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1
Adeshkin, Ilya Nikolaevich. "The participation of African Americans in the American Expeditionary Forces during the World War I." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2021): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.5.35717.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the participation of African Americans in the World War I in the ranks of the American Expeditionary Forces in Europe during the 1917 – 1918. The author studies the attitude of the African-American community towards participation in the World War I, describes the peculiarities of military service of African American soldiers in the American Expeditionary Forces, and reveals the manifestations of racial discrimination. The article also reviews the attitude of French soldiers and officers towards African American soldiers of the U. S. Army, analyzes the impact of the acquired combat experience and sociocultural interaction with foreign soldiers upon the activity of African American population in fighting for their rights and freedoms in the United States. In Russian historiography, the participation of African Americans in the American Expeditionary Forces during the World War I, peculiarities of their service, and the impact of war on self-consciousness of this category of military servicemen have not previously become the subject of special research. Based on the article. The conclusion is made that the attitude of African American community towards participation in the World War I was quite ambiguous. Their soldiers faced different forms of discrimination during their military service: they could not serve in the Marine Corps and other elite units, and most of the time were engaged in the rear. A different experience received African American soldiers from the units transferred under the leadership of the French Army, whose officers treated them with respect; the blood shed for their country, combat experience and respectful of the allies enhanced desire of the African Americans to gain equal civil rights and freedoms in their homeland.
2
Kazakov, Gennady. "African-American Community during Mobilization Measures 1917–1918: Hope and Practice." Kyiv Historical Studies 14, no. 1 (2022): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2022.14.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to the military mobilization of the African-American community to the USA Army during the First World War; the expectations of African-Americans of participating in hostilities on the fronts of World War I in the U.S. Army; and the point of view of the U.S. government and military on the role of African-Americans as part of the U.S. Army. This question remains relevant today, as some aspects of the problem are still not studied enough in world historiography. The research methodology involves general scientific and special historical research methods. The integrated approach helped to combine different theoretical aspects of the issues under the study and relate them to specific historical events, based on which it was possible to trace the positions of different segments of society on both national and financial grounds regarding the role of African-American soldiers at the front. The chronological approach contributed to the study of the topic in historical retrospect, the study of the sequence of events of the mobilization activities and the arrival of African-American soldiers on the European front. The biographical approach identified certain individuals who played a key role in the mobilization of African-Americans and their further distribution in the military. A statistical approach to studying the problem made it possible to determine the number of African-Americans involved in the American armed corps in Europe and their relationship between combat and support battalions. The scientific novelty of the paper is that the study of the position of the African-American community in the mobilization of the First World War, their expectations and realities, called the racist position of the establishment and the army, are studied. The paper concludes that World War I was the first global event to give the African-American community hope for equal rights within its state. In practice, due to the predominance of racists in the command structure, the recruitment of African-Americans to the military was soon reduced, and segregation and racial discrimination remained within its borders.
3
Oliynyk, Mykola. "Cooperation of the People’s Republic of China With Countries of the African Continent in the Military Sphere." Eminak, no. 4(44) (January 13, 2024): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2023.4(44).683.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of the research paper is to investigate the collaboration between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and African nations in the military domain, examining the impact of ideological, socio-economic, international, and other elements.
Scientific novelty. Based on documents and historiographical materials, the study analyzes the stages of development, characteristics, and content of the PRC’s military cooperation with African countries.
Conclusions. The PRC’s with African countries has gone through a long and complex path. The first stage (late 1950s – mid-1970s) coincided with the rise of national liberation struggles in Africa, and China’s involvement had an ideological character.
The second stage, (late 1970s – 1990s) witnessed a transition to commercialization, but faced limitations due to resource constraints, low-quality weaponry, and concerns about relations with Western investors. However, cooperation with Western corporations to modernize the military-industrial complex and develop new weapons was disrupted by the events in Tiananmen Square in 1989. Instead, cooperation with Russia in the defense field intensified, which allowed China to update the military-industrial complex and develop new weapons systems. However, due to their low quality, they did not stand up to competition, particularly in the African arms market. From the mid-1990s, China involved European and American corporations in modernization process, under the condition of potential export opportunities.
The third stage of cooperation began in the early 2000s and continues to this day. China has significantly expanded its military cooperation with African countries through various military training programs, participation in international arms exhibitions, arms loans, military equipment sales, and involvement in UN peacekeeping missions. Deepening military cooperation strengthens China’s position in Africa and increases its competitive advantage not only in the African arms market.
4
Kondratenko, O. "AFRICAN AND LATIN AMERICAN VECTOR OF GEOSTRATEGY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 134 (2018): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2018.134.0.53-65.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
It is proved that even despite economic problems, Russia is trying to demonstrate the status of a strategic partner for the African and Latin American countries through the conclusion of various types of partnership agreements. Therefore, since 2000, Russia has sought to reestablish its influence in these regions, which were the traditional sphere of the USSR’s presence during the Cold War. The Russian Federation also tries to win favor among the circle of African countries through the abolition of former Soviet debts and the establishment of economic ties, mainly of a commercial nature. Participation in peacekeeping missions in African countries is also considered by Russia as a demonstration of presence in the region. However, Russia risks to be pushed out of the region by China, which as a more powerful rival considers Africa as a landfill for the implementation of the geo-economic "conquest" strategy. The key countries for implementing the strategy of restoring Russia’s presence in the region are Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and partially Brazil. On the background of the individual maneuvers of Russian Air Force and Navy, Moscow makes periodic declarations on the restoration of former Soviet military bases in the Latin American countries. However, such rhetoric of the Russian Federation can be considered more to a degree as geopolitical PR in order to represent Russia’s virtual grandeur.
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Williams, Charnan. "The Bridgwater Family: A History of an African American Family in the American West from Slavery to the Civil Rights Era." Western Historical Quarterly 51, no. 4 (2020): 349–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/whaa115.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The Bridg(e)water Family Papers is a substantial archive that details the history of an African American family who left the American South in the late nineteenth century for freedom in the American West. In the early twentieth century, the family eventually arrived in Montana, where they experienced both degrees of freedom and unfortunate forms of racial discrimination. Both the family matriarch and her daughter—Mamie and Octavia Bridgwater, respectively—were the main architects of the family archive. These two Black women constructed a collection that provides insight into the history of the Black West. Utilizing their archive, this article shows how the Bridgwaters departed from the South in search of social and economic advancement through participation in the military, membership in Black organizations, and landownership. Although they were out of the South, the Bridgwaters still encountered racially discriminatory practices that are indicative of the African American experience throughout the United States. The struggle of the Bridgwater family and their descendants to navigate this ambivalent terrain in the West is the consistent theme of their archive.
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الموسوي, ربيع حيدر, and تغريد جاسم عطية. "African Americans and World War II, 1939-1945." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 31 (April 9, 2017): 331–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2017/v1.i31.6176.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
African Americans actively participated in the Second World War 1939-1945 AD. Behind their participation was high hopes for obtaining their rights as first-class citizens, after the discriminatory practices they were subjected to by both the government and society, but despite that, African Americans suffered from The same racist treatment even within the military institution, which led to an increase in the demands, and they began to organize themselves more to obtain the desired goal of freedom and equality.
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Garcia, Antonio. "The South African Air Force in Korea: an evaluation of 2 Squadron's first combat engagement, 19 November until 2 December 1950." Historia 66, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2021/v66n2a2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
South African participation in the Korean War (1950-1953) in direct support of an international military offensive led by the United States of America demonstrated the National Party administration's commitment to opposing Communism. This article details how the deployment of South African Air Force 2 Squadron achieved the strategic objectives of the South African government in supporting the anti-communist United States-led United Nations coalition in the Korean War. It evaluates the performance of South Africa's Air Force in their first operational test since the Second World War. The combat operations discussed under the scope of this article include the first tactical engagement of 2 Squadron in support of the initial advance (19 November to 21 December) 1950 and then later, the retreat of the United Nations force.
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Urnov, Andrey. "USA - Africa: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken’s Visit to Kenya, Nigeria, and Senegal (November 2021). Part 2." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019729-3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the second part of the article three topics are reviewed. The US secretary of state visit to Senegal (November 20, 2021). Senegal was of particular interest to the United States as a member of French speaking community of African countries and a 2022 chairmen of the African Union. A. Blinken was received by President M. Sall. A comprehensive discussion with Foreign minister Aissata Sall was devoted to the cooperation in five areas of “common interests - global health, the climate crisis, inclusive economic growth, democracy, peace and security”. During the visit the Senegal government and four American companies signed a Memorandum of $1 billion investments into infrastructural projects of the country. The remarks made by the secretary during his stay in Africa provide the materials for the assessment of the US position on four acute conflict situations on the continent. Proposed schemes of settlement: Ethiopia - end of hostilities between the Federal government and the Tigray People's Liberation Front, dialogue and negotiated political agreement; Somalia - the conclusion of parliament formation and presidential elections; Sudan and Mali - transit from military regimes to democratic civilian led governments. The author cites factual aspects of Africa participation in the virtual global “Summit for democracy” initiated by President Biden (December 8-10, 2021). The Summit was conceived as a step toward the establishment of the US-led global alliance against China and Russia under the cover of democracy protection from “authoritarianism”. Out of 54 African states only 17 were invited. Surprisingly Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt were left out.
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Urnov, Andrey. "USA - Africa: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken’s Visit to Kenya, Nigeria, and Senegal (November 2021). Part 2." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019729-3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the second part of the article three topics are reviewed. The US secretary of state visit to Senegal (November 20, 2021). Senegal was of particular interest to the United States as a member of French speaking community of African countries and a 2022 chairmen of the African Union. A. Blinken was received by President M. Sall. A comprehensive discussion with Foreign minister Aissata Sall was devoted to the cooperation in five areas of “common interests - global health, the climate crisis, inclusive economic growth, democracy, peace and security”. During the visit the Senegal government and four American companies signed a Memorandum of $1 billion investments into infrastructural projects of the country. The remarks made by the secretary during his stay in Africa provide the materials for the assessment of the US position on four acute conflict situations on the continent. Proposed schemes of settlement: Ethiopia - end of hostilities between the Federal government and the Tigray People's Liberation Front, dialogue and negotiated political agreement; Somalia - the conclusion of parliament formation and presidential elections; Sudan and Mali - transit from military regimes to democratic civilian led governments. The author cites factual aspects of Africa participation in the virtual global “Summit for democracy” initiated by President Biden (December 8-10, 2021). The Summit was conceived as a step toward the establishment of the US-led global alliance against China and Russia under the cover of democracy protection from “authoritarianism”. Out of 54 African states only 17 were invited. Surprisingly Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt were left out.
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Gautam, Sasmita. "Key Security Challenges of the Third World." Unity Journal 2 (August 11, 2021): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38846.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
While shaping an impression of the Third World from post-colonial, non-aligned to less developed states today, security concerns over the region, more or less, remained a status quo in a handful of international security scholars. This article explores various security challenges, including internal, regional, transnational and international of Asia, Africa and Latin American countries, the then considered Third World. Military interventions, illegal migration and narco-terrorism of Latin America; Demographic derivatives, ethnical conflicts and transnational organized crimes in Africa; Terrorism, failing states and climate security issues of Asia are considered to be key security concerns hereunder. This article aims to contribute towards building collective action for stabilizing and sustaining the world peace. It seeks to off er an alternative understanding of constantly evolving security dimensions. Some of those enshrined alternative practical approaches include confinement of military to external defense, Cartegena Declaration implementation for illegal migrants, Custom controls in drug trade, turning youth bulge to demographic dividend, inclusive participation of ethnic groups, technology enforced crime patrol, scooping out Islamism from terrorism, active participation of non-state actors in nation building and finally increased international collaboration eff orts with indigenous technical knowledge for resilient climate strategy Drawing on quantitative data from recognized platforms, elite interviews on security dialogues, reputed newspapers, e-books, and journal articles, this article confronts us with the necessity to fertilize fragile nations of the Third World against the backdrop of economic, social, political, cultural, and environmental origins.
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Magomedov, D. S. "Partnership of the USA and African Countries in the Fight Against Terrorism under the Administrations of J.W. Bush and Barack Obama." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 5 (December 3, 2018): 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-5-164-181.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines the place of African countries in the US counter-terrorism strategy under the administrations of G.W. Bush and B. Obama. It is alleged that at the turn of the 2010-s the significance of this trend has increased due to the intensification of Islamists in the countries of West Africa and the new round of the civil war in Somalia. This led to an intensification of the military presence and tightened cooperation with the allies, on which the Americans also sought to entrust the main struggle against the radicals. There are several directions of counterterrorism policy: the provision of technical assistance to partner countries for the development of special forces; the building of subregional mechanisms for coordinating counter-terrorism actions; intensification of cooperation in the financial sphere; carrying out separate military operations, mainly by UAV forces. In the end, itwas the African direction that turned out to be the most successful example of Obama’s “leading from the behind” strategy. Despite the fact that under the influence of the Arab Spring and the rise of the ISIS in the Middle East in 2011-2014, there was an escalation of violence in the region, in general, the main goals of combating Islamist terrorism by the end of 2016 were achieved by the USA. In Somalia, Nigeria and Libya, Americans relied on the local forces concerned, restricting participation by coordinating allies, providing intelligence and striking individual blows. The French intervention in Mali in 2013 enabled the Europeans to shift the main burden of fighting local Islamists. In addition, Egypt, receiving abundant military assistance from the United States, did not allow the expansion of the ISIS’s zone of operations in the Sinai Peninsula, but it was not possible to fully cope with the small local branch due to the instability of relations with local tribes that remain outside the control of the central government.
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Ward, Kenneth D., Mark W. Vander Weg, Kristen Wood Kovach, Robert C. Klesges, Margaret W. DeBon, C. Keith Haddock, G. Wayne Talcott, and Harry A. Lando. "Ethnic and Gender Differences in Smoking and Smoking Cessation in a Population of Young Adult Air Force Recruits." American Journal of Health Promotion 16, no. 5 (May 2002): 259–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4278/0890-1171-16.5.259.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose. To examine gender and ethnic differences in smoking and smoking cessation in a population of young adult military recruits. Design. A self-administered survey of demographics, tobacco use, and other health risk behaviors was administered at the start of basic military training. Setting. The study was conducted at Lackland Air Force Base, San Antonio, Texas, where all U.S. Air Force recruits complete basic military training. Subjects. All recruits who entered the U.S. Air Force between September 1995 and September 1996 participated in this study (n = 32,144; 100% participation rate). Measures. Recruits completed a written 53-item behavioral risk questionnaire. Measures examined in the present study included smoking status (ever having smoked a cigarette, current daily smoking, and quitting); demographics (ethnicity, gender, education, family income, and age); smoking history; and nicotine dependence. Results. Rates of ever smoking, current daily smoking, and quitting were examined in multiple logistic regression analyses as a function of gender and ethnicity, controlling for age, education, and family income. Overall, 54% of recruits had ever smoked a cigarette and 24.9% smoked daily at the time of entry into basic military training. Smoking rates were highest among white and Native American recruits. Among whites, women were more likely to be a current daily smoker (31.6% vs. 29.4%; odds ratio [OR] = 1.18, 99% confidence intervals [CI] = 1.08–1.29). The opposite pattern was observed among African-Americans (5.6% vs. 9.8%, respectively; OR = .57; CI = .41–.79). Current smokers had low levels of nicotine dependence compared with the general population of U.S. smokers, but whites tended to be more dependent than other ethnic groups. Cessation rates were similar for men and women but differed according to ethnicity, ranging from 15% among whites to 23% among Hispanics. Conclusions. These findings document important gender and ethnic differences in cigarette smoking among military recruits. Whites and Native Americans were more likely to smoke, less likely to quit, and more nicotine-dependent than other ethnic groups. Across gender/ethnicity groups, smoking rates were especially high among white women, with nearly one-third smoking daily until entry into basic training. Gender differences were not observed in cessation rates, but Hispanics were more likely than other ethnic groups to have quit smoking. The results highlight the need to develop effective cessation interventions for this population.
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Chan, Kiera, Alexis Bender, Vincent Marconi, Amy Justice, Theodore Johnson, Keith McInnes, and Molly Perkins. "RESILIENCY AS A PROCESS: A QUALITATIVE INVESTIGATION INTO U.S. VETERANS’ EXPERIENCES AGING WITH HIV." Innovation in Aging 6, Supplement_1 (November 1, 2022): 793–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igac059.2865.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract U.S. military Veterans aging with HIV represent a unique special population. The aim of this qualitative study was to investigate risk and protective factors associated with Veterans’ ability to age well with HIV. Participants included 25 Veterans (≥ age 50) participating in the Veterans Aging Cohort Study who were recruited from the Atlanta Veterans Affairs (VA) Medical Center. This study conducted semi-structured interviews, social network mapping, and sociodemographic and health surveys. Participants ranged in age from 50 to 72, with a mean age of 59. Most (80%) were male, and more than half (60%) were African American. Findings showed that many participants experienced adversity in childhood or early adulthood, including military sexual violence, childhood abuse, and non-military domestic violence, as well as harassment based on sexual identity. Many also had histories of substance abuse. Although military life provided stability for some, most experienced some form of instability after leaving the service, including financial difficulties and loss of valued military ties. Timing of diagnosis, whether in the military or after the military, impacted resiliency. Receiving an HIV diagnosis was an important turning point in participants’ lives characterized by either maladaptive (e.g., suicide ideation) or therapeutic (e.g., health promoting behaviors) coping strategies. Positive social support, including close relationships many developed with providers at the VA HIV clinic, was an important protective factor. The sample experienced cumulative life events that shaped their ability to age with HIV. Findings have important implications for interventions to promote Veterans’ ability to age well with HIV.
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Fahey, Margaret C., Marion E. Hare, Gerald W. Talcott, Mehmet Kocak, Ann Hryshko-Mullen, Robert C. Klesges, and Rebecca A. Krukowski. "Characteristics Associated With Participation in a Behavioral Weight Loss Randomized Control Trial in the U.S. Military." Military Medicine 184, no. 3-4 (August 14, 2018): e120-e126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/usy199.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Introduction Effective recruitment and subsequent enrollment of diverse populations is often a challenge in randomized controlled trials, especially those focused on weight loss. In the civilian literature, individuals identified as racial and ethnic minorities, men, and younger and older adults are poorly represented in weight loss interventions. There are limited weight loss trials within military populations, and to our knowledge, none reported participant characteristics associated with enrollment. There may be unique motives and barriers for active duty personnel for enrollment in weight management trials. Given substantial costs and consequences of overweight and obesity in the U.S. military, identifying predictors and limitations to diverse enrollment can inform future interventions within this population. The study aims to describe the recruitment, screening, and enrollment process of a military weight loss intervention. Demographic and lifestyle characteristics of military personnel lost between screening and randomization are compared to characteristics of personnel randomized in the study and characteristics of the Air Force in general. Materials and Methods The Fit Blue study, a randomized controlled behavioral weight loss trial for active duty personnel, was approved by the Institutional Review Board of the Wilford Hall Ambulatory Surgical Center in San Antonio, TX, USA and acknowledged by the Institutional Review Board at the University of Tennessee Health Science Center. Logistic regressions compared participant demographics, anthropometric data, and health behaviors between personnel that attended a screening visit but were not randomized and those randomized. Multivariable models were constructed for the likelihood of being randomized using a liberal entry and stay criteria of 0.10 for the p-values in a stepwise variable selection algorithm. Descriptive statistics compared the randomized Fit Blue cohort demographics to those of the U.S. Air Force Results In univariate analyses, older age (p < 0.02), having a college degree or higher (p < 0.007) and higher military rank (p < 0.02) were associated with completing the randomization process. The randomized cohort reported a lower percentage of total daily kilocalories for fat compared to the non-randomized cohort (p = 0.033). The non-randomized cohort reported more total minutes and intensity of physical activity (p = 0.073). In the multivariate model, only those with a college degree or higher were 3.2 times more likely to go onto randomization. (OR = 3.2, 95% CI = 2.0, 5.6, p < 0.0001). The Fit Blue study included a higher representation of personnel who identified as African American (19.4% versus 15.0%) and Hispanic/Latino (22.7% versus 14.3%) compared with the U.S. Air Force in general; however, men were underrepresented (49.4% versus 80.0%). TABLE I.Comparisons of Demographic Characteristics of Randomized Fit Blue Cohort to Screened Non-Randomized CohortFit Blue Randomized Participants (N = 248)Non-Randomized Cohort (N = 111)All Screened Participants (N = 359)p-ValueSex N (%)0.73 Male122 (49.2)52 (46.8)174 (48.5) Female126 (50.8)59 (53.2)183 (51.5)Age Mean (±SD) years34 (±7.5)32 (±6.7)33 (±7.3)0.02Race N (%)0.89 African American49 (19.8)22 (19.8)71 (19.8) Caucasian163 (65.7)75 (67.6)238 (66.3) Other36 (14.5)14 (12.2)50 (13.9)Ethnicity N (%)0.59 Hispanic/Latino56 (22.6)28 (25.2)84 (23.4) Non-Hispanic/Latino192 (77.4)83 (74.8)275 (76.6)Education N (%)<0.0001 Less than college degree123 (49.6)82 (73.9)205 (57.1) College degree or greater125 (50.4)29 (26.1)154 (42.9)Marital status N (%)0.83 Single/never married40 (16.1)20 (18)60 (16.7) Married/living as married169 (68.1)72 (64.9)241 (67.1) Separated/divorced39 (15.7)19 (17.1)58 (16.2)Number of additional adults in household N (%)0.82 046 (18.5)22 (19.8)68 (18.9) 1162 (65.3)73 (65.8)235 (65.5) 231 (12.5)14 (12.6)45 (12.5) 3 or more9 (3.6)2 (1.8)11 (3.1)Number of children in household N (%)0.56 091 (36.7)37 (33.3)128 (35.7) 159 (23.8)23 (20.7)82 (22.8) 257 (23)26 (23.4)83 (23.1) 3 or more41 (16.5)25 (22.5)66 (18.4)Years in service mean (± SD)12 (±6.6)11 (±6.1)12 (±6.4)0.20Military gradeaN (%)0.02 E1–E434 (13.7)19 (17.1)53 (14.8) E5–E6105 (42.3)58 (52.3)163 (45.4) E7–E952 (21)21 (18.9)73 (20.3) O1–O317 (6.9)9 (8.1)26 (7.2) O4–O639 (15.7)4 (3.6)43 (12)Branch0.68 Army4 (1.6)1 (0.9)5 (1.4) Air Force234 (94.4)105 (94.6)339 (94.4) Navy8 (3.2)5 (4.5)13 (3.6) Marine Corp2 (0.8)0 (0.0)2 (0.6)BMI (m2/kg) N (%)30.6 (±2.7)30.4 (±2.9)30.6 (±2.8)BMI category N (%)0.76 Overweight115 (46.4)52 (48.1)167 (46.9) Obese133 (53.6)56 (51.9)189 (53.1)aMilitary ranking; Enlisted (E) categories: E1–E4 (enlisted), E5–E6 (non-commissioned officers), E7–E9 (senior non-commissioned officers) and two Officer categories (O): O1–O3 (Company Grade Officer) and O4–O6 (Field Grade Officer); standard deviation (SD).Table II.Comparisons of Anthropometric Characteristics of Randomized Fit Blue Cohort to Screened Non-Randomized CohortFit Blue Randomized Participants (N = 248)Non-Randomized Cohort (N = 111)All Screened Participants (N = 359)p-ValuePhysical activity Total physical activity2525 (±3218)2840 (±2541)2621 (±3028)0.027 (mean (±SD) minutes per week) Total sedentary physical activity5046 (±239)472 (±221)494 (±234)0.35 (mean (±SD) minutes per week) Vigorous physical activity34 (±145)54 (±152)40 (±147)0.036 (mean (±SD) minutes per week)Dietary intake Total sweetened beverages (kcal per day)165 (±206)152.9 (±166)160.8 (±194)0.80 Fruit and vegetable consumption (cups per day)3 (±1)3 (±1)3 (±1)0.52 Dietary fat (% total kcal)35 (±4)34 (±4)35 (±4)0.033 Conclusions Accounting for all influencing characteristics, higher educational status was the only independent predictor of randomization. Perhaps, highly educated personnel are more invested in a military career, and thus, more concerned with consequences of failing required fitness tests. Thus, it may be important for future weight loss interventions to focus recruitment on less-educated personnel. Results suggest that weight loss interventions within a military population offer a unique opportunity to recruit a higher prevalence of males and individuals who identify as racial or ethnic minorities which are populations commonly underrepresented in weight loss research.
