Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Mimika (Indonesian people) Indonesia Irian Jaya"

The people of Indonesia have historically used crocodiles for a variety of non-commercial purposes. In the past ten years, a commercial collection from the wild almost threatened the population status. As pressure on the commercial hunting continuous, the successful conservation of Indonesian crocodiles will depend on the constant monitoring in the wild. Irian Jaya is one of several islands in Indonesia which historically accommodate an unknown number of commercial crocodiles such as Crocolylus porosus. Althorough monitoring on the C. porosus status in Barusam Gasawi, Buruai Garawa, Kamabu rivers, and Suwiki lake located in Kaimana and Arguni Bay, Irian Jaya had been conducted since 1990 and continued in 1991, 1992, 1993, 1994, 1996, and 1998. The surveys techniques were conducted night count method and guided by a 1: 100.000 map and GPS. A statistical analysis was performed on SAS using proc regression and proc mean. A significant result has only been noted in Suwiki Lake, where was the magnitude of the mean trend in density was 109 percent.

From the history of Islamic conquest to various parts of the world, Indonesia was one of the countries that was visited on the journey and the struggle to spread the monotheistic religion. With the entry of Islam into Indonesia, there was an encounter with all forms of Middle Eastern / Arabic culture, especially Islam with the archipelago, and naturally the encounter experienced acculturation with the culture in Indonesia. Indonesia as a country also has its own indigenous culture. Portraits of indigenous Indonesian culture can now be found in inland-inland areas such as the Tengger people found on Sukapura on the slopes of Mount Bromo near Tasar Malang, Samin communities in Blora, Central Java, Baduwi communities in southern Banten, Kubu communities in southern Sumatra and Jambi, Baliage communities in Tenganan Pegringsing Karang Asem in Bali, and the Toraja community in Central Sulawesi, the Dayak tribe consisting of Oloot, Olonaju, and Manyansiyung in the interior of Borneo, and the Asmat tribe in Irian Jaya. All of them still hold the original culture with several forms such as animism, dynamism, veteism, and shammanism. The arrival of Islam to Indonesia in the First Century H / VII-VIII M resulted in this nation experiencing cultural acculturation between Middle Eastern culture and Indonesian culture. The evidence of acculturation can be felt in several aspects, including language, literature, arts and education.

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<p>This paper focuses on Papua memory of suffering in the tragedies of violations against humanity (memoria passionis) under the authority of the Indonesian Government with brutal military actions. Memoria Passionis was also a foundation of social movement in the urban people of Papua in 1999-2000. FORERI (Forum Rekonsiliasi Rakyat Irian Jaya – Forum of the Irian Jaya People’s Reconciliation) and PDP (Presidium Dewan Papua- Papuan Presidium Council) were educated local elites who struggled for Papua freedom peacefully. FORERI then transformed into Tim 100 who met President Habibie in February 1999 with the claim that the people of Papua wanted independence (separation) from Indonesia. They carry out MUBES (Great Council) of Papuan people on 23 to 26 February 2000 and the Papuan Congress II from May to June 2000. Consolidation of democracy and social movement in Papua ended after Theys Hiyo Eluay, one of the leaders of PDP was killed by Indonesian Army in 2001.</p> <p>Keywords: Papuan, memoria passionis, social movement, local elites</p> <p> </p> <p>Makalah ini berfokus pada memori Papua orang tentang penderitaan dalam tragedi pelanggaran terhadap kemanusiaan (Memoria Passionis) di bawah kewenangan Pemerintah Indonesia dengan tindakan militer yang brutal. Memoria Passionis juga adalah dasar dari gerakan sosial di masyarakat perkotaan Papua pada 1999-2000. FORERI (Forum Rekonsiliasi Rakyat Irian Jaya) dan PDP (Presidium Dewan Papua) merupakan elite berpendidikan lokal berjuang kebebasan Papua dengan damai. FORERI kemudian bertransformasi menjadi Tim 100 yang bertemu Presiden Habibie pada Februari 1999 dengan tuntutan bahwa rakyat Papua menuintut kemerdekaan (memisahkan diri) dari Indonesia. Mereka melaksanakan MUBES (Musyawarah Besar) Rakyat Papua 23-26 Februari 2000 dan Kongres Rakyat Papua II Mei-Juni 2000. Konsolidasi demokrasi dan gerakan sosial di Papua berakhir setelah Theys Hiyo Eluay, salah satu pemimpin dari PDP dibunuh oleh Angkatan Darat Indonesia pada tahun 2001.</p> <p>Kata Kunci: Papua, memoria passionis, gerakan sosial, elite lokal.</p> <p> </p>

Thesis (doctoral)--Vrije Universiteit te Amsterdam, 1993.
Basic text in English; partial t.p. in Dutch; summaries in English, Dutch, and Una. "Stellingen" laid in. Includes bibliographical references (p. [157]-164) and index. Also issued online.

This thesis examines how the Kamoro (also known as the Mimika) people of the south-west coast of Papua (former Irian Jaya), Indonesia have adapted to major political and economic changes over a long history of interactions with outsiders. More specifically, it is an ethnohistorical analysis of Kamoro strategies of engagement dating back to the seventeenth century, but focusing on the twentieth century. Taking ethnohistory to most generally refer to the investigation of the social and cultural distinctiveness of historical consciousness, this thesis examines how perceptions and activities of the past shape interpretations of the present. Though this thesis privileges Kamoro perspectives, it juxtaposes them against broader ethnohistorical analyses of the “outsiders” with whom they have interacted. For the Kamoro, amoko-kwere, narratives about the ancestral (and eternal) cultural heroes, underlie indigenous modes of historical consciousness which are ultimately grounded in forms of social reciprocity. One key characteristic of the amoko-kwere is the incorporation of foreign elements and their reformulation as products of indigenous agency. As a result of this reinterpretation expectations are raised concerning the exchange of foreign material wealth and abilities, both classified in the Kamoro language as kata. Foreign withholding of kata emerges as a dominant theme in amoko-kwere and is interpreted as theft, ultimately establishing relationships of negative reciprocity between the Kamoro and the powerful outsiders. These feelings are mirrored in contemporary Kamoro conceptions of their relationships with the Indonesian State and the massive PT Freeport Indonesia Mining Company who use a significant amount of Kamoro land for deposition of mining waste (tailings) and for the development of State and company infrastructure.

This thesis examines how the Kamoro (also known as the Mimika) people of the south-west coast of Papua (former Irian Jaya), Indonesia have adapted to major political and economic changes over a long history of interactions with outsiders. More specifically, it is an ethnohistorical analysis of Kamoro strategies of engagement dating back to the seventeenth century, but focusing on the twentieth century. Taking ethnohistory to most generally refer to the investigation of the social and cultural distinctiveness of historical consciousness, this thesis examines how perceptions and activities of the past shape interpretations of the present. Though this thesis privileges Kamoro perspectives, it juxtaposes them against broader ethnohistorical analyses of the “outsiders” with whom they have interacted. For the Kamoro, amoko-kwere, narratives about the ancestral (and eternal) cultural heroes, underlie indigenous modes of historical consciousness which are ultimately grounded in forms of social reciprocity. One key characteristic of the amoko-kwere is the incorporation of foreign elements and their reformulation as products of indigenous agency. As a result of this reinterpretation expectations are raised concerning the exchange of foreign material wealth and abilities, both classified in the Kamoro language as kata. Foreign withholding of kata emerges as a dominant theme in amoko-kwere and is interpreted as theft, ultimately establishing relationships of negative reciprocity between the Kamoro and the powerful outsiders. These feelings are mirrored in contemporary Kamoro conceptions of their relationships with the Indonesian State and the massive PT Freeport Indonesia Mining Company who use a significant amount of Kamoro land for deposition of mining waste (tailings) and for the development of State and company infrastructure.