Статті в журналах: "Minorities in Turkey"

1

Merdjanova, Ina. "Secularism, Nationalism, and Minorities in Turkey." Journal of Religion in Europe 7, no. 3-4 (December 4, 2014): 301–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-00704006.

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The vivid interest in the philosophical and legal premises of secularism in Turkey, as well as in its workings in the public and private life of Turkish citizens resonates with an ongoing questioning in Western academia of the validity of established theories of secularization. More importantly, the political and social transformations in Turkey itself, and the growing role and visibility of Islam in the public sphere, especially during the last decade marked by the rule of the Islamic-oriented Justice and Development Party (jdp), have triggered a search for new explanatory frameworks and reconceptualization of Turkish secularism.The four books discussed in this article tackle the interrelated issues of secularism, nationalism and minorities in Turkey from a variety of disciplinary and methodological perspectives.

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2

Oran, Baskın. "Minorities in Turkey II: Ideology and Discrimination." Commentaries 1, no. 1 (November 27, 2021): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tc.v1i1.1997.

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This article focuses on the ideological roots of the repressive and discriminatory mentality/philosophy that has shaped democracy and minority policies in Turkey. My aim is to analyze the consequences of this mentality, with an emphasis on hate speech and discrimination. To this end, I summarize the consequences of the issues and policies discussed in the previous article, and discuss their future implications for both the state and the people of Turkey. I conclude that it is necessary to refer to citizens not through the ethno-religious term Turk, and still less as Muslims, but through the thoroughly territorial term Türkiyeli (of Turkey), and to do all that is necessary to ensure such a transformation in mentality.

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3

Dashyan, Mariam Ashotovna, and Andrey A. Kudelin. "The Ethnic Minority Policy of Turkey." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 274–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-3-274-285.

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This article is an overview of the state stance and attitude towards minorities throughout history of the republic of Turkey. It represents the official approach of the republic towards ethnic and religious groups. Though due to actions of the Ottoman Empire, the number of non-Turks in the republic of Turkey already was incomparably small, however their existence could not be ignored. Still Turkey recognizes only three minorities (Greeks, Armenians, and Jews) and for decades adopted the strategy of regarding all minority persons other than Greeks, Armenians, and Jews as Turks. Ethnic variety was considered a threat to territorial integrity of Turkey. Every action was directed to create a unitary nation-state suppressing ethnic identities of non-Turks. In this article state policy towards ethnic groups in the republic of Turkey is examined from the perspective of the Lausanne Treaty provisions and legislative regulations regarding the status and rights of minorities showing to what extent authorities have followed them and rising the controversial points minority representatives face in exercising their rights.

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4

Oran, Baskın. "Minorities in Turkey I: Law and Reform." Commentaries 1, no. 1 (November 27, 2021): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tc.v1i1.1996.

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Here I uncover the relationship between the term “Turk” (an ethno-religious term that, in some usages covertly, in some overtly, avers that Turkey is the land of ethnic Turks, and that only Muslims are considered Turk), and the concepts of race and religion. A critical period for the advancement of human rights and minority rights in Turkey occurred in the early 2000s, when the parliament adopted a series of reform packages in order to harmonize the country’s laws with those of the European Union (EU). I propose to examine a case of these most radical democratic reforms carried out since the establishment of the republic, in order to understand how these reforms have been put into practice. I also trace the deviation from these reforms after 2005, by examining the subsequent laws and practices that undo or undermine them, and discuss their implications, particularly for Kurds in case of the deterioration under the state of emergency (Olağanüstü Hal, or OHAL), declared in response to the July 15, 2016 coup attempt.

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5

Maltby, Kate. "Bordering isolation: Attitudes to minorities in Turkey." Index on Censorship 43, no. 2 (June 2014): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306422014536301.

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6

Hughes, Edel. "The European Union Accession Process: Ensuring the Protection of Turkey's Minorities?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 4 (2010): 561–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x531448.

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AbstractThe potential accession of Turkey to the European Union is an issue that has provoked widespread debate both within and without the Union and indeed Turkey. Opinions as to whether Turkey is 'ready' for membership or if in fact the Union can 'absorb' the addition of Turkey vary but what is uncontested is the fact that the accession process has prompted wide ranging reforms in Turkey, particularly in relation to the protection of fundamental human rights. This article outlines the prevailing legislation pertaining to minority rights in Turkey and assesses the extent to which the reform process on the path to EU accession has impacted on those rights.

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7

Tasch, Laman. "Defining Nation and Religious Minorities in Russia and Turkey: A Comparative Analysis." Politics and Religion 3, no. 2 (April 23, 2010): 327–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048310000076.

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AbstractMany countries today face the challenges posed by their ethnic and religious diversity. This article comparatively analyzes how defining nation in Russia and Turkey affects what groups constitute religious minorities and what their prospects of integration into the Russian and Turkish societies are. It conceptualizes religious minorities as those religious groups that are excluded from the prevailing and institutionalized definitions of nation. This article studies what role religion, comprising Orthodox Christianity, and Sunni Islam, respectively, has played historically and until nowadays in Russia and Turkey in the definitions of their national identities and what kind of religious minorities each of these definitions created. It argues that a position of religious minorities depends not only on the informal association of national identity of the majority with certain religion, but also on the institutionalized support for the dominant religion by the ruling political forces.

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8

Aydin, Erhan, and Emir Ozeren. "Inclusion and exclusion of sexual minorities at organisations." Journal of Organizational Change Management 33, no. 3 (January 15, 2020): 567–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jocm-01-2019-0025.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the inclusion and exclusion of LGBT individuals at organisations towards providing evidence from LGBT non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Turkey and the UK. Design/methodology/approach In order to achieve this aim, 40 semi-structured qualitative in-depth interviews (20 in each country) were conducted. The empirical dimension of this study was invigorated by thematic analysis of interviews that composed of the individuals and members who work in LGBT organisations in Turkey and the UK. Findings The significance and the role of context in shaping public discourse, policies and practices of LGBT organisations in Turkey and the UK were explored in greater details. Based on the coding and thematic analysis of the interviews, three main findings were presented, which are “inclusion and exclusion at work”, “inclusion and exclusion in politics” and “inclusion in LGBT organisations”. Originality/value The originality of this research comes from its unique nature with a comparative approach on the contrary of current LGBT research that mostly focusses on an individual level of analysis and workplace discrimination. Research evidence demonstrates that there are a number of complexities, contradictions and tensions based on the specific characteristics of each country setting where various cultural, societal, political and legislative/regulative forces come into play in LGBT inclusion at organisations. Consequently, this research provides valuable insights for the inclusion of sexual minorities drawing on the evidence from LGBT NGOs in Turkey and the UK.

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9

Oran, Baskin. "National sovereignty concept : Turkey and its internal minorities." CEMOTI 36, no. 1 (2003): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cemot.2003.1702.

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10

Conrad-Bradshaw, Jared. "Turkish Nationalism and the Incorporation of Migrants and Minorities into the Turkish State: a Study in the Civic and Ethnic Contours of Turkish Nationalism." BORDER CROSSING 8, no. 2SI (December 11, 2018): 521–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v8i2si.616.

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This article uses the integration of immigrants and minorities into Turkey as a lever to investigate the boundaries of Turkish nationalism. Turkish nationalism is often treated as an ethnic nationalism, and that’s indeed how it was thought of by many of its Ottoman founders. However, the legal system is constructed in a largely civic way, such that ethnic heritage—in theory—does not matter for citizenship. Immigrants and domestic minorities provide a useful lens to look at who is included within the category of “Turk”. This article uses the integration of immigrants and minorities into Turkey as a lever to investigate the boundaries of Turkish nationalism. Turkish nationalism is often treated as an ethnic nationalism, and that’s indeed how it was thought of by many of its Ottoman founders. However, the legal system is constructed in a largely civic way, such that ethnic heritage—in theory—does not matter for citizenship. Immigrants and domestic minorities provide a useful lens to look at who is included within the category of “Turk”.

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11

Sakız, Halis, Abdurrahman Ekinci, and Güldest Baş. "Inclusive Education for Religious Minorities: The Syriacs in Turkey." Social Inclusion 8, no. 3 (August 20, 2020): 296–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i3.3073.

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Expanding the scope of inclusion beyond specific groups such as individuals with disabilities has led to the investigation of school systems’ inclusiveness from the perspective of all students. With this in mind, this research investigated the experiences of students and parents belonging to the ancient Syriac community in Turkey, who inhabited Mesopotamia since the inception of Christianity. Obtaining the views of 43 parents and their 46 children through semi-structured interviews, the school system was investigated at a political, cultural, and practical level in terms of the educational inclusion of Syriac individuals. Overall, student and parent views indicated that: (a) policy-making lacked an approach to reach all students and organize support for diversity; (b) school cultures needed to build a community whereby inclusive values were established; and (c) school practices lacked the organization to target and ensure the learning of all and mobilize resources to achieve this aim. Details of findings are included and discussed. Implications address the importance of building schools that consider the increasingly diverse school populations around the world, with a particular focus on cultural and religious diversity.

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12

Bayar, Yeşim. "The League of Nations, Minorities, and Post‐Imperial Turkey." Journal of Historical Sociology 33, no. 2 (June 2020): 172–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/johs.12268.

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13

Krstić, Igor. "Aesthetics of Displacement: Turkey and its Minorities on Screen." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 37, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439685.2016.1273331.

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14

Giglou, Roya Imani, Christine Ogan, and Leen d’Haenens. "The ties that bind the diaspora to Turkey and Europe during the Gezi protests." New Media & Society 20, no. 3 (November 30, 2016): 937–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816675441.

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The Gezi Park demonstrations across Turkey in the early summer of 2013 offered another opportunity to examine the role played by social media in a social movement. This survey of 967 ethnic (Turkish or Kurdish) minorities living in Belgium, the Netherlands, and Germany focuses on attitudes and behaviors alongside uses of offline and online networks to make connections with others during and after Gezi. We investigate whether the respondents living in the diaspora experienced communication-generated social capital. We also examine whether the social capital already built through lives spent in Europe, where connections to majority populations had been forged, was at least temporarily reversed through a process of re-bonding, as ethnic minorities turned their attention and loyalty to the social movement in Turkey.

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15

Peeva, Kalina. "Policy towards Minorities in the Early Turkish Republic (1920s and 1930s)." Istoriya-History 30, no. 4 (September 10, 2022): 392–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/his2022-4-3-pol.

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This article highlights the politics of the early Turkish governments towards various ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities living on the territory of the Republic of Turkey in the light of the principle of nationalism, which became one of the fundamental principles of the new Turkish state. Based on the achievements of modern historiography and the archive documents in the records of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Religions kept at the Central State Archives – Sofia, it makes a review of the typical practices aimed at assimilation of the Muslim linguistic, ethnic and denominational minorities, on one hand, and, on the other hand, at the exclusion of non-Muslims from the concept of the “Turkish nation” and the adoption of discriminatory, and even repressive practices, encouraging their emigration from the Republic of Turkey.

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16

Pierse, Catherine. "Violation of Cultural Rights of Kurds in Turkey." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 15, no. 3 (September 1997): 325–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/092405199701500304.

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The Turkish Constitution and legal system are based on the overriding principle of ‘national unity’ and do not permit the recognition of minority rights. This in itself is not inconsistent with the European Convention which does not protect minority rights as such. Therefore, while certain restrictions on the private use of Kurdish language and other Kurdish cultural expressions may fall foul of the right to freedom of expression and the rights to non-discrimination guaranteed under the Convention, other Kurdish cultural demands, for example for Kurdish language education would arguably fall outside the protection of the Convention. That minorities may sometimes need positive State assistance in order to promote their own identity has been recognised in recent minority rights instruments that have been adopted, inter alia, by the Council of Europe. This might encourage the interpretation of certain provisions of the Convention as including some positive State obligations to ensure the rights of minorities to express their own identity in the same way as other Convention rights have been interpreted as requiring positive State action for their fulfilment.

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17

Svistunova, I. "Turkey’s Policy Towards Ukraine." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 3 (2021): 174–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2021-3-174-188.

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Turkey persuades the policy of developing multilateral ties with Ukraine starting from 1990s. Nowadays Turkish-Ukrainian relations are becoming deeper both at bilateral and international levels. Turkic minorities inhabiting Ukraine are important factors of the Turkish policy. Crimea accession to Russia has given additional impetus to the regional cooperation between Ankara and Kyiv. At the same time Turkey is interested in keeping balance in its relations with Ukraine and Russia.

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18

Grozev, Yonko, and Dia Anagnostou. "Human Rights Litigation and Restrictive State Implementation of Strasbourg Court Judgments: The Case of Ethnic Minorities from Southeast Europe." European Public Law 16, Issue 3 (September 1, 2010): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2010028.

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Legal action by members from ethnic minorities in Strasbourg has often been an alternative route or mobilization strategy aiming to redress broader problems beyond the individual grievances concerned and to pressure national governments to change the way they treat minorities. It is premised on a widespread, but also highly disputed, expectation that judicial rulings can vindicate minorities and exert pressure upon governments to change their relevant laws and practices. Focusing specifically on four countries of Southeast Europe (Greece, Bulgaria, Turkey, and Romania), this article explores the domestic implementation of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) judgments addressing minority claims, as well as its impact (or lack of it) on the ways in which national authorities deal with minorities. Do national authorities implement Strasbourg Court judgments related to ethnic minorities, to what extent and under what conditions are they likely to do so? Does their implementation promote progressive reforms in state laws and policies towards historical minorities? What is the nature of European judicial and human rights influence – if any – at the national level?

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19

Phillips, David L. "Watershed moment in US-Turkey relations." Commentaries 1, no. 1 (November 27, 2021): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tc.v1i1.1993.

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President Joe Biden recognized atrocities committed against Armenians as the Armenian Genocide in his statement on Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day (24 April 2021). The statement represents a watershed moment in US-Turkey relations. President Tayyip Erdogan can address US and international concerns prior to the Biden-Erdogan summit on the margin of June’s NATO meeting, or he can double down and intensify repression against Turkey’s ethnic and religious minorities. Erdogan’s course will define international relations prior to the centennial of the founding of the Turkish republic in 2023.

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20

Scotti, Valentina Rita. "The eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee and Turkey’s eu Accession Process." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (March 11, 2016): 196–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341337.

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After the Treaties of Rome in 1957, Turkey started negotiations with the European Communities to define a framework for cooperation. The result was the Ankara Agreement (1965), which established economic cooperation and provided for an eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (jpc), conceived as a discussion forum to encourage the democratic transition of Turkey. This article analyses the main phases and obstacles in Turkey’s accession process, focusing on relations between the European Parliament and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and on the effectiveness of European Parliament and jpc activities. The analysis particularly considers the respect for the Copenhagen political criteria with regard to minorities’ rights, the Cyprus dispute, and the role of religion in Turkey. The concluding remarks discuss the European Parliament’s role in overcoming the current deadlock in the Turkish accession process.

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21

Travis, Hannibal. "Missions, Minorities, and the Motherland: Xenophobic Narratives of an Ottoman Christian “Stab in the Back”." International Journal of Middle East Studies 54, no. 3 (August 2022): 559–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743822000721.

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This roundtable focuses on the marginalization of ethnicities or religious denominations within Middle East studies, and in the larger realm of history writing. Without a nation–state of their own to preserve their language and history, the Assyrian people and the Church of the East denomination of Christianity fell subject to repression in Turkey, only recently finding a voice. Marginalization in history books and educational curricula is one symptom of broken treaty commitments and lack of equal access to state institutions and funds. In our century, marginalization has given way to something perhaps even worse: vilification and expulsion even from countries outside of Turkey where the Assyrians reside, during a neo-Ottoman period in which parts of Iraq and Syria came to more closely resemble Turkey, a resemblance that included the presence of Turkish arms.

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22

Akser, Murat. "Book review: Aesthetics of Displacement: Turkey and its Minorities on Screen." Memory Studies 10, no. 2 (April 2017): 238–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698016683845d.

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23

Örs, H. Birsen. "The Perception of the Army by Armenian Minorities Living in Turkey." Armed Forces & Society 36, no. 4 (December 22, 2009): 604–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x09344060.

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24

Andakian, Isaac E. "EU Enlargement, Conditionality, and the Protection of Christian Minorities in Turkey." Kyiv-Mohyla Law and Politics Journal, no. 6 (December 24, 2020): 45–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/kmlpj220759.2020-6.45-72.

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25

Ugur, Etga. "Alien citizens: the state and religious minorities in Turkey and France." Turkish Studies 21, no. 5 (April 26, 2020): 810–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2020.1753514.

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26

Rumford, Chris. "Placing Democratization within the Global Frame: Sociological Approaches to Universalism, and Democratic Contestation in Contemporary Turkey." Sociological Review 50, no. 2 (May 2002): 258–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00366.

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The process of democratization in Turkey is enhanced by both proximity to the European Union's enlargement process and universalistic discourses of personhood rights, and, at the same time, compromised by a nationalistic rejection of global human rights and democratic norms and state-led resistance to political pluralism. One key feature of the democratization process is the way in which contending parties – the Kemalist elite, religious and ethnic minorities, the European Union – attempt to legitimise their claims by appeals to universal principles. The paper examines three sociological/social theory approaches to universalism (Beck, Laclau, Robertson) and demonstrates their usefulness for an understanding of political contestation in contemporary Turkey. It is argued that the work of these theorists allows us to move beyond a simplistic polarisation of the universal and the particular, where the state represents the universal and minorities the particular. The conceptualisation of universalism advanced by Beck, Laclau and Robertson points to the need to understand the processes of democratization within a sociologically informed globalization framework.

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27

Szkudlarek, Magdalena. "Analysis of public discourse on religious minorities in Turkey after the coup attempt of 15th July 2016." Przegląd europejski 3 (November 19, 2019): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5847.

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The aim of this paper is to follow and analyse the public discourse on religious minorities in Turkey after the failed coup d’état of 15th July 2016. However either Turkish state’s policy or social attitudes towards these groups have always been controversial and their real position has always differed from their legal status, the author decided to put a hypothesis that the coup attempt is indeed what has significantly affected the way they are being perceived by mass media in Turkey and hence, by Turkish public opinion. Thus, the purpose of this analysis is to study the chosen media content concerning religious minorities and to answer the question how the post-coup reality affects the situation of persons belonging to these groups. In order to achieve this goal several research methods specific for political science and humanities are applied and Polish, English and Turkish language sources are widely referred in the article.

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28

Kopyś, Tadeusz. "Polityka Turcji wobec Bałkanów Zachodnich po 2008 roku." Politeja 15, no. 53 (June 30, 2018): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.53.08.

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With the disintegration of Yugoslavia, all the balances in the Balkans were altered and the instability that arose from this process reached a level that threatened international peace. The historical ties between the peoples of Turkey and countries of the region have extended until today. There are Turkish minorities and communities as well as kin communities in the Balkan countries on the one hand; whereas there are citizens of Balkan‑origin in Turkey on the other. Turkey aims to initiate a psychological breakthrough in the Balkans to undo the negative memories of the past. At the regional level, Turkey follows three different sets of policies. The first is to develop bilateral relations to the possible highest extent. The second track is the creation of trilateral mechanisms, such as between Turkey, Serbia, and Bosnia; and Turkey, Croatia, and Bosnia‑Herzegovina. The third track aims to achieve region‑wide cooperation efforts and foster economic interdependence to secure the future of the political relations.

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29

Chochiev, Georgi. "On the History of the North Caucasian Diaspora in Turkey." Iran and the Caucasus 11, no. 2 (2007): 213–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338407x265450.

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AbstractThe preservation of the ethno-linguistic and cultural identity of the majority of the North Caucasian ethnic groups for almost one and a half centuries following their migration to Turkey and other Near Eastern countries is a unique ethno-social phenomenon. The paper discusses several aspects of the history, socio-political life, and the ethnic development of the North Caucasian migrants in the Ottoman Empire (resp. the Republic of Turkey). The author takes into account the following factors in discussing the problem: the state regimes and the legal status of the ethnic minorities in Turkey; the ethnic characteristics and the level of social, economic, and cultural development of the local population; the intensity of the contacts with the historical homeland; and the character of interrelations between the country of habitation (Turkey) and Russia/USSR.

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30

Bayar, Yeşim. "In pursuit of homogeneity: the Lausanne Conference, minorities and the Turkish nation." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 1 (January 2014): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.802767.

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Following World War I, the Allied Powers signed Minority Treaties with a number of Central and Eastern European states. These treaties delineated the status of religious, ethnic and linguistic minorities in their respective countries. Turkey would be one of the last states that sat down to the negotiation table with the Allied Powers. In the Turkish case, the Lausanne Treaty would be the defining document which set out a series of rights and freedoms for the non-Muslim minorities in the newly created nation. The present article explores how and why the non-Muslim minorities were situated in the fringes of the new nation. In doing so, the article highlights the content of the discussions in the Lausanne Conference and in the Turkish Grand National Assembly with an emphasis on the position of the Turkish political elite.

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31

Insel, Ahmet. "Tolerated but not equal." Philosophy & Social Criticism 45, no. 4 (February 26, 2019): 511–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453719831332.

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Tolerance is an ambivalent attitude. It allows living in plurality but not in equality. The tolerant tradition of the Ottoman Empire, for example, is based on a very clear political and social hierarchy between different religions. Dominants boast of their tolerant tradition. Tolerance is also about imposing limits on the other in a unilateral way. In Republican Turkey where theoretically all citizens are equal, the majority of Turkish-speaking Sunnis tolerate non-Muslim minorities, Alevis, Kurds. It is the ‘liberal’ currents of this ethno-religious majority that pronounce themselves tolerant of others. However, minorities do not demand tolerance but equality because the history of Turkey for more than a century with the genocide of Armenians, pogroms, massacres, deportations have shown those who say they are tolerant can switch to each moment in extreme violence against those whom they now consider intolerable. In this framework, the discourse of tolerance prepares the ground for the reproduction of the domination of a double nationalism, religious and ethnic, under cover of a republican equality all theoretical.

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32

Akbulut, Olgun. "A Critical Analysis of Current Legal Developments on the Political Participation of Minorities in Turkey." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 4 (2010): 551–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x531439.

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AbstractThis is a follow-up article to the one published in the IJMGR half a decade ago (Vol. 12, 2005). Although there have been domestic and international legal cases that are directly concerned with the political participation of minorities in Turkey, few improvements have been made in law covering the subject. This encouraged this author to analyse and criticise the judgements of the European Court of Human Rights and the legal and political actors at domestic level. The aim of this article is to reflect upon how international human rights monitoring affects national laws in certain thorny issues such as the rights of minorities. Since the current and previous articles have a common theme and complement each other, I strongly recommend reading both articles.

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33

Fokas, Effie. "The legal status of religious minorities: Exploring the impact of the European Court of Human Rights." Social Compass 65, no. 1 (January 23, 2018): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768617745482.

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In the last 25 years the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has evolved into a venue where some of the most contentious questions related to religion in European society are addressed. This article focuses on the grassroots level impact of the ECtHR in the domain of legal status of religious minorities. In light of scholarly debates questioning the direct effects of courts on the issues they address (i.e., legal reform and policy change), the research on which this article is based explores the nature and extent of the Court’s indirect effects on the legal status of religious minorities: how and to what extent does the ECtHR impact upon religious minorities in terms of their conceptions of, discourse around, and mobilisations pursuing their legal status-related rights? This question is addressed through results of empirical qualitative research conducted at the grassroots level in four country cases – Greece, Italy, Romania and Turkey.

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34

Onar, Nora Fisher, and Meriç Özgüneş. "How Deep a Transformation? Europeanization of Greek and Turkish Minority Policies." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 1 (2010): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x12595859744240.

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AbstractThe article examines the Europeanization of Greece and Turkey's policies towards their respective Turkish/Muslim and Greek/Orthodox minorities. It begins with a comparative survey of nation-building processes in both countries. It shows that as bilateral tensions rose, minorities' rights as citizens were increasingly compromised by the perception that minorities were agents of their kin-states. Greek accession to the European Economic Community in 1981 catalyzed a slow process of internationalization of European norms of minority protection among policymakers, though pockets of resistance persist to this day. Turkey, meanwhile, became a candidate for membership in December 1999. The carrot-and-stick incentive structure of the accession process led to a rapid succession of taboo-shattering reforms, catalyzing a partial transformation of minority policies. By 2007, however, an altered calculus of domestic and international forces impeded the implementation of reform and consequently the transformation of minority treatment.

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35

Mango, Andrew. "Turkey Old and New – A Bibliographical Survey: Part 2. Revisiting the Minorities." Middle Eastern Studies 48, no. 4 (July 2012): 647–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2012.692580.

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36

Ali Soner, B. "The Justice and Development Party's policies towards non-Muslim minorities in Turkey." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 12, no. 1 (March 2010): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448950903507347.

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37

Künnecke, Arndt. "The Concept of National Minorities in Turkey is Compulsive Obstacle for the Membership of Turkey in European Union?" Jurisprudence 20, no. 2 (2013): 527–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.13165/jur-13-20-2-09.

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38

de Tapia, Stéphane. "Etat national et minorités transfrontalières. La dialectique turque de la fermeture et de l'échange (Turkey and its transborder minorities)." Bulletin de l'Association de géographes français 67, no. 5 (1990): 357–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bagf.1990.1548.

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39

Málnássy, András. "Turkey and Its Northwest Borderland Region: Interdependence Within Southeastern European Relations." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 3 (2021): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.85-111.

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This paper examines the relationship between Turkey and the countries in Southeastern Europe in terms of complex interdependencies. The study uses Buzan and Waever’s Regional Security Complex Theory as a theoretical framework, in which Southeastern Europe is viewed as a regional security sub-complex. Sectors of interdependence are reviewed and examined in relation to the region, including the military, political, economic, societal, and environmental segments. The study focuses on the economy in more depth and sees it as a sector the development of which can promote and increase not only social welfare but also the stability of the region. In this sector, EU Member States are considered key players with respect to the region, although Turkey may also step up its efforts in the post-Covid period. The EU and Turkey represent two different poles in Southeastern Europe, geographically and economically. Ankara has strong positions mainly in the Balkan countries that are more dependent on Turkey and have significant Muslim minorities.

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40

Jung, Dietrich. "Minorities as a Threat: A Historical Reconstruction of State-Minority Relations in Turkey." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 2, no. 1 (2002): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221161103x00076.

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41

Smith/Kocamahhul, Joan. "In the Shadow of Kurdish: The Silence of Other Ethnolinguistic Minorities in Turkey." Middle East Report, no. 219 (2001): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559256.

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42

Tsibenko, Veronika. "COMPETITION OF NATIONAL PROJECTS IN TURKEY: THE EXAMPLE OF CIRCASSIANS AND CRIMEAN TATARS." Eastern Analytics, no. 4 (2020): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-04-237-248.

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The present article examines the competition of national projects in Turkey at several levels. We analyse the interaction of the dominant Turkish national project, given in dynamics, and the national projects of ethnic minorities – the Crimean Tatars and Circassians. We demonstrate that the Turkish national project can absorb ethnonational ones, changing them to suit itself, or it can enter into direct confrontation with them. Besides, we analyse the variety of national projects, the ideologists of which, competing for an ethnic audience, offer different understandings of the Circassian and Crimean Tatar nation. As a final result we show how both etnic national projects and pseudo- ethnicculturally- based projects simultaneously coexist in Turkey along with the state nationalism.

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43

Furu, Adél. "Democratic order and ethnic minority rights: the weaknesses of the Finnish and Turkish democracies." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 8, no. 2 (December 15, 2016): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v8i2_6.

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This paper raises important questions about the nature of governance in Finland with a view to the difficulties of the Sámi minority, and in the same time in this study we present our comparative approach to investigate how Finland and Turkey are able to solve internal ethnic conflicts related to their national minorities. The article provides a comparative analysis of the democratic order in a consolidated democracy (Finland) and in a weak democracy (Turkey). The democratic experience of these countries is of reasonable importance, as a considerable number of countries worldwide are at various stages during the democratic experiment. This study outlines the role of democratic order in conflict prevention in these two states.

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44

Kaya, Nurcan. "Teaching in and Studying Minority Languages in Turkey: A Brief Overview of Current Issues and Minority Schools." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 12, no. 1 (November 24, 2015): 315–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004306134_013.

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Turkey is a nation–state built on remnants of the Ottoman Empire where non-Muslim minorities were guaranteed the right to set up educational institutions; however, since its establishment, it has officially recognised only Armenians, Greeks and Jews as minorities and guaranteed them the right to manage educational institutions as enshrined in the Treaty of Lausanne. However, they have faced bureaucratic restrictions and discriminatory practises. Turkey’s EU accession triggered developments toward democratisation, including in minority rights. Private language teaching courses teach ‘traditionally used languages’, elective language courses have been introduced in public schools and universities are allowed to teach minority languages. However, there is still a long way to reach EU standards. This article assesses existing legal frameworks in regard to the teaching in and studying of minority languages and their implementation. It covers developments since the EU accession process began and provides an overview of current issues and minority schools.

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45

Konuk, Kader. "‘Kafka is among us’: Turkey’s Transnational and Interlingual Literatures." DIYÂR 1, no. 1 (2020): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2625-9842-2020-1-153.

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This article focuses on the reception of Kafka in Turkey in conjunction with the status and treatment of ethnic and religious minorities. Investigating the reception and appropriation of Kafka in Turkey reveals the ongoing effort to secure freedom of speech in a country that is marked by a long history of Turkification and Islamisation. The strong tradition of Kafka reception in Turkey sensitises readers to the kinds of literary allusions and rhetorical flourishes that are associated with the Prague author. Characters such as Herr K. and Gregor Samsa, labyrinthine narratives and the motif of estrangement left a lasting imprint on literary texts that openly challenge or circumvent censorship. This article argues that Kafka became a seminal figure for writers in Turkey, writers whose investment was not necessarily in Kafka’s Jewishness but in specific narrative techniques that allowed them to develop their own literature of resistance. This article analyses four novels in this regard - Ferit Edgü’s Hakkâri’de bir Mevsim (1977), Erhan Bener’s Böcek (1982), Bilge Karasu’s Gece (1985), and Orhan Pamuk’s Kar (2004).

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46

Dorroll, Philip. "“Post-Gezi Islamic Theology: Intersectional Islamic Feminism in Turkey”." Review of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (August 2016): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2016.138.

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AbstractThe legacy of the 2013 Gezi Park protests has been controversial and its impact on Turkish politics difficult to assess. At the same time, there has been little reflection on contemporary Islamic feminist thinking in English sources. This essay argues that one important political and intellectual legacy of the Gezi movement has been the development of certain intersectional discourses in Islamic feminism in Turkey, whereby the shared experience of marginalization felt by pious Muslims, women, ethnic and religious minorities, and the LGBTIQ community has begun to broaden and complicate the scope of Islamic feminist discussions of liberation and social justice. By delineating and linking some important connecting threads of Islamic feminist theological thought in Turkey of the past 30 years, this essay will attempt to summarize key developments in the history of Islamic feminism in contemporary Turkey, demonstrating how they have led to new strands of intersectional feminist thinking in the post-Gezi era of Turkish politics.

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47

Saeed, Seevan. "Turkey, from Negotiation to War." Journal of University of Human Development 4, no. 3 (August 20, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v4n3y2018.pp1-7.

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"While Mustafa Kemal Ataturk claimed on reconciliation within his country and with the world, we are now witnessing Turkish conflicts and tensions with all the countries of the region and the Turkish interior, with various factions and with the Kurds in particular. After 30 years of costly war between the state and the Kurdish movement, for the first time public negotiations began between the two. The famous speech of Ocalan was announced in Diyarbakir (March 2013). The movement has invested in this relatively peaceful environment and has begun to promote the Cultural Nationalism for the Kurds and other minorities on a large scale. But this atmosphere of peace and freedom did not last long. The state abruptly overthrew the peace process with representatives of the Kurdish movement by detaining thousands of its leaders. The guerrilla war began again, in many areas. The army has chased activists in houses and streets in cities such as Sur, Jazira, Naseebin and Sirnak. Some parts of the Kurdish areas have been destroyed, displacing about one million civilians. This research has tried to explain why the state has returned to its old policy of security and military approach, although in the past few years it has repeatedly claimed that it is possible to deal with the Kurdish question through peace and reconciliation. The research tries to study the complex relationship between these two poles."

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48

Marangudakis, Manussos, and William Kelly. "Strategic Minorities and the Global Network of Power: Western Thrace and Northern Ireland in Comparative Perspective." Sociological Research Online 4, no. 4 (February 2000): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.389.

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The relationship between ethnic communities who share a common national space is often affected by factors above civil society, such as inter-state relations, political and economic alliances, and geopolitical interests. The relevance of ethnic minorities’ identity and behaviour to the international political environment becomes clear whenever an ethnic minority occupies territory of geopolitical and/or geo-economic importance to countries with conflicting interests in the area - we will call such a minority, ‘strategic minority’. Using a model of ‘network compatibility’ we could delineate the mechanisms and factors which affect the social outlook of a given minority. To highlight the paramount importance of national and international relations in shaping ethnic minorities’ identity and behaviour the paper examines and compares two strategic minorities situated at the fringes of Europe: The Northern Irish Catholic minority and the Muslim minority in Western Thrace, North Eastern Greece. Using as our analytic tool the theory of ‘networks of social power’ we tentatively conclude that the formation as well as the current identity, status, and behaviour of the two minorities cannot be fully understood unless we examine the role of the two sets of neighboring countries (G. Britain - Ireland, and Greece - Turkey), as well as the two major Western political powers, i.e., the European Union, and the United States, in the two contested regions.

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49

Cojuhari, Irina, and Valentina Teosa. "Trends and nature of the external actors influence on the situation of ethnic minorities in the context of contemporary global processes." Moldoscopie, no. 2(93) (November 2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.2(93).09.

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In the modern world, under the influence of global factors, there are opposite changes in ethnic and national identity: on the one hand, the number of sources of self-identification is growing, individual identity becomes more complex and changeable, up to its disappearance, on the other hand, there is a revival and restoration of ethnic groups within the framework of transnational associations. Against the background of the aforementioned effects of globalization, the Republic of Moldova is experiencing a deep crisis of civic identity, one of the reasons for which is that ethnic minorities are exposed to numerous external influences and, as a result, are more prone building their identity within their own or kindred ethnic groups. The article presented to the reader is devoted to the study of some examples of the impact of countries such as Romania, Russia, Turkey, Ukraine, Bulgaria and other international actors on the ethnic minorities of Moldova, in order to determine the trends, approaches and nature of their impact on ethnic minorities in the country. Given the fact that ethnic minorities make up about 25 percent of the population of the Republic of Moldova, the problems of their comprehensive integration are an extremely important aspect of stable development, as they are directly related to the prospects for the formation of the identity of the Moldovan people and the success of the state’s domestic and foreign policies.

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Van Bruinessen, Martin. "Review article: Kurds, Zazas and Alevis." Kurdish Studies 8, no. 2 (October 13, 2020): 371–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v8i2.574.

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This review article discusses recent research about two major religious and linguistic minorities among the Kurds of Turkey and their efforts to define distinct identities. The books reviewed include: Celia Jenkins, Suavi Aydin & Umit Cetin, eds., Alevism as an Ethno-Religious Identity: Contested Boundaries, Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2018, 130 pp., (ISBN 978-1-138-09631-8). Erdal Gezik & Ahmet Kerim Gültekin, eds., Kurdish Alevis and the Case of Dersim: Historical and Contemporary Insights, Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2019, 172 pp., (ISBN 978-1-4985-7548-5). Eberhard Werner, Rivers and Mountains: A Historical, Applied Anthropological and Linguistical Study of the Zaza People of Turkey Including an Introduction to Applied Cultural Anthropology, Nürnberg: VTR Publications, 2017, 549 pp., (ISBN 978-3-95776-065-4).

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