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Russell-Wood, A. J. R. "Ambivalent Authorities: The African and Afro-Brazilian Contribution to Local Governance in Colonial Brazil." Americas 57, no. 1 (July 2000): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500030194.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A theme common to all regions of the Portuguese seaborne empire was dependency on non-Europeans for the creation, consolidation and survival of empire: for defense, labor, construction of towns and forts, transportation, production of raw materials, sexual gratification and, in the case of the Estado da India (Portuguese forts, towns, cities and factories from the Swahili coast to Japan and Timor), on merchants, brokers and interpreters to provide access to suppliers, distributors, commercial networks, and even vessels and capital. Through conversion, peoples from Japan to Africa and America, contributed to the flock of the church militant and, in some more limited cases, as missionaries, catechists, and secular priests. One exception was Brazil where Amerindians were not admitted into the regular or secular clergy. The one area in which the Portuguese crown was not willing to countenance indigenous participation was appointment to public office, be this in the imperial bureaucracy, or election to city or town councils other than in Cape Verde and São Tomé. In Asia and Angola persons other than of exclusively European parentage on both sides and even New Christians may have served on town councils, and some non-Europeans held clerical positions, but the policy forbidding persons of African descent to hold office in church or state was adhered to in practice. Brazil was unique in at least two regards. First, perhaps in no other European colony was dispossession (from an indigenous perspective) so complete. The Portuguese assumed sovereignty over indigenous peoples and their territories and saw Brazil as a tabula rasa where the Portuguese were free to establish cities, institutions, governance, commercial practices, and to implant their religious beliefs, writing and numeracy systems, values, and mores. Secondly, among European overseas colonies in the early modern period, Brazil was unique in that by the end of the colonial period (1822), a transplanted population of African-born and their American-born descendants comprised a demographic majority which exceeded the indigenous population and persons of European origin or descent.
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Mashevskyi, Oleh. "NEW PRIORITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN’S FOREIGN POLICY DURING TONY BLAIR’S PREMIERSHIP." European Historical Studies, no. 24 (2023): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyzes the state and perspectives for the further investigation of the foreign policy of the Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007). It is noted that the attention to the problem is caused both by Great Britain’s support of Ukraine in resisting russian full-scale invasion, and by the high level of activity of T. Blair and his Institute for Global Change, which are actively engaged in the development of concepts regarding a new vision of the place of post-Brexit Great Britain in the world. At the same time, they support Ukraine, actively analyze the importance and impact of russia’s war against Ukraine on the international world and security situation. The work outlines the traditional and new investigations of foreign historians who multifacetedly have scrutinized and continue to research the problems of the foreign policy of Great Britain during the prime ministership of Tony Blair. The formed scientific discourse on the relations of Great Britain with the USA and the EU countries, the problem of Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq war is highlighted. This discourse is marked by a reassessment of observed events, the formation of non-conventional approaches to problems, which is of particular interest and provides prospects for further research. Ukrainian historians continue to research issues of Great Britain’s foreign policy. Emphasis in works devoted to T. Blair’s foreign policy is usually placed on issues of Great Britain’s relations with the USA and the EU, Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq War and a number of military conflicts. The urgent need to form a scientific discourse, systematic, active scientific discussion at conferences and round tables is stressed. The author reveals the aspects of the British foreign policy which have to be investigated in the Ukrainian historiography: the cooperation with the Latin American countries (economic and political motives and interests, for instance, his visit to the states of the region, he was the first British Prime Minister who visited Argentina since the Falklands War), Blair`s interest in the time of his premiership towards the African countries (the creation of the Commission for Africa in 2004) and, especially, his lobbying of the initiatives during his heading in the G8. The article emphasizes the active use of a number of tools of public diplomacy, mass media by T. Blair, his understanding of the world’s globalization trends, and active support of these trends through economic, political and other levers. Moreover, the aspects for the further investigation are mentioned and characterized.
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Sharqi, Assist prof Dr Nahreen Jawad. "Democratic Peace and Liberal Peace: Argumentative and Intentions." International and Political Journal, no. 55 (June 1, 2023): 299–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ipj.i55.176.
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Some people believe that the concept of liberal peace should be seen in relation to the thesis of democratic peace. This literature focused more on whether democratic countries are more peaceful in their foreign relations and tried to provide a theoretical and empirical explanation for this. The democratic peace thesis states the following: 1) Democratic states rarely fight each other. 2) Democratic countries tend to be more open to international trade than non-democratic ones, which creates interdependencies that prevent war from breaking out between them.3) Democracies tend to be more internally peaceful than other systems. Here, it is important to point out that the thesis of democratic peace is closely related to Immanuel Kant’s idea of “perpetual peace”. As for the liberal peace thesis, from Richmond’s point of view, it bears four main aspects that emerged from the discussions in international theory and the different historical contexts related to the subject, especially in the West. These include the four aspects of liberal peace (victorious peace, constitutional peace, institutional peace, and civil peace). Richmond noted that the peace of the victor is the result of the old realist argument that peace depends on military victory and on the domination of the victor. But the peace of the victor may result in political resistance, as in Iraq and Afghanistan. The second, constitutional peace, derives from the Kantian argument that peace is the result of democracy, commerce, and a set of universal values based on individualism. Richmond notes that "the constitutional peace struggles with those who do not want to share power, and who do not want to entrench local legal structures that might prohibit their activities." As for institutional peace, it is the peace that results from normative and legal institutional arrangements between countries that agree - in a multilateral manner - on ways to act and impose or define their behavior. This can be found in international institutions such as the United Nations as well as regional organizations such as the European Union, the African Union (AU), the League of Arab States (AL), the Organization of American States (OAS), and subregional organizations such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The fourth aspect, (civil peace), which emphasizes the importance of the participation of citizens and civil society institutions in making peace. Unlike the other three aspects of liberal peace, the contribution of individuals rather than the state or international organization is included in this strategy.
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Whalen, Brian. "Introduction." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 9, no. 1 (August 15, 2003): vii—x. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v9i1.112.
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This volume of Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad offers a wide variety of approaches and topics in international education research. First, readers will note the geographic diversity that the articles represent; they examine study abroad topics in Africa, Argentina, Costa Rica, France, Nepal, Thailand, and Vietnam. Second, the articles cover a wide-range of issues, including language acquisition, risk management, recruitment of minority students for study abroad, evaluation of cultural integration, and financial inequities in study abroad. Third, this volume contains articles by a variety of authors, including U.S.-based study abroad administrators, faculty members, and on-site resident directors. Finally, the modes of inquiry are as varied as the topics and authors. Research approaches in this volume include survey instruments, interviews, participant observation, case studies, literature review, as well as analytical essays.
This diversity of geography, issues, authors, and modes of inquiry has from the beginning characterized the content of Frontiers and been one of its chief strengths. When the first volume of Frontiers appeared in 1995, one was hard pressed to find many research-based and analytical studies in the field, let alone the diversity of such work that this volume represents. In this regard, Frontiers has matured along with the field of international education, and today, almost ten years later, this volume reflects the growing importance being placed on research on the critical aspects of our work.
The opening article by Lilli Engle and John Engle, “Study Abroad Levels: Toward a Classification of Program Types,” offers a revolutionary perspective by which international educators may categorize and judge study abroad programs. Their proposed typology makes qualitative distinctions between study abroad program models based on their view of a spectrum of cultural immersion. Frontiers readers will find their analysis provocative, stimulating study abroad professionals to examine programming in useful ways.
In “Women and Cultural Learning in Costa Rica: Reading the Contexts,” Adele Anderson reviews research on Costa Rica’s cultural context, student adjustment and tourism theory, relating them to American student experiences, and she includes data from ethnographic observations and interviews collected during three years as a resident director of short-term programs. Anderson introduces a tool that may be used by resident directors to guide student cultural adjustment more systematically.
Mark Ritchie, an on-site resident director in Thailand, provides a very useful analysis of study abroad risk management in his article, “Risk Management in Study Abroad: Lessons from the Wilderness.” Ritchie draws upon the principles of wilderness education, especially as it is conducted in developing countries, in offering recommendations for study abroad risk management. Readers will appreciate his suggestions for reducing risk by applying the experiential techniques of wilderness education.
J. Scott Van Der Meid’s study, “Asian Americans: Factors Influencing the Decision to Study Abroad,” examines the factors that influence Asian American students’ decision to study abroad, and provides useful suggestions for considering ways to increase study abroad participation among this population. As the field of study abroad continues to seek ways to increase minority participation in study abroad, Van Der Meid’s study offers a model for examining this question among all ethnic groups.
In their analysis of an innovative Vietnam study abroad program, “History Lived and Learned: Students and Vietnam Veterans in an Integrative Study Abroad Course,” Raymond Scurfield, Leslie Root, and Andrew Wiest et al, analyze the collaborative learning experience of students and Vietnam veterans in a program that combined the teaching of Vietnam culture and military history with an exploration of the mental health aspects of combat and post-war recovery of the veterans. This article discusses the lessons learned from the experience of designing and implementing a study abroad program that integrates history education with therapeutic objectives. Jennifer Coffman and Kevin Brennan analyze the economic imbalance of African educational exchange with the United States in their article, “African Studies Abroad: Meaning and Impact of America’s Burgeoning Export Industry.” Coffman and Brennan recommend developing more equitable models of reciprocity by examining the economics of U.S. – African exchanges, and by reconsidering the ways in which African study abroad programs are conceived and implemented in light of their social and intellectual impact.
“Development of Oral Communication Skills Abroad” by Christina Isabelli-Garcia examines the impact of a semester study abroad program in Argentina on the second language acquisition of three American university Spanish learners. Isabelli-Garcia’s study measures the development of two aspects of communications skills: first, fluency and performance in the oral functions of narration, and, second, description and supporting an opinion. Her study provides insight into the conditions of a study abroad program that best promote the acquisition of improved oral communication skills in a target language.
In “Studying Abroad in Nepal: Assessing Impact,” Patricia Farrell and Murari Suvedi present the perceived impact of studying in Nepal on students’ academic program, personal development, and intellectual development. Using a survey instrument as well as interviews and case studies, the authors link the reported outcomes to the objectives of the study abroad program.
We are pleased to include in this volume of Frontiers an essay by Patti McGill Peterson, “New Directions for the Global Century.” McGill Peterson’s analysis of the changing and challenging context for global education inspires us to meet the demands of the 21st century with determination, creativity, and enhanced global collaboration.
This volume of Frontiers concludes with reviews of books of interest to international educators, each relating to diverse intellectual foundations of the field: Jean-Philippe Mathy’s Extrême-Occident: French Intellectuals and America, Louis Menand’s The Metaphysical Club: A Story of Ideas in America, and First Great Triumph: How Five Americans Made Their Country a World Power by Warren Zimmermann. We encourage our readers to continue to suggest books of interest, and to submit reviews for consideration.
The update on the Forum on Education Abroad that appears at the back of this volume reflects the continuing fruitful collaboration between Frontiers and the Forum. Together with the Forum, Frontiers will continue to encourage and support research studies on study abroad topics, and to disseminate this research as widely as possible.
The next volume of Frontiers, due to be published in November, 2004, will be our tenth anniversary volume. It is appropriate that this anniversary volume will be a Special Issue that focuses on the assessment of the learning outcomes of study abroad, a topic that reflects the maturation of a field that is now beginning to document the results of its activity. Other Special Issues that are in the planning stages include: curriculum integration and study abroad, the arts and study abroad, and student development and study abroad.
Finally, I want to thank the new sponsors of Frontiers who, together with our existing sponsors, make the publication of this journal possible. The sponsors of Frontiers are institutions with a strong commitment to international education, and we are proud to be supported by them. The editorial board takes seriously its responsibility to provide the very best writing about and research on study abroad to our readers, and the support of our sponsors makes this mission possible.
Brian J. Whalen
Editor
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Morland, Leslie A., Stephanie Y. Wells, Lisa H. Glassman, Kathleen M. Grubbs, Margaret-Anne Mackintosh, Shahrokh Golshan, Min Ji Sohn, Steven R. Thorp, Ulysses C. Savage, and Ronald E. Acierno. "What Do Veterans Want? Understanding Veterans’ Preferences for PTSD Treatment Delivery." Military Medicine 184, no. 11-12 (March 6, 2019): 686–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/usz035.
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Abstract Introduction Home-based delivery of psychotherapy may offer a viable alternative to traditional office-based treatment for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) by overcoming several barriers to care. Little is known about patient perceptions of home-based mental health treatment modalities. This study assessed veterans’ preferences for treatment delivery modalities and how demographic variables and trauma type impact these preferences. Materials and Methods Veterans with PTSD (N = 180) participating in a randomized clinical trial completed a clinician-administered PTSD assessment and were asked to identify their modality preference for receiving prolonged exposure: home-based telehealth (HBT), office-based telehealth (OBT), or in-home-in-person (IHIP). Ultimately, modality assignment was randomized, and veterans were not guaranteed their preferred modality. Descriptive statistics were used to examine first choice preference. Chi-square tests determined whether there were significant differences among first choice preferences; additional tests examined if age, sex, and military sexual trauma (MST) history were associated with preferences. Results The study includes 135 male veterans and 45 female veterans from all military branches; respondents were 46.30 years old, on average. Veterans were Caucasian (46%), African-American (28%), Asian-American (9%), American Indian or Alaskan Native (3%), Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander (3%), and 11% identified as another race. Veterans experienced numerous trauma types (e.g., combat, sexual assault), and 29% had experienced MST. Overall, there was no clear preference for one modality: 42% of veterans preferred HBT, 32% preferred IHIP, and 26% preferred OBT. One-sample binomial tests assuming equal proportions were conducted to compare each pair of treatment options. HBT was significantly preferred over OBT (p = 0.01); there were no significant differences between the other pairs. A multinomial regression found that age group significantly predicted veterans’ preferences for HBT compared to OBT (odds ratio [OR] = 10.02, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.63, 61.76). Older veterans were significantly more likely to request HBT compared to OBT. Veteran characteristics did not differentiate those who preferred IHIP to OBT. Because there were fewer women (n = 45), additional multinomial regressions were conducted on each sex separately. There was no age group effect among the male veterans. However, compared to female Veterans in the younger age group, older female Veterans were significantly more likely to request HBT over OBT (OR = 10.66, 95% CI: 1.68, 67.58, p = 0.012). MST history did not predict treatment preferences in any analysis. Conclusions Fewer than 50% of the sample preferred one method, and each modality was preferred by at least a quarter of all participants, suggesting that one treatment modality does not fit all. Both home-based care options were desirable, highlighting the value of offering a range of options. The use of home-based care can expand access to care, particularly for rural veterans. The current study includes a diverse group of veterans and increases our understanding of how they would like to receive PTSD treatment. The study used a forced choice preference measure and did not examine the strength of preference, which limits conclusions. Future studies should examine the impact of modality preferences on treatment outcomes and engagement.
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Taylor, Robert Joseph, Linda M. Chatters, and R. Khari Brown. "African American Religious Participation." Review of Religious Research 56, no. 4 (December 10, 2013): 513–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13644-013-0144-z.
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Keele, Luke J., and Ismail K. White. "African American Turnout and African American Candidates." Political Science Research and Methods 7, no. 3 (February 20, 2018): 431–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2017.45.
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Do minority voters respond to co-racial or co-ethnic candidates? That is does the increased chance of substantive representation translate into increased participation? Here, we focus on this question among African American voters. While much of the empirical literature on this question has produced conflicting answers, recent studies suggest that minority candidates can significantly increase minority turnout. We argue that past work on this topic does not adequately account for the fact that minority voters in places with minority candidates may systematically differ in their level of participation than minority voters in places without minority candidates. In this study we address the weaknesses of previous research designs and offer a new design that exploits the redistricting process to gain additional leverage over this question. We find little evidence that African American voter turnout increases when voters are moved to African American candidates. We find some evidence that white voters, however, tend to vote at lower rates when they are represented by African American candidates.
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Friedman, Daphne R., Thomas D. Rodgers, Leah Szumita, and Elisa S. Weiss. "Identifying and Overcoming Barriers in Clinical Trial Enrollment for Veterans with Blood Cancers." Blood 138, Supplement 1 (November 5, 2021): 1920. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood-2021-146736.
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Abstract Introduction Equitable and diverse clinical trials participation is essential for practice-changing results to be applicable to all patients. However, patients who identify as minorities, who live in rural areas, and who have low income are typically underrepresented in clinical trials. Increasing clinical trial participation in general and among underrepresented patients in particular is a goal of The Leukemia & Lymphoma Society's (LLS) Clinical Trial Support Center (CTSC), a clinical trial nurse navigation service for patients with blood cancers and their oncologists. The Veterans Health Administration (VA) is a national network of health care facilities. Approximately 3% of cancers in the United States are diagnosed in the VA. The prevalence of certain blood cancers is higher in the VA, in part due to military exposures. Veterans who receive care in the VA are more likely to have lower income, live in rural areas, and have comorbidities than patients who receive care in the private sector. Clinical trial participation among Veterans may be hampered by VA-specific factors (e.g. relatively fewer clinical trial options in the VA, lack of awareness that Veterans may be referred to participate in clinical trials outside of the VA) and patient-specific factors (e.g. income, rurality, comorbidities, and minority status). This study aimed to characterize and overcome barriers to Veteran enrollment in blood cancer clinical trials. Methods The LLS CTSC performs clinical trial searches using a database with information from clinicaltrials.gov and other proprietary data. To assess the impact of geography and rurality on the availability of clinical trials, we performed simulated searches for clinical trials in proximity of 13 VA facilities (6 rural, 7 urban), six blood cancers (AML, CLL, DLBCL, FL, MDS, MM), and two disease statuses (new diagnosis, relapsed/refractory). To further evaluate barriers to CTSC referral and clinical trial enrollment among Veterans who receive care in the VA, we collected data about referral patterns of VA hematologist-oncologists and Veterans' treatment choices at four VA facilities between September 2020 through May 2021. Results When evaluating both 100- and 200-mile radii from the VA facilities in simulated searches, there were significantly more clinical trials available for Veterans who receive care in urban compared to rural areas and on the East or West Coast compared to the Midwest, in aggregate (all cancers) and by disease type or status (p unadj < 0.0001). Forty-eight Veterans with blood cancers at the Durham NC, Salem VA, Sioux Falls SD, and Clarksburg WV VA facilities had consideration of clinical trials as a treatment option by oncology providers over a nine-month period. All Veterans were male, with 33 White/15 African-American, 47 non-Hispanic/1 Hispanic, age 41-93 years (median 71), living 0.2-186 miles from their VA facility (median 33.1), with diverse diseases and stages represented. Of the 48 patients, 14 patients were not asked if they wanted clinical trials information; reasons were need for immediate therapy, co-morbidities, or patient circumstances. Of 34 patients who were asked if they wanted clinical trials information, 14 did not agree to a referral to the CTSC; reasons were preference for immediate therapy, wanting care in the VA, wanting standard therapy, and lack of transportation. Of 20 referred Veterans, two enrolled in clinical trials outside the VA (for CLL and PMF), with investigational therapy provided by the study sponsors. Conclusions Using data from simulated and actual patient referrals to the LLS CTSC, we identified patient, provider, and location specific barriers for Veteran referral and enrollment in blood cancer clinical trials. When offered information about clinical trials, the majority of patients agreed to an LLS CTSC referral, suggesting that patients are generally willing to receive education and information about trial participation if given the opportunity. The LLS CTSC nurse navigators can overcome barriers to enrollment by providing education and identifying potential clinical trials within a desired geographic area. In addition to resources provided by the LLS CTSC, opening additional clinical trials in rural areas and within the VA system could help increase Veteran participation in clinical trials for blood cancers. Disclosures Rodgers: MJH Lifesciences: Consultancy. Weiss: AbbVie Inc.: Research Funding; Amgen Inc.: Research Funding; AstraZeneca Pharmaceuticals: Research Funding; Bristol Myers Squibb: Research Funding.
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Scott, Rebecca J. "Discerning a Dignitary Offense: The Concept of Equal “Public Rights” during Reconstruction." Law and History Review 38, no. 3 (August 2020): 519–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248020000255.
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The mountain of modern interpretation to which the language of the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution has been subjected tends to overshadow the multiple concepts of antidiscrimination that were actually circulating at the time of its drafting. Moreover, as authors on race and law have pointed out, Congress itself lacked any African American representatives during the 1866–68 moment of transitional justice. The subsequent development of a “state action doctrine” limiting the reach of federal civil rights enforcement, in turn, eclipsed important contemporary understandings of the harms that Reconstruction-era initiatives sought to combat. In contrast to the oblique language of the Fourteenth Amendment, a dignity-based legal theory of affirmative equal rights had by 1867 taken center stage in the cosmopolitan city of New Orleans. Activists formulated the concept of “public rights” as a claim to participation without discrimination in the entire sphere of “common life.” Elections for delegates to Louisiana's Constitutional Convention of 1867–68, held under the broad suffrage mandated by the Military Reconstruction Acts, yielded a convention in which half of the members were men of African descent. Seeking the “impartial treatment of all men” in “[c]hurches, hotels, cars, steamboats, theaters, stores, even schools,” the convention crafted a Bill of Rights that affirmatively guaranteed to all of the state's citizens “the same civil, political, and public rights,” independent of race or color. These innovations in the defense of human rights under law drew from a deep well of anti-caste thinking developed in domestic and transnational discussions conducted in both French and English, with participants from both sides of the Atlantic and the Caribbean. Cosmopolitan progressives such as Edouard Tinchant and Jean-Charles Houzeau worked with Louisiana-born activists including Louis Charles Roudanez, Simeon Belden, and Paul Trévigne to develop and advance the idea of public rights. Legislators crafted and passed state statutes that provided for civil penalties for violation of these rights, along with a private cause of action that could yield both actual and exemplary damages. Throughout the 1870s, however, advocates met a fierce white-supremacist counterattack, one that fused obstructionist litigation, vote suppression, and vigilante violence. A claim to equal treatment under the 1868 constitution was won in the state courts by Josephine Decuir, but was overturned in 1877 at the United States Supreme Court. With the ascent of the Democratic Party, white supremacists–including the lawyer/vigilante Robert Hardin Marr-took their seats on the state Supreme Court. By 1879, the public rights guarantees had been expunged from the state's constitution. Nonetheless, for a crucial decade, the cross-racial politics of Louisiana had overcome many of the deficits of legitimacy that often undercut moments of transitional lawmaking. Delegates to the 1867–68 Constitutional Convention took the opportunity to spell out specific positive rights that they saw as essential to full civil freedom. And at the center, they placed their insistence that the state had an obligation to assure that men and women of color would not be subjected to forced indignity in the public sphere.
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Moore, Brenda L. "African American Women in the U.S. Military." Armed Forces & Society 17, no. 3 (April 1991): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9101700303.
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Bandžović, Sead. "The phenomenon of fragile states: Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 338–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.338.
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The three key conditions for the existence of a state, according to the theory of state and law, are geographical territory, population and organized political power in that area. However, during the twentieth century in some African and Asian countries, due to various political, economic and other factors, problems began to appear in performance of their basic functions: ensuring public order and peace, providing health services, education. Modern science has introduced the term failed states to describe such countries. This scientific phenomenon has been the subject of numerous researches, and international organizations have been publishing annual indices of fragile, failed or unsuccessful world states for years. The first index of its kind was created in 2005 by the American non-profit organization The Fund for Peace in cooperation with the magazine Foreign Policy, which initially included 76 countries. The original term failed state was considered politically extremely incorrect, even when it referred to countries like South Sudan or Somalia, noting that such a term originated in the political terminology of developed countries by which all other countries at a lower level of development were considered to be failed ones. Therefore, in 2014, a new notion of a fragile state was created, and accordingly the existing index was renamed the Fragile State Index (FSI). This parameter determines the degree of fragility for each country on an annual basis, assessing four basic indicators: cohesion (functionality of the state apparatus), economic (overall economic situation), political (legitimacy of the state, availability of public services, respect for human rights and freedoms) and social (demographic structure of the community, number of displaced persons and refugees, external interventions). Based on the values of these indicators, countries are positioned in four groups: sustainable, stable, endangered and alarming. The paper also discusses Bosnia and Herzegovina as a potentially fragile state. Although it enjoys sovereignty and political independence, the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement still provides for the strong participation of the international community in the performance of its basic state functions. Examples include the presence of international military and police forces from the early post-war years to the present (EUFOR), with a special emphasis on the position of High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The peace agreement gave him the status of his supreme interpreter, as well as the well-known Bonn powers that he used on several occasions to remove Bosnian political officials and the imposition of laws (Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Prosecutor's Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina) due to the inability of domestic parliamentary bodies to pass them independently. In addition to the extremely complicated constitutional structure, the functioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina is hampered by the inability to reach an agreement between political representatives on key issues in the country. In the first place, these are much-needed changes to the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina that would in the future allow members of minorities (Jews and Roma) to elect their own representatives in the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in 2009 in the case of Sejdić-Finci assessed that the impossibility of minority participation in political decision-making is a gross violation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Numerous international organizations, primarily Human Rights Watch, have been warning for years about other problems in the country: national segregation of children under two schools under one roof, numerous attacks on Bosniak returnees in Republic of Srpska without adequate sanctions and extreme slowness in war crimes proceedings and the administration of transitional justice with the emergence of increasingly frequent denials of war crimes and victims. Although more than 25 years have passed since the end of the war, the participation of the international factor is still noticeable, and in some cases necessary.
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PARINOS, Nana. "African American Women in Persian Gulf Wars." Journal in Humanities 8, no. 2 (May 7, 2020): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/hum.v8i2.408.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper outlines the role, contribution and place of ethnic women minorities, namely, African American women, taking their race, religious and national backgrounds into consideration in Persian Gulf Wars. Methods: Quantitative research method; Comparative research method; Content-analyses. Results: The evidence suggests that 33 percent of women in the military were African Americans. This figure is quite impressive and indicates that women gained the best adaptation to this field. It was the military that became the trampoline that would connect them to American society. Military service gave African American women the following advantages: Career opportunities (the field is dangerous and less demanding); Ability to demonstrate goodness to the country; Adaptation to civil society.Keywords: African American women, ethnic women minorities, Persian Gulf wars, racial discrimination, sexual discrimination
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Besenyő, János. "Hungarian Participation in the EU-Led African Military Operations." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 17, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2018.1.7.
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Africa is a high priority region to the European Union. Therefore, the European Union Launched independent missions in the unstable regions of the African continent regularly since 2003, in order to restraint and eliminate local conflicts and prepare local armed forces for mission. Hungary was involved in a wide range of tasks in recent years from June 2005. We contributed to the success of these missions, our soldiers served on the highest respectable level among others in the Darfur, Congo, Chadian, Somali and Mali operations as well as in the elimination of piracy in this region. After all, it is likely that the European Union will continuously count on our country’s participation in its peacesupporting missions. In the study I would like to present nine major operations, and the ultimately cancelled Libyan mission. I detail the case-specific objectives and implementation through first-hand experience, which was gained during my deployment. As far as Hungary is concerned, I wish to demonstrate the Hungarian soldiers’ admirable work during these missions, besides, I would like to concentrate on the background and conditions of our participation.
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Osur, Alan M. "The Encyclopedia of African American Military History (review)." Journal of Military History 69, no. 2 (2005): 574–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2005.0119.
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Miles, Morgan P., Fred H. Ritzel, H. Ken Cordell, and Barbara McDonald. "African American Participation in Wildland Outdoor Recreation." Journal of Nonprofit & Public Sector Marketing 2, no. 4 (April 21, 1995): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j054v02n04_06.
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Robnett, Belinda, and James A. Bany. "Gender, Church Involvement, and African-American Political Participation." Sociological Perspectives 54, no. 4 (December 2011): 689–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2011.54.4.689.
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While numerous studies discuss the political implications of class divisions among African-Americans, few analyze gender differences in political participation. This study assesses the extent to which church activity similarly facilitates men's and women's political participation. Employing data from a national cross-sectional survey of 1,205 adult African-American respondents from the 1993 National Black Politics Study, the authors conclude that black church involvement more highly facilitates the political participation of black men than black women. Increasing levels of individual black church involvement and political activity on the part of black churches increases the gender gap in political participation and creates a gender participation gap for some political activities. These findings suggest that while institutional engagement increases political participation, the gendered nature of the institutional context also influences political engagement outcomes.
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Pinn, Anthony B. "Introduction: African American Religion Symposium." Nova Religio 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2003): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2003.7.1.7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This essay introduces five articles in a Nova Religio symposium focusing on African American Religion. The essays provide some means for re-imagining the study of African American religion in ways that allow for a much better understanding of African American participation in traditional and new religious movements.
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Franklin, Anderson J. "Therapy with African American Men." Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services 73, no. 6 (June 1992): 350–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104438949207300603.
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African American males have a low participation rate in therapy. The author discusses how cultural, socialization, gender-related, and psychohistorical issues—specifically the “invisibility” of this population—contribute to African American males' resistance to therapy. Suggestions for how clinicians may bridge the gap of distrust between patient and therapist are offered.
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Sengupta, Sohini, Ronald P. Strauss, Robert DeVellis, Sandra Crouse Quinn, Brenda DeVellis, and William B. Ware. "Factors Affecting African-American Participation in AIDS Research." Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes 24, no. 3 (July 2000): 275–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00042560-200007010-00014.
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Caulin-Glaser, Teresa, and Renae Schmeizl. "AFRICAN AMERICAN PARTICIPATION IN CARDIAC REHABILITATION AFTER REVASCULARIZATION." Journal of Cardiopulmonary Rehabilitation 20, no. 5 (September 2000): 294. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00008483-200009000-00032.
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Peterson, Steven A., and Shaun L. Gabbidon. "Stressful Life Events and African American Political Participation." Journal of Black Studies 38, no. 2 (March 19, 2007): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934705283885.
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Spence, Lester K., and Harwood McClerking. "Context, Black Empowerment, and African American Political Participation." American Politics Research 38, no. 5 (August 18, 2010): 909–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x09360001.
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Lang, Rosalyn, Vinaya A. Kelkar, Jennifer R. Byrd, Christopher L. Edwards, Margaret Pericak-Vance, and Goldie S. Byrd. "African American Participation in Health-Related Research Studies." Journal of Public Health Management and Practice 19, no. 2 (2013): 110–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/phh.0b013e31825717ef.
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Chatters, Linda M., Robert Joseph Taylor, and Karen D. Lincoln. "African American Religious Participation: A Multi-Sample Comparison." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 38, no. 1 (March 1999): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1387589.
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Aaron, Kaytura Felix, David Levine, and Helen R. Burstin. "African American church participation and health care practices." Journal of General Internal Medicine 18, no. 11 (November 2003): 908–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1525-1497.2003.20936.x.
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Sengupta, Sohini, Ronald P. Strauss, Robert DeVellis, Sandra Crouse Quinn, Brenda DeVellis, and William B. Ware. "Factors Affecting African-American Participation in AIDS Research." JAIDS Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes 24, no. 3 (July 2000): 275–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00126334-200007010-00014.
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MALAH, Hanan Hasan, and Samar Abdullah HOWIDE. "CHILD SOLDIERS AND THEIR PROTECTION INTERNATIONALLY." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 04, no. 05 (September 1, 2022): 626–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.19.36.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At the signing of the Geneva Protocols of 1977, the phenomenon of child recruitment was widespread and in different countries of the world, and with documented reports by the International Committee of the Red Cross, as it was shown that children participated in the fighting no more than twelve years old, in the first Gulf War, Central America, Asia and Africa This was supported by UNICEF reports issued in 1986, which recorded a clear violation of the rights of the child in accordance with the principles of human rights and international humanitarian law, as there are more than twenty countries that allow the participation of children in armed conflicts between the ages of ten and eighteen, and even less, In military training, unofficial military activities in civil wars, and recruitment into liberation armies.
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Edargis, Andrey. "Political and military cooperation in the margins of UNASUR." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2016): 83–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-4-83-87.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article gives an account of the directions of the South American Defense Council activities, analyses the level of UNASUR member-states` participation into political and military cooperation, defines military threats, evaluates the development of the cooperation of South American states in the near future
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Tavares, Rodrigo. "The Participation of SADC and ECOWAS in Military Operations: The Weight of National Interests in Decision-Making." African Studies Review 54, no. 2 (September 2011): 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0037.
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Abstract:Over the last decade, African regional organizations have gained considerable scope in peacekeeping and peace enforcement. Two subregional organizations in particular, ECOWAS and SADC, have gathered significant experience in military interventions in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea Bissau, Ivory Coast, Lesotho, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. This article assesses the decision-making processes of both organizations ahead of the interventions and concludes that African states participate in military interventions for reasons of national and personal interests rather than humanitarian reasons or out of a primary interest in preserving regional stability. The article draws from extensive fieldwork in four African countries.
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Gropman, Alan. "Book Review: African-American Military History: We Can Do Better." Armed Forces & Society 28, no. 2 (January 2002): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x0202800208.
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Huang, Hsin-hsin, and Angela D. Coker. "Examining Issues Affecting African American Participation in Research Studies." Journal of Black Studies 40, no. 4 (May 2008): 619–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934708317749.
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Smith, Yolanda R., Angela M. Johnson, Lisa A. Newman, Ardeth Greene, Timothy R. B. Johnson, and Juliet L. Rogers. "Perceptions of Clinical Research Participation among African American Women." Journal of Women's Health 16, no. 3 (April 2007): 423–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/jwh.2006.0124.
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Shaya, Fadia T., Confidence M. Gbarayor, Huiwen Keri Yang, Marriette Agyeman-Duah, and Elijah Saunders. "A perspective on African American participation in clinical trials." Contemporary Clinical Trials 28, no. 2 (February 2007): 213–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cct.2006.10.001.
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Dunbar, Christopher. "African American males and participation: Promising inclusion, practicing exclusion." Theory Into Practice 38, no. 4 (September 1999): 241–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00405849909543860.
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Philipp, Steven F., and Sherie Brezina. "Differences among African Americans and Euro-Americans in Reasons for Sports Participation." Perceptual and Motor Skills 95, no. 1 (August 2002): 184–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.2002.95.1.184.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Findings from 829 respondents from the southern United Slates (323 African American, 506 Euro-American adults) in 64 nonschool leisure locations participating in 19 different sports showed that the African American and Euro-American groups differed significantly on the importance given to 2 of 6 reasons offered for their sports participation, “socializing with others” and “improving skills.” Both reasons were rated as of greater importance by African-American respondents. These findings have implications for designing, marketing, and evaluating adult sports opportunities.
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SHIOSHVILI, Tamar. "Dynamic Observation of the American Women and the Military, War and Peace." Journal in Humanities 8, no. 2 (May 8, 2020): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/hum.v8i2.409.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Waves of American women’s movements for reaching changes in their economic, social, and political lives started two centuries ago and were full of turbulences. The role of women in the military has a long history as well. