Статті в журналах з теми "Military"

The breakthrough innovation of the Wright brothers in 1903 and subsequent developments of aerial technology created significant opportunities for the military, as a new dimension of warfare became an operational space of combat. Many legal questions arise, including the status of air machines deployed by the freshly formed independent air detachments before the outbreak of World War I. From the operational and legal viewpoint, both state practice and international law experts agreed that in order to receive a status similar to warships under the law of naval warfare, military aircraft should bear distinctive insignia, indicating their military character and nationality. This article’s aim is to present the origins and evolution of the military markings and their legal significance, as a core element of the military aircraft definition. It needs to be emphasized that only aircraft considered as military can perform acts of hostility and exercise the specific rights granted by the law of air warfare. The analysis will refer to practical challenges for maintaining the classical rule of air warfare, such as the exact location of the markings on the aircraft surfaces, low-visibility insignia (as a way to reconcile legal and operational demands) and the question of relevance of the duty to mark military aircraft in the context of unmanned air platforms. L’innovation qui a fait connaître les frères Wright en 1903 ainsi que les développements consécutifs dans la technologie aéronautique ont créé de réelles opportunités pour le secteur militaire, alors qu’une nouvelle dimension de la guerre est devenue un espace opérationnel de combat. Cette évolution fait naître de nombreuses questions juridiques, dont le statut des aéronefs déployés par les détachements aériens indépendants formés peu avant l’éclatement de la Première Guerre mondiale. D’un point de vue opérationnel et légal, la pratique étatique et les experts juridiques internationaux s’accordent sur le fait que les aéronefs militaires devraient avoir des insignes distinctifs indiquant leur caractère militaire et leur nationalité, afin qu’ils se voient attribuer un statut similaire à celui des navires de guerre en vertu du droit de la guerre navale. Cet article a pour but de présenter les origines et l’évolution du marquage militaire ainsi que sa signification juridique, en tant qu’élément essentiel de la définition d’un aéronef militaire. Soulignons le fait que seul un aéronef considéré comme militaire peut mener des actes hostiles et exercer les droits particuliers octroyés en vertu du droit de la guerre aérienne. L’analyse fait référence à des défis d’ordre pratique pour maintenir les règles classiques de la guerre aérienne, telles que l’emplacement exact des marquages sur la surface de l’aéronef, la faible visibilité des insignes (comme moyen de combiner exigences juridiques et opérationnelles) et la question de la pertinence de l’obligation de marquer un aéronef militaire dans le contexte de plateformes aériennes sans équipage. De baanbrekende innovatie van de gebroeders Wright in 1903 en de daaropvolgende ontwikkelingen van de luchtvaarttechnologie creëerden grote mogelijkheden voor de strijdkrachten, aangezien een nieuwe dimensie van oorlogvoering een operationele gevechtsruimte werd. Deze ontwikkeling leidt tot veel juridische vragen, waaronder de status van de luchtvaartuigen die door de net voor het uitbreken van de Eerste Wereldoorlog opgerichte onafhankelijke luchtdetachementen werden ingezet. Vanuit operationeel en juridisch oogpunt waren zowel de statenpraktijk als de internationale juridische experts het erover eens dat militaire luchtvaartuigen onderscheidende insignes moeten dragen die hun militaire karakter en nationaliteit aangeven, om een status te krijgen die gelijkaardig is aan die van oorlogsschepen krachtens het recht van de zeeoorlog. Dit artikel heeft tot doel de oorsprong en de ontwikkeling van de militaire markeringen en hun juridische betekenis voor te stellen als een kernelement van de definitie van militaire luchtvaartuigen. Er moet worden benadrukt dat alleen luchtvaartuigen die als militair worden beschouwd, vijandelijke handelingen kunnen verrichten en de specifieke rechten die door het recht van de luchtoorlog worden verleend, kunnen uitoefenen. De analyse verwijst naar de praktische uitdagingen voor het handhaven van de klassieke regels van de luchtoorlog, zoals de exacte locatie van de markeringen op de vliegtuigoppervlakken, insignes met lage zichtbaarheid (als een manier om juridische en operationele eisen met elkaar in overeenstemming te brengen) en de vraag of de verplichting om militaire luchtvaartuigen te markeren relevant is in de context van onbemande luchtvaartuigen. La revolucionaria innovación de los hermanos Wright en 1903 y subsiguiente evolución de la tecnología aérea dieron paso a oportunidades significativas para los ejércitos, creándose una nueva dimensión de la guerra que se convirtió en un espacio operativo de combate. Esto trajo consigo muchas cuestiones legales, incluido el estatus de los artefactos aéreos desplegados por los recién creados destacamentos aéreos independientes en los prolegómenos de la Primera Guerra Mundial. Desde el punto de vista operativo y legal, tanto los Estados a través de la práctica como los expertos en Derecho Internacional estuvieron de acuerdo en que para acogerse al mismo estatus que los buques de guerra bajo las leyes de la guerra naval, las aeronaves militares debían llevar insignias distintivas, mostrando su carácter militar y nacionalidad. El propósito del artículo es examinar el origen y evolución de estas señales militares y su importancia legal como uno de los elementos principales de la definición de aeronave militar. Debe enfatizarse que solo una aeronave considerada militar puede llevar a cabo actos de hostilidad y ejercer derechos específicos reconocidos por las leyes de la guerra aérea. El análisis aborda los retos prácticos para mantener la vigencia de la regla clásica de la guerra aérea, tal como es el lugar exacto de emplazamiento de las señales exteriores en la superficie de las aeronaves, las insignias de baja visibilidad (como una forma de conciliar las exigencias legales y operativas) y la cuestión de la relevancia del deber de señalar las aeronaves militares en el contexto de las plataformas aéreas no tripuladas. L’innovazione rivoluzionaria dei Fratelli Wright nel 1903 e i successivi sviluppi della tecnologia aerea crearono significative opportunità per i militari, poiché una nuova dimensione di guerra divenne uno spazio operativo di combattimento. Sorgono molte questioni legali, tra cui lo status delle macchine aeree dispiegate dai distaccamenti aerei indipendenti formatisi appena prima dello scoppio della Prima guerra mondiale. Dal punto di vista operativo e legale, sia la pratica degli Stati che gli esperti di diritto internazionale hanno convenuto che, per ricevere uno status simile a quello delle navi da guerra disciplinate della legge della guerra navale, gli aerei militari dovrebbero portare delle insegne distintive che indichino la loro natura militare e la loro nazionalità. L'obiettivo di questo articolo è quello di presentare le origini e l'evoluzione delle marcature militari e il loro significato legale, come elemento centrale della definizione di velivolo militare. Va sottolineato che solo gli aerei considerati militari possono compiere atti di ostilità ed esercitare i diritti specifici concessi dalla legge sulla guerra aerea. L’analisi farà riferimento alle sfide pratiche per il mantenimento delle regole classiche sulla guerra aerea, come l’esatta posizione delle marcature sulla superfice dell’aereo, le insegne a bassa visibilità (come modo per conciliare le esigenze legali ed operative) e la questione della rilevanza del dovere di marcatura dei velivoli militari nel contesto delle piattaforme aeree senza pilota. Die bahnbrechende Innovation der Gebrüder Wright im Jahr 1903 und die nachfolgenden Entwicklungen der Luftfahrttechnologie schufen bedeutende Möglichkeiten für den Militärbereich, da eine neue Dimension der Kriegsführung zu einem operativen Kampfraum wurde. Es stellen sich viele rechtliche Fragen, einschließlich jener des Status der Luft­maschinen, die von den neu gebildeten unabhängigen Luftkommandos vor dem Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkriegs eingesetzt wurden. Aus operativer und rechtlicher Sicht waren sich sowohl die staatliche Praxis als auch die internationalen Rechtsexperten einig, dass Militärflugzeuge Kennzeichen, die auf ihren militärischen Charakter und ihre Nationalität hinweisen, tragen sollten, um einen kriegsschiffähnlichen Status nach dem Recht der Seekriegsführung zu erhalten. Ziel dieses Artikels ist es, die Ursprünge und die Entwicklung der militärischen Kennzeichnungen und ihre rechtliche Bedeutung als Kernelement der Definition von Militärflugzeugen darzustellen. Es muss darauf hingewiesen werden, dass nur Flugzeuge, die als militärisch angesehen werden, feindliche Handlungen durchführen und die durch das Gesetz der Luftkriegsführung gewährten spezifischen Rechte ausüben können. Die Analyse wird sich auf praktische Herausforderungen für die Aufrechterhaltung des klassischen Gesetzes der Luftkriegsführung beziehen, wie die genaue Lage der Kennzeichen auf den Flugzeugoberflächen, Kennzeichen mit geringer Sichtbarkeit (als Mittel, rechtliche und operative Anforderungen miteinander in Einklang zu bringen) und die Frage der Relevanz der Pflicht zur Kennzeichnung militärischer Flugzeuge im Zusammenhang mit unbemannten Luftplattformen.

ABSTRACT This paper presents a solid normative approach in military ethics, which justifies the rule of law in a constitutional regime capable of fixing the proper role of the Armed Forces in Brazil. Deploying this ethical framework, it analyzes the relevant literature, especially authors who defend civilian supremacy for the good functioning of a democratic society. Afterwards, some models of civil-military relations are introduced to establish the parameters and indicators of proper democratic consolidation. These parameters are applied to recent events, revealing that Brazil is regressing in its civilian control over the military. Finally, some practical proposals for reversing this tendency are put forward in pursuit of a fully democratic regime in Brazil.

La competencia de la Jurisdicción Militar es una de las cuestionesmás debatidas desde la época de la Transición democrática. Desde entonces seha tratado de limitar su competencia al ámbito estrictamente castrense. En 2016entró en vigor el vigente Código Penal Militar, una norma bastante desconocidapara la gran mayoría de los operadores jurídicos. En el presente trabajoexaminaremos el ámbito subjetivo de aplicación de esta norma, que, comoveremos, se aplica no solo a militares, sino también a civiles, ya se cometa eldelito en tiempos de paz o de conflicto armado. Palabras clave: Transición democrática. Constitución española. Ámbito estrictamente castrense. Código Penal Militar. Jurisdicción Militar. Tribunales militares. Keywords: Democratic transition. Spanish Constitution. Scope strictly military. Military Criminal Code. Military jurisdiction. Military courts.

This article confronts what has been described as the ‘ongoing self-defence controversy’ within the international military community over the legitimacy of commanders issuing orders that have the practical effect of restricting soldiers’ use of force in self-defence. Within this controversy, some argue that soldier self-defence is legally sacrosanct, a right that must invariably take precedence over any command-imposed restrictions. This article explores whether there is any legal basis for this view. It finds that there is not, and that such an absolutist approach misconstrues the basic theoretical and legal origins of self-defence. What is more, the article forewarns that reasoning in such absolute terms might actually serve to devalue rather than promote soldiers’ safety by failing to properly account for the longstanding military tradition of commands such as ‘hold fire’ orders, the central importance of these directives to the ordered application of military force and military effectiveness, and the interrelationship of the military and the state’s responsibility for national security. Cet article se penche sur la controverse qui entoure la légitime défense au sein de la communauté militaire internationale, quant à la légitimité du commandement de donner des ordres ayant pour effet, dans la pratique, de restreindre l’emploi de la force des soldats à des fins de légitime défense. Dans le cadre de cette controverse, certains soutiennent que la légitime défense des soldats est sacro-sainte d’un point de vue juridique et que ce droit doit toujours l’emporter sur toute restriction imposée par le commandement. Cet article cherche à déterminer si ce point de vue repose sur un fondement juridique. L’article conclut que non, et qu’une telle approche absolutiste dénature les origines théoriques et juridiques à la base de la légitime défense. Qui plus est, l’article met en garde qu’un raisonnement en de tels termes absolus pourrait en fait nuire à la sécurité des soldats, au lieu de l’améliorer, parce qu’il ne tient pas suffisamment compte de la longue tradition militaire d’ordres tels que «halte au feu», de l’importance de ces directives pour l’application ordonnée de la force militaire et pour l’efficacité militaire, et de l’interaction entre l’armée et la responsabilité de l’État pour la sécurité nationale. Dit artikel gaat in op wat is omschreven als de ‘voortdurende controverse over zelfverdediging’ binnen de internationale militaire gemeenschap over de legitimiteit van commandanten die bevelen uitvaardigen waarbij het gebruik van geweld door soldaten uit zelfverdediging praktisch wordt beperkt. Binnen deze controverse betogen sommigen dat de zelfverdediging van soldaten wettelijk onaantastbaar is, een recht dat altijd voorrang moet hebben op alle beperkingen die door het commando worden opgelegd. Dit artikel gaat na of er een wettelijke basis is voor dit standpunt. De conclusie is dat die er niet is en dat een dergelijke absolutistische benadering de theoretische en juridische grondslagen van zelfverdediging miskent. Bovendien waarschuwt het artikel dat een redenering in dergelijke absolute termen de veiligheid van de soldaten eerder zou kunnen aantasten dan bevorderen, doordat niet naar behoren rekening wordt gehouden met de gevestigde militaire traditie van bevelen zoals ‘staakt het vuren’-bevelen, het centrale belang van deze richtlijnen voor de bevolen toepassing van militair geweld en militaire doeltreffendheid, en de onderlinge relatie tussen het leger en de verantwoordelijkheid van de staat voor de nationale veiligheid. Este artículo aborda lo que se ha venido a llamar la ‘controversia existente en torno a la autodefensa’ dentro de la comunidad militar internacional sobre la legitimidad de los comandantes que emiten órdenes que tienen el efecto práctico de restringir el uso de la fuerza en defensa propia por parte de los soldados. Dentro de esta controversia, algunos argumentan que la autodefensa de los soldados es legalmente sacrosanta, un derecho que invariablemente debe prevalecer sobre cualquier restricción impuesta por el mando. Este artículo explora si existe alguna base legal para este punto de vista. Se llega a la conclusión de que no existe base alguna y que tal enfoque absolutista malinterpreta los orígenes teóricos y legales básicos de la autodefensa. A mayor abundamiento, el artículo advierte que el razonamiento en términos tan absolutos podría servir para devaluar, en lugar de promover, la seguridad de los soldados al no tener en cuenta adecuadamente la tradición militar inmemorial de órdenes como las órdenes de ‘mantener el fuego’, la importancia central de estas directivas para la aplicación ordenada de la fuerza militar y la eficacia militar, y la interrelación de las fuerzas armadas y la responsabilidad del Estado por la seguridad nacional. Questo articolo affronta quella che è stata descritta come la ‘continua controversia di autodifesa’ all'interno della comunità militare internazionale sulla legittimità dei comandanti che emettono ordini che hanno l'effetto pratico di limitare l'uso della forza da parte dei soldati nell'autodifesa. All'interno di questa controversia, alcuni sostengono che l'autodifesa dei soldati sia giuridicamente sacrosanta, un diritto che deve invariabilmente avere la precedenza su qualsiasi restrizione imposta dal comando. Questo articolo esamina se vi sia una base giuridica per questa interpretazione. Trova che non esiste, e che un tale approccio rigido fraintenda le origini teoriche e giuridiche di base di auto­difesa. Inoltre, l'articolo ammonisce che ragionare in termini così assoluti potrebbe effettivamente sminuire piuttosto che promuovere la sicurezza dei soldati, non riuscendo a tenere adeguatamente conto della lunga tradizione militare di comandi come ‘non aprire il fuoco’, dell'importanza centrale di queste direttive per l'ordinata applicazione della forza militare e dell'efficacia militare e l'interrelazione tra la responsabilità militare e quella dello Stato per la sicurezza nazionale. Dieser Artikel befasst sich mit dem, was innerhalb der internationalen Militärgemeinschaft bezeichnet wird als ‘andauernde Selbstverteidigungskontroverse’ (‘ongoing self-defence controversy’) in Bezug auf die Legitimität von Befehlshabern, die Befehle erteilen, wobei die Gewaltanwendung aus Selbstverteidigung durch Soldaten praktisch beschränkt wird. Im Rahmen dieser Kontroverse argumentieren manche, dass die Selbstverteidigung von Soldaten rechtlich als sakrosankt gilt und dass dieses Recht immer vor jeder vom Kommando auferlegten Beschränkung Vorrang haben muss. Dieser Artikel prüft, ob es irgendeine gesetzliche Basis für diese Auffassung gibt. Der Autor stellt fest, dass dies nicht der Fall ist, und dass eine solche absolutistische Sichtweise die theoretischen und gesetzlichen Grundlagen der Selbstverteidigung verkennt. Darüber hinaus erteilt der Artikel eine Warnung, auf diese absolute Weise zu argumentieren könnte eigentlich dazu beitragen, die Sicherheit der Soldaten zu beeinträchtigen statt sie zu fördern, indem der althergebrachten militärischen Tradition von Befehlen, wie ‘Feuer einstellen’, der zentralen Bedeutung dieser Richtlinien für die geordnete Anwendung von Militärgewalt und für die Militäreffizienz sowie der Wechselbeziehung zwischen der Armee und der Verantwortung des Staates für die nationale Sicherheit nicht gebührendermaßen Rechnung getragen wird.

The article deals with the formation and development of military education in Eastern Siberia. The author identifies and аnаlyzes the рrоblems faced by military schools during the Great Раtriоtic War and the роstwаr рeriоd. It includes evacuation, unsettled living conditions, lack of sufficient material and technical base for training future officers, etc. The аuthоr cоmes tо the cоnclusiоn thаt, despite аll the difficulties in the trаining оf militаry рrоfessiоnаls in Eаstern Siberiа а lоt оf wоrk was done to trаin quаlified militаry рersоnnel. In the most difficult conditions of wartime, without sleep, without food,with a meager educational and material base, reduced to the limit terms of training military educational institutions, the front was provided with well-trained and politically mature commanders. In the post-war period, military education develops and undergoes changes that were caused by the scientific and technical revolution and the revolution in military Affairs. Today it is necessary to continue to improve the system of military education. The complex geopolitical situation in the world requires special attention to military education and military training of the youth.

This article revisits the cutting-edge ‘capture or kill’ debate in the field of IHL, offering a fresh outlook that reconstrues the notion of ‘human enhancement of soldiers’ from a normative standpoint. After sketching the debate and inquiring into its root causes, the article analyses the interplay between military necessity and humanity, in order to endow the latter with its own content drawing on the notions of military honour and human dignity. Finally, it presents a proposal for the moral education of soldiers during military training. Cet article revisite le débat moderne du « capturer ou tuer » dans le domaine du droit international humanitaire. Il propose une vision nouvelle qui réinterprète d’un point de vue normatif la notion d’amélioration des capacités humaines à des fins militaires. Après avoir initié le débat et recherché son origine, l’auteur analyse l’interaction entre nécessité militaire et humanité, afin de doter cette dernière de son propre contenu, en se basant sur les notions d’honneur militaire et de dignité humaine. Enfin, l’auteur formule une proposition d’éducation morale des militaires au cours de leur entraînement. In dit artikel wordt het toonaangevende debat over “gevangennemen of doden” op het gebied van het IHR herbekeken en wordt aan de hand van een nieuw perspectief het begrip 'mensverbetering van soldaten' geherinterpreteerd vanuit een normatief standpunt. Na het debat kort te hebben beschreven en de diepere oorzaken ervan te hebben onderzocht, analyseert het artikel de wisselwerking tussen militaire noodzaak en menselijkheid, om aan dit laatste begrip een eigen inhoud te geven die gebaseerd is op de begrippen militaire eer en menselijke waardigheid. Ten slotte wordt een voorstel gedaan voor de morele opvoeding van soldaten tijdens de militaire opleiding. El artículo aborda una vez más el afilado debate en torno a “captura o mata” en el ámbito del DIH, ofreciendo una visión renovada que vuelve a construir el concepto de “Realce Humano de los Soldados” desde una nueva perspectiva normativa. Tras examinar los presupuestos del debate e indagar sobre sus causas remotas, el artículo analiza la interacción entre necesidad militar y humanidad, con la finalidad de profundizar en esto último partiendo de la base de los conceptos de honor militar y dignidad humana. Por último, se presenta una propuesta a seguir en la educación moral de los soldados durante el periodo de formación. Questo articolo rivisita l’innovativo dibattito sul tema della ‘Cattura o Uccisione’ nel diritto internazionale umanitario, offrendo una nuova prospettiva che ricostruisce il concetto della ‘valorizzazione umana dei soldati’ da un punto di vista normativo. Dopo aver delineato il dibattito e indagato le sue cause alla radice, l’articolo analizza l’interazione tra necessità militare e umanità, al fine di dotare quest’ultima di elementi propri, attingendo alle nozioni di onore militare e dignità umana. Infine, presenta una proposta per l’educazione morale dei soldati durante l’addestramento militare. Dieser Artikel nimmt die brandaktuelle „gefangen nehmen oder töten“-Debatte im Bereich des humanitären Völkerrechts erneut unter die Lupe und bietet eine neue Perspektive, die den Begriff „Verbesserung der menschlichen Fähigkeiten für Militärzwecke“ aus normativem Standpunkt rekonstruiert. Nach einer Skizzierung der Debatte und einer Untersuchung ihrer Ursachen analysiert der Artikel das Zusammenspiel zwischen militärischer Notwendigkeit und Menschlichkeit, um letzterer einen eigenen Inhalt zu geben, der sich auf die Begriffe militärische Ehre und Menschenwürde stützt. Schließlich legt er einen Vorschlag zur moralischen Erziehung der Soldaten während der militärischen Ausbildung vor.

The region of Niger-Delta has been emerging as a danger zone for militants. The affected states and the federal government have responded to this threat with several strategies raging from the introduction of an amnesty programme to the deployment of security forces, which are dominated by efforts to improve military capabilities, with the aim to deter militancy in the region. Despite these efforts, the Niger-Delta Avengers (ndas) militant group has remained undeterred in the region. Beyond looking at the conventional military power reductionism of militancy in the Niger-Delta region, especially in Ogoniland, this study examines the ndas’ activities in the region. The motivations and capabilities for resurgence of ndas members in the Niger-Delta region are examined along the patterns of distribution of wealth of nations, institutional capacity and stability of the states in the region. The study examines the ndas’ groups in the region with special focus on issues of deprivation and marginalisation of the inhabitants of the region. The study recommends a comprehensive strategy against ndas militant groups in the region.

This article presents a data set of the population of military students, resulting from a sociological study completed at the Colombian Military Academy (Escuela Militar de Cadetes General Jose Maria Cordova - ESMIC). By analyzing perceptions and attitudes of ESMIC’s students in six areas, namely, socio-demographic characteristics; professional behavior; social patterns; military values; civil-military relations; and integration of women in the military, this data set aims to provide scientific information to assist in the design, implementation, and effectiveness of the National Army of Colombia’s policies.

AbstractThis article is based on research conducted in the archives of the Auditoria Militar do Estado de Pernambuco. It substantiates the violation of the basic principle of equality before the law resulting from the existence in Brazil of two different court systems—one civil and the other military—with varying legal proceedings and sentences for similar crimes committed by civilian police and military police. The article reviews how the authoritarian regime enlarged the scope of military jurisdiction, a situation little changed more than a decade after the authoritarian regime ended. The article also shows that the Justiça Militar do Estado de Pernambuco functions in a hybrid manner. It is an agency of the civil judicial branch, but most of the judges are military, while the lawyers are civilians and the trials are conducted by the Ministério Público. Thus the military police can influence the outcome of judgments without having to assume the burden of rendering decisions because the final responsibility rests with the civil judicial branch. Finally, the article highlights the incompatibility between the continuation of this kind of military justice and a democracy seeking consolidation.

No one would have thought that the military clashes between Cameroon and Nigeria over the Bakassi Peninsula would one day end. For close to 50 years, Cameroon and Nigeria had been fighting over the resource-rich area of Bakassi to take control of it. The mechanisms that resolved these military upheavals were the World Court's Judgment (WCJ) of 2006 and the Green Tree Agreement (GTA) of 2006. The end of the five-year special regime program, as stipulated by the GTA, finally laid to rest the Bakassi conflict. Hitherto, following the end of hostilities between the Cameroonian and Nigerian military in the Bakassi Peninsula, the region was/is being marred by militant activities. The main thrust of this paper is to examine the role played by the Cameroonian and Nigerian military in maintaining peace in the Bakassi peninsula even after the conflict has been resolved. This research used the qualitative method with content and thematic analysis on some military activities in the Bakassi peninsula. Data was collected from secondary sources and observations from two field undertakings in Bamusso, Isangele, and Idabato subdivisions in the Bakassi region. After resolving the conflict, this paper cautions that Cameroonians and the Nigerian military have not only been engaged in security activities but have taken up new humanitarian and developmental activities. This research recommends for Cameroon and Nigerian governments divert heavy projects from the military to civilians, deploying more civilian personnel in the medical, judicial, and administrative fields in the Bakassi Peninsula. They should only limit the use of their military personnel in fighting piracy and militancy in the area. If such policies are implemented, both countries will be assured peace and tranquillity in the Bakassi Peninsula.

Este estudo é o resultado da investigação do processo de institucionalização do ensino de espanhol na educação militar brasileira, de 1905 a 1920, buscando delinear as finalidades políticas e culturais. O objetivo foi investigar as justificativas para a entrada do espanhol no ensino militar, no período de 1905, quando o idioma foi inserido oficialmente no currículo militar, mediante Decreto nº 5.698 e, finalizou em 1920, após reformularem os regulamentos militares e o ensino de espanhol deixar de ser oferecido no âmbito militar. Para tanto, foram utilizados a legislação educacional e textos jornalísticos, bem como pressupostos teóricos da história das disciplinas escolares.Palavras-chave: Educação Militar; História do Ensino de Espanhol; História das Disciplinas Escolares. AbstractThis study is the result of the investigation of the process of institutionalization of the Spanish language teaching at the Brazilian military education, from 1905 to 1920, aiming at outlining political and cultural purposes. The goal has been to investigate the justifications for the insertion of the Spanish language in the Brazilian military education, starting in 1905, when the language has been officially inserted in the military curriculum under Decree No. 5.698 and ending in 1920, after the redesign of the military regulations and the fact that the Spanish language teaching has no longer been offered in the military scope. For this purpose, educational legislation and journalistic texts have been used, as well as theoretical assumptions of the history of school subjects. Keywords: Military Education; The History of the Spanish Language Teaching; The History of School Subjects. ResumenEste estudio es el resultado de la investigación del proceso de institucionalización de la enseñanza de español en la educación militar brasileña, de 1905 a 1920, buscando delinear las finalidades políticas y culturales. El objetivo fue investigar las razones de la entrada del español en la enseñanza militar, en el período de 1905, cuando el idioma fue introducido oficialmente en el plan de estudios militares por el Decreto nº 5.698 y terminado en 1920, después de reformularen los reglamentos militares y la enseñanza del español salió del ámbito militar. Por lo tanto, hemos utilizado la legislación educativa y textos periodísticos, así como supuestos teóricos de la historia de las disciplinas escolares.Palabras clave: Educación Militar; Historia de la Enseñanza del Español; Historia de las Disciplinas Escolares.

ABSTRACTIn the military institutions the help is to increase the capacities to reap the strategic advantages to achieve my objectives as the defence of a nation. The aim of this study is the role of military institutions in the processes of peace in the countries and in the way in which GTI connects with the new post-agreement states. The methodology was based on a review of the literature. As a result of this, military institutions in the workplace were reduced in the personal order and budget in the defence sector. It is suggested that the GTI is a key element to achieve the objectives proposed in the military strategy.RESUMENEn las instituciones militare la GTI ayuda a aumentar sus capacidades militares redundando en ventajas estratégicas que les permita alcanzar objetivos misionales como la defensa de una nación. El objetivo es estudiar cuál ha sido el rol de las instituciones militares en los procesos de paz de algunos países y cómo la GTI conecta con los nuevos escenarios de posacuerdo, tomando como caso de estudio Colombia. La metodología utilizada fue una revisión de literatura en bases de datos especializadas. Como resultado se tiene que las instituciones militares en el posacuerdo se enfrentan a cambios como la disminución de personal y de presupuesto destinado al sector defensa. Se sugiere que la GTI sea un elemento clave para lograr los objetivos propuestos en la estrategia militar.

In the decade before the military coup of July 23, 1952, an increasingly militant workers' movement was an important component of the social and political upheaval that undermined the monarchy and ended the era of British colonialism in Egypt. The ebbs and flows of the labor movement coincided with successive upsurges of the nationalist movement. Working class participation in the nationalist struggle infused the movement for full independence and evacuation of British military forces with a radical social consciousness, and since workers’ strikes and demonstrations were often directed against foreign enterprises, the labor movement was commonly considered to be a component of the nationalist movement. The working class was a social battering ram destabilizing the old regime, and many nationalists encouraged and legitimized labor militancy.

Praetorianism has been authoritatively defined as a situation in which ‘the military class of a given society exercises independent political power within it by virtue of an actual or threatened use of military force’.1 A praetorian state, by elaboration, is one in which the military tends to intervene and potentially could dominate the political system. The political processes of this state favor the development of the military as the core group and the growth of its expectations as a ruling class; its political leadership (as distinguished from bureaucratic, administrative and managerial leadership) is chiefly recruited from the military, or from groups sympathetic, or at least not antagonistic, to the military. Constitutional changes are effected and sustained by the militaty, and the army frequently intervenes in the government.2

Several armed conflicts have marked the past two decades in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). As a result, the DRC is facing an unprecedented humanitarian disaster with the death of hundreds of thousands of people, the large-scale displacement of civilians and the rape of thousands of women, girls and men. These armed conflicts have led to the metamorphosis of the concept of ‘crime’ with the emergence of new forms of sexual violence, particularly the widespread sexual violence used by armed groups as a tactic of war. In response to this avalanche of sexual violence, the DRC has taken a series of legislative measures. It began with the ratification of the Statute of the International Criminal Court (Rome Statute) on 11 April 2002. This was followed by the promulgation of the Military Judicial Code and the Military Criminal Code on 18 November 2002 (MJC and MCC, respectively) criminalizing, inter alia, war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. In 2006, the Congolese legislator criminalized various forms of sexual crimes as defined by international law in the Military Penal Code. On 31 December 2015, the Congolese authorities promulgated Law No. 15/022, amending and supplementing the Military Penal Code, for the implementation of the Rome Statute. Through this Law, the legislator has included in the Congolese Ordinary Criminal Code rape and other sexual assaults constituting war crimes, and in some circumstances, crimes against humanity. In terms of prosecutions, around 40 cases of rape classified as war crimes and crimes against humanity have been tried by Congolese military courts, and a few other cases are being investigated. This article seeks to assess the progress made by the DRC in prosecuting rape as a war crime and the challenges to such prosecutions. La République démocratique du Congo (RDC) a été marquée par plusieurs conflits armés au cours des deux dernières décennies. Il en résulte que ce pays est confronté à une catastrophe humanitaire sans précédent avec la mort de centaines de milliers de personnes, le déplacement à grande échelle de civils et le viol de milliers de femmes, de filles et d'hommes. Ces conflits armés ont entraîné une métamorphose du concept de ‘crime’ avec l'émergence de nouvelles formes de violence sexuelle, notamment la violence sexuelle généralisée utilisée par les groupes armés comme tactique de guerre. En réponse à cette avalanche de violences sexuelles, la RDC a adopté une série de mesures législatives. La première fut la ratification du Statut de la Cour pénale internationale (Statut de Rome) le 11 avril 2002. Cette ratification fut suivie par la promulgation du Code judiciaire militaire et du Code pénal militaire le 18 novembre 2002 (respectivement le CMJ et le CCM) qui criminalisent, entre autres, les crimes de guerre, les crimes contre l'humanité et le génocide. En 2006, le législateur congolais a incriminé dans le Code pénal militaire diverses formes de crimes sexuels tels que définis par le droit international. Le 31 décembre 2015, les autorités congolaises ont promulgué la loi no 15/022, modifiant et complétant le Code pénal militaire, pour la mise en œuvre du Statut de Rome. A travers cette loi, le législateur a inclus dans le Code pénal ordinaire congolais les viols et autres agressions sexuelles constitutifs de crimes de guerre, et dans certaines circonstances, de crimes contre l'humanité. En termes de poursuites, une quarantaine de cas de viols qualifiés de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l'humanité ont été jugés par les tribunaux militaires congolais, et quelques autres cas sont en cours d'instruction. Cet article vise à évaluer les progrès réalisés par la RDC en matière de poursuites pénales pour viol en tant que crime de guerre et les défis auxquels ces poursuites sont confrontées. Verschillende gewapende conflicten hebben de afgelopen twee decennia hun stempel gedrukt op de Democratische Republiek Congo (DRC). Als gevolg daarvan wordt de DRC geconfronteerd met een ongekende humanitaire ramp die gepaard gaat met de dood van honderdduizenden mensen, de grootschalige ontheemding van burgers en de verkrachting van duizenden vrouwen, meisjes en mannen. Die gewapende conflicten hebben geleid tot een metamorfose van het begrip ‘misdaad’ met de opkomst van nieuwe vormen van seksueel geweld, in het bijzonder het wijdverspreide seksuele geweld dat door gewapende groepen als oorlogstactiek wordt gebruikt. Als reactie op die lawine van seksueel geweld heeft de DRC een reeks wetgevende maatregelen genomen. Het begon met de ratificatie van het Statuut van het Internationaal Strafhof (Statuut van Rome) op 11 april 2002, gevolgd door de afkondiging van het militair gerechtelijk wetboek en het militair strafwetboek op 18 november 2002. Daarin worden onder meer oorlogsmisdaden, misdaden tegen de mensheid en genocide strafbaar gesteld. In 2006 heeft de Congolese wetgever verschillende vormen van seksuele misdrijven, zoals omschreven in het internationaal recht, strafbaar gesteld in het militair strafwetboek. Op 31 december 2015 hebben de Congolese autoriteiten wet nr. 15/022 tot wijziging en aanvulling van het militair strafwetboek uitgevaardigd, met het oog op de uitvoering van het Statuut van Rome. Met die wet heeft de wetgever verkrachting en andere vormen van seksueel geweld die te beschouwen zijn als oorlogsmisdaden, en in sommige omstandigheden misdaden tegen de mensheid, in het gewone Congolese Wetboek van Strafrecht opgenomen. Wat vervolging betreft, zijn ongeveer 40 gevallen van verkrachting die als oorlogsmisdaden en misdaden tegen de mensheid werden aangemerkt, door de Congolese militaire rechtbanken berecht, en enkele andere gevallen worden momenteel onderzocht. Deze studie heeft tot doel na te gaan welke vooruitgang de DRC heeft geboekt bij de vervolging van verkrachting als oorlogsmisdaad en voor welke uitdagingen dergelijke vervolgingen staan. Varios conflictos armados han dejado huella en las dos décadas pasadas en la República Democrática del Congo (RDC). A resultas de ello, la RDC se está enfrentando a un desastre humanitario sin precedentes con la muerte de cientos de miles de personas, desplazamiento de civiles a gran escala y la violación de miles de mujeres, niñas y hombres. Estos conflictos armados han llevado a la metamorfosis del concepto de ‘crimen’ con la aparición de nuevas formas de violencia sexual, en particular el uso generalizado de la violencia sexual por grupos armados como táctica de guerra. En respuesta a esta avalancha de violencia sexual, la RDC ha adoptado una serie de medidas legislativas. Todo comenzó con la ratificación del Estatuto de la Corte Penal Internacional (Estatuto de Roma) el 11 de abril de 2002. A esto siguió la promulgación del Código Judicial Militar y del Código Penal Militar el 18 de noviembre de 2002 (Código Judicial Militar y Código Penal Militar, respectivamente), penalizando, entre otros, los crímenes contra la humanidad y el genocidio. En 2006, el legislador congoleño introdujo en el Código Penal Militar varias modalidades de crimen sexual tal y como se definen en el Derecho Internacional. El 31 de diciembre de 2015, la autoridades congoleñas promulgaron la Ley Núm. 15/022, reformando y complementando el Código Penal Militar, con objeto de implementar el Estatuto de Roma. A través de esta ley, el legislador ha tipificado en el Código Penal Común la violación y otros ataques sexuales que constituyen crímenes de guerra y, en algunas circunstancias, crímenes contra la humanidad. En términos de procedimientos instruidos, cerca de 40 casos de violación tipificada como crímenes de guerra y crímenes contra la humanidad han sido tramitados por los tribunales militares congoleños, y varios casos más continúan siendo objeto de investigación. Este estudio busca valorar el progreso de la RDC en la persecución de la violación como crimen de guerra y los retos a los que se ha tenido que hacer frente en dicha tarea. Gli ultimi due decenni della Repubblica Democratica del Congo (RDC) sono stati segnati da diversi conflitti armati. Di conseguenza, la RDC sta affrontando un disastro umanitario senza precedenti con la morte di centinaia di migliaia di persone, lo sfollamento di civili su larga scala e lo stupro di migliaia di donne, ragazze e uomini. Questi conflitti armati hanno portato alla metamorfosi del concetto di ‘crimine’ con l'emergere di nuove forme di violenza sessuale, in particolare la diffusa violenza sessuale usata dai gruppi armati come tattica di guerra. In risposta a questa valanga di violenza sessuale, la RDC ha adottato una serie di misure legislative. È iniziato tutto con la ratifica dello Statuto della Corte penale internazionale (Statuto di Roma) l'11 aprile 2002. A ciò è seguita la promulgazione del Military Judicial Code and the Military Criminal Code il 18 novembre 2002 (rispet­tivamente Codice giudiziario militare e Codice penale militare), che hanno criminalizzato, tra l'altro, crimini di guerra, crimini contro l'umanità e genocidio. Nel 2006, il legislatore congolese ha definito come crimini varie forme di reati sessuali così come definito dal diritto internazionale nel Codice Penale Militare. Il 31 dicembre 2015 le autorità congolesi hanno promulgato la Legge n. 15/022, che modifica e integra il Codice Penale Militare, per l'attuazione dello Statuto di Roma. Attraverso questa legge, il legislatore ha incluso nel Codice penale Ordinario congolese lo stupro e altre aggressioni sessuali definiti crimini di guerra e, in alcune circostanze, crimini contro l'umanità. In termini di procedimenti penali, circa 40 casi di stupro classificati come crimini di guerra e crimini contro l'umanità sono stati processati dai tribunali militari congolesi e alcuni altri casi sono oggetto di indagine. Questo studio cerca di valutare i progressi compiuti dalla RDC nel perseguire lo stupro come crimine di guerra e l’impegno in tali procedimenti penali. Mehrere bewaffnete Konflikte haben die vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnte in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo (DRK) geprägt. Als Folge dessen steht die DRK vor einer beispiellosen humanitären Katastrophe mit dem Tod von Hunderttausenden von Menschen, der massiven Vertreibung von Zivilisten und der Vergewaltigung von Tausenden von Frauen, Mädchen und Männern. Diese bewaffneten Konflikte haben zu einer Metamorphose des Begriffs ‘Verbrechen’ mit dem Aufkommen neuer Formen sexueller Gewalt geführt, insbesondere der weit verbreiteten sexuellen Gewalt, die von bewaffneten Gruppen als Kriegstaktik eingesetzt wird. Als Reaktion auf diese Lawine sexueller Gewalt hat die DRK eine Reihe von gesetzlichen Maßnahmen ergriffen. Es begann mit der Ratifizierung des Statuts des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs (Römisches Statut) am 11 April 2002. Es folgte die Verkündung des Militärgerichtsgesetzbuchs und des Militärstrafgesetzbuchs am 18. November 2002, die unter anderem Kriegsverbrechen, Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit und Völkermord unter Strafe stellen. Im Jahr 2006 hat der kongolesische Gesetzgeber im Militärstrafgesetzbuch verschiedene Formen von Sexualverbrechen im Sinne des Völkerrechts unter Strafe gestellt. Am 31. Dezember 2015 haben die kongolesischen Behörden das Gesetz Nr. 15/022 zur Änderung und Ergänzung des Militärstrafgesetzbuchs im Hinblick auf die Umsetzung des Römischen Statuts verkündet. Mit diesem Gesetz hat der Gesetzgeber Vergewaltigung und andere sexuelle Übergriffe, die Kriegsverbrechen und unter gewissen Umständen auch Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit darstellen, in das kongolesische ordentliche Strafgesetzbuch aufgenommen. Was die Strafverfolgung anbelangt, so wurden etwa 40 Fälle von Vergewaltigung, die als Kriegsverbrechen und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit eingestuft werden, von kongolesischen Militär­gerichten abgeurteilt, und einige weitere Fälle werden derzeit untersucht. Diese Studie versucht, die Fortschritte der DRK bei der strafrechtlichen Verfolgung von Vergewaltigung als Kriegsverbrechen und die Herausforderungen für solche Verfolgungen zu bewerten.

Purpose One of the strongest connections in politics in developing countries is through military links. This study aims to examine the auditor choice preference of the militarily-connected firms in Indonesia, an emerging country where there is a strong influence from the military on political decision-making. Design/methodology/approach The analysis used 3,473 firms-year observations listed on the Indonesian Stock Exchange spanning from 2003 to 2017 using regression and other statistical tests. Findings The results reveal that firms with a militarily-connected director are less likely to appoint one of the Big 4 auditors. Using the military reform as a natural experiment, the finding shows that militarily-connected firms did not change their auditor choice preference even after the military reform. Interestingly, I find that connected firms are associated with high earnings management. In addition, the different retirement position level and military affiliations of the connected directors generate different outcomes related to the auditor choice decision. Overall, the results indicate that militarily-connected firms were less likely to appoint one of the Big 4 auditors both before and after the military reforms. These results are robust, even after the author controlled for political connections, year fixed effects and industry fixed effects. Research limitations/implications Because of the limitations of the prior literature on military connections, this study is developed based on the assumption that the militarily-connected directors have identical behavior whether they serve in either public or private companies. However, this assumption could be invalid which potentially affects the interpretation of some of the results in this study. Originality/value This paper provides direct evidence of the auditor choice preference of firms with a military connection. The evidence builds on the existing literature on the difference in auditor choice preference between politically and militarily-connected firms.

- Taking as its starting point Bruno Giordano's book, the author investigates the complex reasons that caused many officers of the Italic army to give up the military career and highlights the important role played by some technicians educated at the Modena Military School in the advances made by the country as a whole and particularly by the Lombard-Venetian KingdomParole chiave: esercito; etÀ napoleonica; istituzioni militari; Risorgimento; modernizzazione economica.Key Words: army; Napoleonic age; Military institutions; Risorgimento; economic development.

Resumen: El presente artículo tiene como fi nalidadexaminar las relaciones de género dentro del aparatomilitar a través del uso del lenguaje. Analiza el papel delas mujeres en el Ejército Nacional de Colombia y cómosu presencia alteró la estructura castrense y las relacionesde poder. Cabe anotar que se tiene en cuenta el uso dellenguaje militar en dos vías, lo jurídico y lo simbólico, ylas diferentes ramifi caciones que éstas presentan debidoal carácter de confi dencialidad que se debe manejar enel ámbito militar. Se mostrará cómo el uso del lenguajeacentúa las diferencias e impide que se establezcan lazoslaborales basados en igualdad, equidad de género ytrato digno.Palabras claves: Estatutos militares, cultura y lenguajemilitares, mujeres militares, intersistemas militares, relacionesde géneroParticipation of Some Women in Colombia’s NationalArmyAbstract: This paper aims to examine gender relationswithin the military apparatus through its use of language.It analyzes the role women play in Colombia’s NationalArmy and how their presence altered the army’s structureand power relations. It must be noted that the use of militarylanguage is taken into account in two ways, juridicaland symbolic, as well as their implications due to the confidentiality that is to be observed in military milieus. It willbe shown that the use of language deepens the differencesand prevents establishing ties at work based on equality,gender equity and a respectful treatment.Key words: Military statutes, military language andculture, military women, military inter-systems genderrelations

- Bruno Giordano's book on the officers educated at the Modena military school opens a number of different paths of research. This comment focuses on institutional and political aspects: what is the place of the Modena experience in the history of military training? And how did it affect the relations between politic and the military in the Cisalpino-Italic system? In the first area special attention s given to the Italian tradition of military academies and especially to the model represented by the Collegio militare of Verona; in the second field the case of Modena is used to emphasize the difficulties and contradictions arising as a consequence of the predominance of the French influence.Parole chiave: esercito; periodo napoleonico; ingegneri; Scuola di Modena.Key Words: Army; Napoleonic age; engineers; Modena military School.

This paper discusses the unprecedented militarization of the Mexican government under the current presidency of Felipe Calderón Hinojosa. This paper presents an overview of the military infringement upon civil control that has existed since 2006 in Mexico and continues to exist due to various factors that will be discussed in this essay, such as: The United States’ strong military influence over the Mexican Armed Forces, the use of the military as a substitute for a failing presidential legitimacy, the use of ‘fuero militar’ to abuse civilians’ human rights and lastly, the Mexican government’s decision to use the military as the only possible solution to intervene and eliminate the drug cartels.

La legislación argentina establece cuatro actividades para el Sistema de Inteligencia Nacional: inteligencia nacional, contrainteligencia, inteligencia criminal e inteligencia estratégico militar. La Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia Estratégico Militar (DINIEM), dependiente del Ministerio de Defensa, es la encargada de realizar la última tarea nombrada, mientras que la ley coloca a cargo de la Agencia Federal de Inteligencia la producción de contrainteligencia. El objetivo de este artículo es abordar un problema jurídico que no ha sido tratado por la literatura especializada: la falta de regulación precisa de la contrainteligencia militar, actividad que no encuentra un lugar claro en la legislación. Mediante decretos del Poder Ejecutivo, la tarea es llevada adelante por la DINIEM, al menos parcialmente, lo cual tensiona la legislación de defensa nacional, que veda el involucramiento de las Fuerzas Armadas en asuntos internos del Estado, en especial en tareas de inteligencia. La metodología empleada es la propia de la ciencia jurídica, pero atendiendo al contexto histórico-político de la normativa que se analiza. Se concluye que la legislación nacional ha habilitado un margen de discrecionalidad en el Poder Ejecutivo, que permite asignar la función de contrainteligencia militar a más de un organismo, con todos los problemas que esto genera. Abstract The legislation of Argentina establishes four activities for the National Intelligence System: national intelligence, counterintelligence, criminal intelligence and, at least, military-strategic intelligence. The Direction on National Military-Strategic Intelligence (DINIEM), under the Ministry of Defense, produces the military-strategic intelligence, while the Federal Intelligence Agency produces counterintelligence. The aim of this paper is to study a legal problem that has not been addressed in literature: the lack of regulation on military counterintelligence, which has no place in the national legislation. The executive branch has decided that the DINIEM carries out at least part of the military counterintelligence activities. This decision enables a military office to carry out an intelligence task inside the State, something that stresses the legal limits of the operations of Armed Forces. The methodology of legal science is used to analyze the problem, but taking into account the historical and political context of the legislation. It is concluded that the legislation allows the executive branch to decide discretionally about the appointed office to develop military counterintelligence.

The article is devoted to brief characteristics of the military medical service leaders and their activities during the Great Patriotic War. All those were awarded Orders of Suvorov, Kutuzov, Alexander Nevsky, Bogdan Khmelnitsky, the highest military orders for the success in battlefi elds and enemy’s defeat.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore military service-linked economic and social governing initiatives in early twentieth-century Sweden, and thereby offer a broadened understanding of educational institutions as governing arenas. Design/methodology/approach Using the term “governing” to describe and analyse various calculated techniques of the state – and/or affiliated governing actors – to influence and direct the behaviour of conscripts in order to deal with particular economic and/or social problems, the author ask what kind of economic and social problems policymakers and social commentators of education were looking to deal with, why military service was considered a suitable means and/or setting for doing so, and what governing techniques they proposed be used. The author furthermore take in consideration the intimate links between citizenship, gender, and military service and argue that the governing initiatives analysed enables us to understand these links in partly new and a more concrete way. Findings The study shows that there were numerous ideas and requests amongst policymakers and social commentators of education on making use of the nation’s conscription scheme for non-military purposes as it provided the nation with a unique opportunity to reach and influence entire generations of men on the threshold of adulthood. Proposals included, e.g., the use of various forms of instruction in assorted subjects, facilitation of base libraries and an extension of the period of military service, in order to deal with economic and social problems such as, e.g., mass unemployment, alcohol abuse, elementary education deficiencies, and uneducated voters, as well as shortages of skilled personnel in particular branches of great importance for the nation’s economy. Originality/value While there is a sizable and growing body of research on governing initiatives in non-military educational settings, proposed and implemented to solve various economic and social problems in society, scholars in Sweden and elsewhere have largely overlooked the use and role of military service in such undertakings. This paper seeks to redress the balance and thereby offers a broadened understanding of educational institutions as governing arenas.

MILITARY GEOGRAPHY IN THE BRAZILIAN AMAZONLA GEOGRAFÍA MILITAR EN AMAZONIA BRASILEÑANascida na geografia do comércio, a geografia militar tem sua origem, assim como o conhecimento geográfico, com a presença humana na superfície, através de sua forma mais concreta, pelos mapas desenhados em cavernas pelo homem. Nesse sentido, existe uma geografia militar dentro da análise geográfica. Tendo em vista essa problemática, ter-se-á como análise a sua localização temporal e a sua existência e importância para a Amazônia. Portanto, existe uma geografia militar e ela se diferencia da geopolítica, não é, pois, sinônima desta. A propósito, diante de uma geografia militar, pretendeu-se examinar as formas de existência por meio das questões amazônicas. A metodologia será baseada em estudos teóricos, que serviram para fundamentar e justificar a sua existência, ou seja, feito por meio de uma pesquisa bibliográfica. Palavras-chave: Geografia Militar; Geoestratégia; Amazônia.ABSTRACTBeen born with the geography of the trade the military geography has its origin as well as the geographical knowledge with the human presence in the surface through its more concrete form by the maps drawn in caves by the man, in this sense that form exists a military geography inside the analyzes geographical, having in mind this problematic will have as it analyze its temporal location and in the second its existence and importance for Amazon, therefore, our objective will be direcionared by demonstrates that there is a military geography and that she differentiates from the geopolitics, therefore, not being synonymous of the same to analyze the existence forms through the amazon matters in front of a military geography the methodology will be based on theoretical that served of base for to justify its existence, therefore, done through an analysis of a bibliographical research.Keywords: Military Geography; Geostrategy; Amazon.RESUMENNacida en la geografía del comercio, la geografía militar tiene su origen, así como el conocimiento geográfico con la presencia humana en la superficie a través de su forma más concreta por los mapas dibujados en cuevas por el hombre. En ese sentido, existe una geografía militar dentro del análisis geográfico, teniendo en vista esta problemática se tendrá como análisis su ubicación temporal y un segundo análisis en su existencia e importancia para la Amazonia. Por lo tanto, los objetivos orientados demuestran que existe una geografía militar y que ella se diferencia de la geopolítica, siendo así, no siendo sinónimo de la misma analizar las formas de existencia por medio de las cuestiones amazónicas ante una geografía militar. La metodología se basará en teóricos que sirvieron para fundamentar y justificar su existencia, por consiguiente, hecha por medio de un análisis de una investigación bibliográfica. Palabras clave: Geografía Militar; Geoestrategia; Amazônia.

Povzetek Prispevek predstavlja zgodovinski pregled odnosa med vojaško družino in vojaško organizacijo, od prepovedi, zanikanja in nadzora do vključitve v vojaško skupnost. Prelomnica v obravnavanju družine je prehod na poklicno popolnjevanje, ko postane lojalnost družine do vojske bistvena za pridobivanje in zadrževanje vojaškega osebja. Hkrati je vojaška družina postala zanimiva vojaškosociološka tematika raziskovanja, tako v kontekstu sociološkega koncepta požrešnih institucij kot v dihotomiji ravnotežja med delom in življenjem. Vojske, ki so nastajale na slovenskih tleh skozi zgodovino, so sledile svetovnim trendom glede obravnave družin, slovenski vojaški sociologi pa so prispevali pomemben delež spoznanj o slovenskih vojaških družinah h globalnim vojaškosociološkim dosežkom. Ključne besede Vojaška družina, zgodovina odnosa med družino in vojsko, celostna skrb za pripadnike SV, raziskovanje vojaških družin v vojaški sociologiji. Abstract This article presents the history of relations between the military family and the military organization, which have varied from forbiddance, to ignorance, regulation, and finally to inclusion in the military community. The turning point appeared at a time of introducing all volunteer force when the loyalty of families towards the military became important for recruitment and retention of service members. This was also the moment for military sociology to discover the military families as interesting to deploy the general sociological concepts of greedy institutions, work-life balance, negotiation between military and family, etc. The militaries in Slovenian territory followed these trends. Slovenian military sociologists contributed an important part of the knowledge of Slovenian military families to global social science achievements. Key words Military family, history of relations between military and family, comprehensive care for service members of the SAF, the research of military families in military sociology.

- The paper focuses, in Napoleonic Italy, on the innovative role of the Modena Military School in the complete education of Artillery officials and Engineers and the legacy it left in engineering culture and the profession during the first modernization of Italy.Parole chiave: scuole militari; ingegneri; formazione; professioni; modernizzazione.Key words: Military Institutions; engineers; education; professions; modernization.

O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar as percepções que os professores militares, que atuam no Curso Especial de Formação de Sargentos (CEFS) ofertado na modalidade semipresencial, têm sobre este curso. Para isso, foi realizada uma pesquisa de abordagem qualitativa, do tipo descritiva. Quanto ao procedimento técnico foi feito um estudo de caso no Corpo de Bombeiros Militar de Minas Gerais (CBMMG), o qual percebeu na EaD, mais especificamente na modalidade semipresencial, a oportunidade de vencer as distâncias e possibilitar a formação técnica a seus militares distribuídos em 73 municípios do estado de Minas Gerais. Dentre os achados da pesquisa, destaca-se a preocupação da equipe de professores militares que atuam no curso CEFS com a formação profissional do bombeiro militar. Para esses professores, a infraestrutura administrativa e acadêmica dos polos presencial e a distância, por meio da Academia de Bombeiros Militar (ABM), tem exercido um papel essencial nos processos de ensino e aprendizagem, principalmente no que se refere à interação entre o conteúdo ministrado a distância com as disciplinas ofertadas no módulo presencial. Por consequência, os professores percebem que o CEFS tem condição de preparar o bombeiro militar para a função que irá exercer. Acredita-se que essa pesquisa contribui para o avanço do setor público ao mostrar que, por meio da EaD, o Corpo de Bombeiros Militar de Minas Gerais tem promovido a formação profissional de seu efetivo. Palavras-chave: Educação a Distância. Bombeiro Militar. Curso de Especial Formação de Sargentos. Professor. AbstractThe objective of this research was to analyze the perceptions that military teachers, who work in the Special Sergeant Training Course (CEFS) offered in the blended modality, have about this course. For this, a qualitative research was carried out, of the descriptive type. As for the technical procedure, a case study was carried out at the Minas Gerais Military Fire Brigade (CBMMG), which perceived in distance education, more specifically in the blended mode, the opportunity to overcome distances and enable technical training to its soldiers distributed in 73 municipalities in the state of Minas Gerais. Among the research findings, the concern of the team of military teachers who work in the CEFS course with the professional training of the military firefighter stands out. For these teachers, the administrative and academic infrastructure of the face-to-face and distance centers, through the Military Fire Academy (ABM), has played an essential role in the teaching and learning processes, especially with regard to the interaction between the content that was taught distance learning with the subjects offered in the face-to-face module. As a result, teachers perceive that CEFS is able to prepare military firefighters for the role they will perform. It is believed that this research contributes to the advancement of the public sector by showing that, through distance education, the military fire department of Minas Gerais has promoted the professional training of its staff. keywords: Distance Education. Military Firefighter. Special Training Course for Sergeants. Teacher

Military Assistance Programs. Africa has assumed geostrategic importance, making military assistance a key element of French foreign policy. Aid is covered by accords de défense with the Ministry of Defense and/or conventions d’assistance militaire technique with the Military Cooperation Mission (MCM). The extent of the latter has doubled in the past 15 years. Aid takes three forms : (a) materiel, (b) military advisors, and (c), officer & NCO training. The MCM budget has not changed since 1978 ; furthermore, there is a chronic gap between the allocated budget and actual outlays, which complicates MCM capability to respond to individual African aid requests.

Over the past few years, Pakistan carried out various publicized battles against militancy and terrorism led primarily by thePakistan military. Due to the changed geostrategic context, civil-military coordination is necessary for developing a new national securitypolicy. Therefore the objective of the present study is to examine civil-military coordination portrayed in the English press of Pakistanfollowed by the most significant event, i.e., the formation of Provincial Apex committees. These committees were formed for strengtheningcollaboration between civil-military institutions to execute NAP in different provinces, consequently the study analyzed news stories of twoEnglish newspapers, i.e., Dawn and The News, by employing the CDA model proposed by Fairclough. Results indicate that Dawn coveredthe image of the Pakistan military by highlighting actions of then COAS for empowering committees in different provinces for fasterexecution on NAP and restoration of IDP’s whereas, The News covered lack of coordination between civil-military leadership on executionof NAP.

O artigo compila a trajetória institucional empreendida pela Revolução Bolivariana com vistas a adensar as relações cívico-militares no país, ou seja, a incorporar a civis em atividades até então restritas ao corpo militar nacional. Este projeto ancora-se em construções teóricas relacionadas aos conceitos de “guerra assimétrica” e de “pueblo en armas”. O texto conclui que, mesmo representando uma interessante e inovadora estratégia de ampliação do escopo da defesa nacional, em especial no que concerne à utilização do aparelho militar como apoio para conferir maior escala e eficiência na implementação de programas sociais, a crescente inclusão de civis em atividades eminentemente militares resulta numa potencialmente problemática transferência de responsabilidades no âmbito das estruturas de poder do Estado.ABSTRACTThe article compiles the institutional trajectory taken by the Bolivarian Revolution in order to enhance the civil-military relations in the country, i.e., to incorporate civilians in activities previously restricted to the national military structure. This project is anchored in theoretical constructs related to the ideas of “asymmetric warfare” and “pueblo en armas.” The paper concludes that, despite the fact that the initiative represents an interesting and innovative strategy of expansion of the scope of national defense, especially regarding the use of the military as a support to enhance the scale and efficiency in the implementation of social programs, the increasing inclusion of civilians in activities that are eminently military results in a potentially problematic transfer of responsibilities within the state power structures.Palavras-chave: Unidade cívico-militar – Guerra assimétrica – VenezuelaKeywords: Civil-military Integration - Asymmetric warfare – Venezuela DOI: 10.12957/rmi.2015.22162 Recebido em 24 de março de 2016 / Received March 24, 2016.Aceito em 20 de junho de 2016 / Accepted June 20, 2016

Abstract Cultural and scientific personalities from the army, military experts and creators of the doctrine have collaborated with the radio from the beginnings of radiophony, the educational role of this new, persuasive communication channel being evident not only for Romania or the Romanian army but also for all the countries that had radiophony services. This happens in the context of the end of the crisis and the start of economic and social development, promoting culture, creating a solid class of peasants with a certain social status, in villages, together with the priest, teacher and gendarme, increasing of the number of subscriptions and development of the Romanian radiophony. The radio has been used as a means of persuasion of the population for the war effort through broadcasts intended for pre-military boys, then for the entire population or soldiers. Operational means of connecting military and their families, an effective tool in maintaining a good morale of the troops and a satisfactory state of mind of the population with relatives in theatres of operations, Poșta militară radio has proven effectiveness through millions of letters sent along its four years of existence.

Wireless sensor networks can be used by the military for a number of purposes such as monitoring militant activity in remote areas and force protection. Being equipped with appropriate sensors these networks can enable detection of enemy movement, identification of enemy force and analysis of their movement and progress. The focus of this article is on the military requirements for flexible wireless sensor networks. Based on the main networking characteristics and military use-cases, insight into specific military requirements is given in order to facilitate the reader’s understanding of the operation of these networks in the near to medium term (within the next three to eight years). The article structures the evolution of military sensor networking devices by identifying three generations of sensors along with their capabilities. Existing developer solutions are presented and an overview of some existing tailored products for the military environment is given. The article concludes with an analysis of outstanding engineering and scientific challenges in order to achieve fully flexible, security proved, ad hoc, self-organizing and scalable military sensor networks.

The article highlights the issue of teaching English military terminology in uniformed classes. It draws the conclusions on conducting authorial military terminology syllabus in one of the schools carrying out the pedagogical innovation, which has assumed patronage of Polish Air Force Academy (PAFA). Military classes gained a huge popularity, having met the youth’s interest in armed for ces they became a key element in national defense education.

The military-pedagogical process is a complex socio-psychological phenomenon. Its essence lies in purposeful, motivated, substantive organizational and educational activities of all its subjects. This activity is aimed at preparing the military specialists who are able to successfully perform their functional duties both in peacetime and in modern war conditions. The strength of the country's defense capability and combat readiness in modern conditions is ensured by a high level of intellectual potential of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. This potential is being formed as a set of potentials of highly qualified personnel of military specialists. Today the task of reforming military education is not limited only to structural and functional transformations of the educational base and restructuring of the educational process. It is necessary to create an environment (a system of higher military education) for constant spiritual and professional improvement of the individual and motivation to achieve a high level of military professionalism. Access of educational institutions to modern information technologies contributed to the emergence of interactive forms of learning and transformation of the subject of learning from a passive participant and its active involvement in the learning process. Given the development of digital technologies and the difficult state in which Ukraine found itself due to military action and the negative epidemiological situation, it is appropriate to create a system of higher military education using the subject-activity approach and the introduction of forms of distance learning. It is proposed to direct the military-pedagogical training of specialists along six lines. The assessment of the level of conformity of a serviceman's actual professional qualities with the requirements to the occupied military position is important in the professional-psychological selection in the Armed Forces. That is why it is expedient to develop a model of recreation of intellectual potential of servicemen and a methodology for evaluating the general level of intellectual resources of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. In the basis of construction of such model it is offered to put directions of military-pedagogical training of military specialists together with professionally important criteria of evaluation of recreating of moral-psychological qualities of servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

- Through the case study of Spanish Lombardy during the Thirty years' war, the Author tries to link the latest results of military history with the politico-institutional framework, with a view to overcome the narrowness of an exclusive military approach. By focussing on the agenda of a commission for the control of the army composed of civil and military authorities from 1638 to 1679 and on the careers of some financiers and military entrepreneurs, the Author suggests the need to abandon the pattern of the militarization of society in order to describe the processes affecting the Milanesado. The military tool appears to be purposefully used to strengthen political and social ties between centre and periphery and also to integrate emerging social, economic and political groups into the Lombard power elite. The interpretation underlying the essay is therefore based on the idea of a «compromise of interests» between centre and periphery of the Spanish imperial system as a way to stabilize the situation of Lombardy.Keywords: Milan, Spanish Monarchy, XVIIth century, power élites, military history, institutional history, Thirty Years' WarParole chiave: Lombardia, Monarchia spagnola, secolo XVII, elites dominanti, storia militare, storia delle istituzioni, Guerra dei Trent'anni