks what the dominant ideas expressed in these debates about foreign policy were, and whether they were reflected in Russia's policies towards specific military conflicts in the CIS States. To answer these questions, the thesis first derives insights about the role of ideas and debates within international relations literature which are helpful for the subsequent analysis of Russian foreign policy debates. It then identifies the dominant foreign policy ideas and foreign policy orientations, traces the major stages in the debates and the policies, and compares Russia's political debates, policies and actions towards the Moldova- Transdniestria, Georgia-Abkhazia and Tajikistan conflicts. Using interviews and both primary and secondary sources, the general finding of the thesis is that broad foreign policy ideas and orientations provided the backdrop against which debates occurred and policies were formulated or pursued. Ideas and debates were crucial factors in developing and defining an official pragmatic nationalist foreign policy orientation that crystallised in the later period. On the whole, there was congruence between the dominant ideas within the debates and the foreign policies enacted towards specific conflicts. Specific foreign policies towards the conflicts developed in response to the general debate (clash of ideas), which in turn responded to the domestic conditions and particular events in the near abroad. Military actions tended to start independently as local initiatives, and then fall in line with government policy.
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Marian, Svetlana. "Russia's Foreign Policy in Eastern Europe: The Moldovan Question." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/79750.

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This thesis provides an empirical contribution to the existing literature regarding Russian foreign policy and its application in Russia's near abroad. The primary case study is Russian foreign policy instruments applied to the Eastern European country of Moldova. This thesis directly cites the Russian National Security Concept (RNSC) documents from 2000 and 2016 as the foundation for analysis of Russian foreign policy actions applied to both Eastern Europe and Moldova. A summation of the type of instruments used within Moldova, either "soft power" or "hard power" resources, citing specific examples of each, is included. The result of this thesis is a foundation for future research of Russian foreign policy based on Russian foreign policy documents, as it pertains to the former republics of the Soviet Union.
Master of Arts
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10

Bennett, Hanna. "Leverage and limitations of the EU's influence in the eastern neighbourhood : a study of compliance with the EU's justice and home affairs' standards in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/508/.

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When the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was launched in 2004 expectations of its potential were low because it lacks the ability to offer EU membership as an incentive, which was found to be pivotal for the EU to have influence in the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs). Nevertheless, progress reports have demonstrated that some convergence toward the EU standards has taken place in the neighbouring countries. This research seeks to understand under which conditions compliance takes place, what explains the variation in (non)compliance with the EU standards in the area of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) and what influence does the EU have. It examines formal and behavioural compliance with the EU action plan recommendations in the area of border guard reform, readmission agreement, asylum and refugee protection, and criminalisation of human trafficking in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. The three states have all expressed interest in EU membership, but they vary in their potential to be considered as candidates and in their identification with the EU. Rather than assuming that the EU’s influence is low in the neighbourhood because it cannot offer a certain membership incentive, this research studies the problem by focusing on a combination of explanatory factors drawn from rational choice and sociological/constructivist institutionalism both at the macro level (strength of membership prospect and identification with the EU) and at the issue-specific levels. The research demonstrates that the EU’s influence is differential and dependent on domestic, external and issue-specific conditions. The results indicate that the EU is capable of eliciting influence in the JHA area without a certain EU membership prospect. However, when the country perceives that there is a possibility to accede to the EU, compliance with the EU standards has been more even across the four issue areas and at the formal and behavioural levels.
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Книги з теми "MOLDOVA, UCRAINA E GEORGIA"

1

Simileanu, Vasile, and Ștefan Purici. Trilaterala România - Ucraina - Moldova: - diplomaţie și bună guvernare -. Bucureşti: Top Form, 2017.

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2

Boicu, Dumitru. Noile frontiere în Europa de Sud-Est: Republica Moldova, Ucraina, România. Chișinău: Știința, 2002.

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3

Valeriu, Moșneaga, ed. Moldova, România, Ucraina: Integrarea în structurile europene : Republica Moldova, Chișinău, 15-16 octombrie 1999 : simpozionul științific internațional tradițional, materiale. Chișinău: "Perspectiva", 2000.

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4

Tatiana, Varta, and Institutul de Istorie (Academia de Științe a Republicii Moldova), eds. Moldova și Țara Românească în timpul domniilor regulamentare: Documente inedite din arhivele din Federația Rusă, Ucraina și R. Moldova. Chișinău: Cartdidact, 2002.

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5

Gribincea, Mihai. Politica rusă a bazelor militare: Moldova și Georgia. Chișinău: Civitas, 1999.

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6

Gribincea, Mihai. The Russian Policy on Military Bases: Georgia and Moldova. Oradea: Cogito, 2001.

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7

Gribincea, Mihai. The Russian policy on military bases: Georgia and Moldova. Oradea: Editura Cogito, 2001.

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8

Noi despre vecini şi vecinii despre noi: Manualele de istorie în Republica Moldova, România şi Ucraina. Târgovişte: Editura Cetatea de Scaun, 2018.

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9

Spaces: Cultural public sphere in Armenia, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Weitra: Verlag Bibliothek der Provinz, 2014.

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10

Valeriu, Moșneaga, ed. Moldova, România, Ucraina: Bună vecinătate și colaborare regională : materiale ale Simpozionului Științific Internațional (Chișinău, 15-16 octombrie 1998). Chișinău: "Perspectiva", 1998.

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Частини книг з теми "MOLDOVA, UCRAINA E GEORGIA"

1

Dragneva, Rilka. "The Association Agreements between the EU and Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine." In Post-Soviet Constitutions and Challenges of Regional Integration, 71–88. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge research into EU law: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315656847-5.

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2

Batta, Anna. "The Russian minority in the frontier states of Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova." In The Russian Minorities in the Former Soviet Republics, 60–100. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003205340-3.

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3

Horowitz, Shale. "Identities Unbound: Escalating Ethnic Conflict in Post-Soviet Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, and Tajikistan." In Ethnic Conflict and International Politics, 51–74. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403981417_4.

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4

Vystavna, Yuliya, Maryna Cherkashyna, and Michael R. van der Valk. "Water laws of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine: current problems and integration with EU legislation." In Wicked Problems of Water Quality Governance, 119–30. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003331438-9.

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5

Gawrich, Andrea. "Conflict Management, International Parliamentary Assemblies and Small States: The Cases of Georgia and Moldova." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 3–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_1.

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AbstractThe parliamentary assemblies of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe have reputations as bridge-building institutions between western and post-socialist countries. However, territorial disputes between member states pose a challenge to the parliamentary diplomacy of these international parliamentary institutions (IPIs). This article examines how IPIs address conflicts in the cases of two small states facing “frozen” secessionist conflicts, where Russia’s hegemony is involved, namely Georgia with its territorial disputes in South Ossetia and Abkhazia along with Moldova and its secessionist dispute with Transnistria. This contribution unpacks IPI strategies by applying conceptual approaches from parliamentary diplomacy, conflict management and small-states literature, as well as the respective arguments on hegemonic strategies.
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Petrov, Roman. "Implementation of Association Agreements Between the EU and Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia: Legal and Constitutional Challenges." In Political and Legal Perspectives of the EU Eastern Partnership Policy, 153–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-27383-9_10.

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Bruder, Jason. "The US and the New Eastern Europe (Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan) Since 1991." In Managing Security Threats along the EU’s Eastern Flanks, 69–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-26937-1_4.

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8

Holovko-Havrysheva, Oksana. "Adjusting National Consumer Protection Legislation in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine to EU Standards: Practices, Experience and Challenges." In European Union and its Neighbours in a Globalized World, 289–316. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82291-0_14.

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Unser, Alexander, Sophie Zviadadze, Susanne Döhnert, Marina Shupac, and Hans-Georg Ziebertz. "Predictors of Attitudes Towards the Right to Work: An Empirical Analysis Among Young People in Moldova and Georgia." In Religion and Human Rights, 129–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-30934-3_6.

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10

Rabinovych, Maryna. "The Domestic Dimension of Defining Uncontrolled Territories and Its Value for Conflict Transformation in Moldova, Georgia, and Ukraine." In Decentralization, Regional Diversity, and Conflict, 107–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41765-9_5.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "MOLDOVA, UCRAINA E GEORGIA"

1

Mihail, Poisic. "ОСНОВНЫЕ ПОКАЗАТЕЛИ СОЦИАЛЬНО-ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОГО И ДЕМОГРАФИЧЕСКОГО РАЗВИТИЯ РЕСПУБЛИКИ МОЛДОВА В СОСТАВЕ СССР И ПОСЛЕ ЕГО РАСПАДА". У Conferinţa Internaţională Ştiinţifico-Practică "Creşterea economică în condiţiile globalizării" Ediţia a XV- a, 15-16 octombrie. Chişinău: INCE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36004/nier.cdr.2021.15-25.

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In cadrul sesiunii ”Migrația, schimbari demografice: abordare interdisciplinara” au fost discutate cele mai actuale probleme demografice cu care se confrunta țarile din Europa de Est. Cercetarorii din Republica Moldova, precum și cei din Romania, Rusia, Ucraina, Belarus și-au impartașit experiența privind studierea fenomenelor demografice, precum și cea de elaborare a recomandarilor pentru factorii de decizie. Aria tematica a rapoartelor este destul de vasta, oferind un tablou complex privind schimbarile demografice și impactul lor asupra economiilor naționale. In comparație cu alte țari din regiune, in Republica Moldova, una dintre cele mai ingrijoratoare evoluții prezinta declinul continuu al populației și imbatranirea demografica ce afecteaza sustenabilitatea socioeconomica, nivelul de trai al populației și securitatea naționala. Impactul negativ al pandemiei Covid-19 asupra economiei naționale a agravat situația, provocand creșterea inegalitații in nivelul și calitatea vieții, astfel este puțin probabil ca migrația va diminua. Cel mai ingrijorator fenomen il constituie migrația populației tinere la studii, in cautarea unui loc de munca sau pentru stabilirea cu traiul permanent, provocand un dezechilibru pronunțat in structura populației și pierderea potențialului uman. Pandemia Covid-19 a exacerbat situația in domeniul sanatații, iar creșterea mortalitații excesive a dus la majorarea sporului natural negativ. Scaderea continua a numarului de nașteri ca rezultat al scaderii populației și reducerii contingentului femeilor de varsta reproductiva are consecințe negative multiple, afectand structura populației, cererea și oferta pe piața forței de munca, raportul intre populația apta de munca și cea inapta etc. Astfel, scaderea natalitații va determina creșterea cererii de angajați de varsta pre-pensionara, ceea ce implica necesitatea recalificarii acestora, crearii condițiilor speciale la locul de munca. In acest context, o importanța majora prezinta raportarea politicilor publice la schimbarile demografice, precum și dezvoltarea unor politici speciale de redresare a situației. Rapoartele prezentate in aceasta culegere aduc o contribuție speciala in reflectarea științifica a schimbarilor demografice, evidențierea impactului pandemiei Covid-19 și altor aspecte.
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Tufaner, Mustafa Batuhan. "The Relationship between Public Expenditures and Economic Growth in Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c12.02362.

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The effect of public expenditures on economic growth gained importance, especially after the First World War. In this study, the effect of public expenditures on economic growth was analyzed using data from the 1996-2017 period for 12 Transition Economies (Azerbaijan, Belarus, Armenia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, and Uzbekistan) in the transition period. In this context, the relationship between public expenditures and economic growth is investigated by applying unit root test, short and long term cointegration tests and causality tests. According to the results of the analysis, there is a long-term negative cointegration relationship between public expenditures and economic growth. However, there is a two-way causal relationship between public expenditures and economic growth.
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3

Korkmaz, Özge. "Terrorism and Macroeconomy: A Review of The Eurasian Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01818.

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The relationship between terrorist incidents, inflation rate, unemployment rate, per capita GDP, export rate and import rate for Eurasian countries Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Belarus for the period 1994-2015. For this purpose, the Westerlund cointegration analysis and have been using the causality test introduced by Holtz-Eakin, Newey and Rosen. As a result of the analyzes, it is observed that there is a long-term relationship between the export rate and the terrorist incidents and the export rate is the reason for the terrorist incidents. At the same time, it has been found that there is no long-term interaction and causal link between all other variables and terrorist incidents considered in the study.
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4

Çağlayan Akay, Ebru, Raziya Abdiyeva, and Zamira Oskonbaeva. "The Impact of Exchange Rate on Output: Evidence from Transition Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01503.

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This study investigates the impact of exchange rate on aggregate output for a group of 10 transition economies using panel simultaneous equation model. The model is estimated by generalized two-stage least squares method. The annual data used in the study cover the period from 1998 to 2014 for selected transition countries which are: Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Ukraine and Latvia. The result of the study indicates that there is a relationship between exchange rate and macroeconomic variables under consideration. It can be concluded that output effect of exchange rate changes is contractionary in the first year. In the second year this impact is completely reversed. Thus, the impact of exchange rate on output is neutral in the long run. The findings of the study will provide useful information to researchers and policymakers focusing on exchange rate issues in transition countries.
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Bozdağ, Emre Güneşer, and Sıtkıcan Saraçoğlu. "Analysis of Competitiveness of Turkey and Commonwealth of Independent States in their Automotive Market." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00679.

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Automotive sector is a driving sector for countries due to forward and backward linkages and employment and value added it creates. Starting from this point, this study aims to analyze the competitiveness of CIS and Turkey automotive sector in their market. The competitiveness of the countries should be assessed with their production potential. The countries subject to the study are thirteen Eurasian countries, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Republic of Moldova, Russian Federation, Tajikistan, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan. The data from UNCTAD for 1995-2011 period for these countries and Liesner Index (RCAL), Balassa Index (RCA), Relative Trade Advantage Index (RTA) and Relative Competitiveness Index (RC) are used and the rank correlation between the outcomes are checked via Spearman Rank Correlation coefficient. According to the outcomes, Belarus, Turkey and Uzbekistan have higher comparative advantage compared to the other countries. The cooperation of these countries with Russia and Ukraine on production and trade of automotive sector will enhance their comparative advantage against third countries.
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6

Burak, Nurhilal. "Genoese Traces in the Black Sea Coast of Turkey’s Forts." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11524.

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The Black Sea is an interior sea and located between Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, Russia, Georgia and Turkey. The Black Sea flows through the Bosporus and reaches the Marmara Sea. Strong winds and stream has seen in the Black Sea in most of times in a year. Because of that natural bays were preferred while the ports and settlements were established. Republic of Genoa has started to plan the trade routes that will be carried out on the Black Sea coast since the Treaty of Nymphaeum signed in 1261. The settlements of the Genoese colonies along the Black Sea coast were not simultaneous. From 1266 onwards, there had been a growth of about 200 years. They intervened in some of the defense structures in these ports. They have placed their own coat of arms on the walls of the defensive structures they had built or repaired. The information is obtained about the colonies in these ports from the trade records which kept by Genoese (Massaria di Caffa, Massaria di Pera), the maritime maps (portolans) produced in those centuries and the medieval historians. The scope of this paper is to be examined that between Bulgaria and Georgia borders the Black Sea port of Turkey’s remaining strongholds which Genoese used for trade. Historical documents and maps will be used as well. In the light of these methods, the ports used by the Republic of Genoa on the shores of the Black Sea, established colonies and construction activities in the thirteenth - fifteenth centuries will be examined.
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Karaalp Orhan, Hacer Simay. "Competitiveness of Turkey in Eurasia: A Comparison with CIS Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00210.

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The main aim of this paper is to examine international competitiveness of Turkey both in world market and CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) in comparison with Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Moldova, Ukraine, Russia and to determine the value of trade between Turkey and CIS countries. The Revealed Comparative Advantage, Grubel-Lloyd (IIT) and Trade Intensity indices were calculated for sixteen commodity groups over the period 1996–2008 by using WTO data. The results suggest that Turkey is more competitive in CIS market and has comparative advantage in various products. Turkey has comparative advantage not only in agricultural products, food, manufactures, automotive products, textile and clothing as the world market but also in chemicals, pharmaceuticals, machinery-transport equipment, office-telecom equipment and telecommunications vis-à-vis CIS countries. CIS countries exhibit similar comparative advantages in the world market. CIS countries have comparative advantage particularly in fuels and mining products, agricultural products, food, iron and steel but in a decreasing trend. The IIT results indicate that while Turkey approaches intra-industry specialization in agricultural products, food and textile but also manufacture products such as iron and steel, telecommunications equipment, machinery-transport and automotive products. CIS countries’ economy indicates increasing intra-industry trade in agriculture products, food manufactures, iron and steel. It is found that there is an intense relationship between Turkey and CIS countries except Belarus. Bilateral trade flow between Turkey and Azerbaijan, Kyrgyz Republic and the Georgia is extremely larger than these countries’ importance in world trade.
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Ballı, Esra, and Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. "Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.

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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.
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9

Akça, Tacinur. "Foreign Trade Relations Between Turkey and the Eurasian Countries: An Empirical Study." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01793.

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The Eurasian Countries incorporates many economic and cultural wealth. The Eurasian countries have attracted attention all over the world with its rich oil and natural gas reserves and geopolitical situation. Due to the increasing importance of the Eurasian countries, as well as being an alternative to a political foreign policy and it has created an economically viable alternative in terms of foreign trade for Turkey. The importance of exports is increasing for the development of Turkey and Eurasia cannot be neglected as an important issue. History of the republic's foreign policy is focused on establishing good relations with the West. Of the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended after the opening of the new Turkish foreign policy became inevitable to be based in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Turkey aimed to be active in this region. The main purpose of our study was that Turkey's foreign trade with The Eurasian Countries is to reveal the relationship. The interest in the region began in the beginning of 1990, the economic policies implemented by Turkey has tried to analyze using relevant data. İn our study, in order to analyze the economic relationship between our countries and Eurasian Countries, Turkey's import and export figures which were explained in the form of tables with the countries concerned. We will concentrate on the major Eurasian countries, especially in our work we focus on Russia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova.
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Ardıl, Cemal. "Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization: Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.

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This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.
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Звіти організацій з теми "MOLDOVA, UCRAINA E GEORGIA"

1

Haider, Huma. Addressing Political Exclusion of Ethnic Minorities, IDP’s, and Refugees in the Eastern Neighbourhood. Institute of Development Studies, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.055.

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The quality of political inclusion of ethnic minorities1 in the Eastern Neighbourhood remains a significant challenge, despite institutions in place to promote the rights of national minorities and various programming designed to foster inclusion. This rapid review surveys donor, academic and NGO literature in this field. Literature on addressing the political exclusion of ethnic minorities is limited, with discussion of donor interventions even more sparse. The report thus draws on government initiatives; and on recommendations based on the country situation and international experience, which are not necessarily based on specific programming. There was greater information on Georgia and Moldova, than on Armenia (reflected in the sub-section country titles). In addition, there is limited discussion of programming to address the political exclusion of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees in the region. As such the report relies in part on general research and guidance on IDPs and refugees from a global perspective, including discussion of a few examples of initiatives outside of the Eastern Neighbourhood.
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2

Carter, Becky. Gender Inequalities in the Eastern Neighbourhood Region. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.062.

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This rapid review examines evidence on the structural causes and drivers of gender inequalities in the Eastern Neighbourhood region and how these gender inequalities contribute to instability in the region. While the Eastern Neighbourhood region performs relatively well on gender equality compared with the rest of the world, women and girls continue to face systemic political and economic marginalisation and are vulnerable to gender-based violence. Research on Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Moldova identifies the key underlying cause to be a set of traditional patriarchal gender norms, intersecting with conservative religious identities and harmful customary practices. These norms do not operate in isolation: the literature highlights that gender inequalities are caused by the interplay of multiple factors (with women’s unequal economic resources having a critical effect), while overlapping disadvantages affect lived experiences of inequalities. Other key factors are the region’s protracted conflicts; legal reform gaps and implementation challenges; socio-economic factors (including the impact of COVID-19); and governance trends (systemic corruption, growing conservatism, and negative narratives influenced by regional geopolitics). Together these limit women and girls’ empowerment; men and boys are also affected negatively in different ways, while LGBT+ people have become a particular target for societal discrimination in the region. Global evidence – showing that more gender unequal societies correlate with increased instability – provides a frame of reference for the region’s persistent gender inequalities.
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Quak, Evert-jan. Russia’s Approach to Civilians in the Territories it Controls. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.041.

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This rapid review synthesises the literature from academic sources, knowledge institutions, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and trusted independent media outlets on the approach used by the Russian government to provide any support or services to civilians in the territories it controls. The rapid review concludes that Russia provides economic, social, government, and military support to de facto states that it controls, such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria and the Donbas region. Russia covers large parts of the state’s budget of these separatist regions. This review uses the term aid referring to a wide range of support, such as humanitarian, social safety nets, basic services, infrastructure, state development, and security. Due to the lack of transparency on the Russian aid money that flows into the regions that are the subject of this review, it is impossible to show disaggregated data, but rather a broader overview of Russian aid to these regions. Russia used humanitarian aid and assistance to provide for civilians. During armed conflict it provided, to some extent, food, and medicines to the people. However, from the literature Russia has used humanitarian aid and assistance as an instrument to pursue broader policy goals that could not be defined as humanitarian in nature. Russia often relied on the language of humanitarianism to strengthen its credentials as a neutral and impartial actor and to justify its continued support for the residents and de facto authorities of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transnistria, to secure its aim to strengthen the political and social ties with these regions while weakening their allegiance to Georgia and Moldova. As the humanitarian activities to the Donbas region in eastern Ukraine demonstrate, the Russian state is not willing to allow scrutiny of their humanitarian aid by independent organisations. Mistrust, corruption, and the use of aid for propaganda, even smuggling arms into the separatist region, are commonly mentioned by trusted sources. After a conflict becomes more stabilised, Russia’s humanitarian aid becomes more of a long-term strategic “friendship”, often sealed in a treaty to integrate the region into the Russian sphere, such as the cases of South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Transnistria clearly show. Although all these separatist regions rely on Russia (economically, politically, and through Russia’s military presence), this does not mean that they always do exactly what Russia wants, which is particularly the case for Abkhazia and Transnistria.
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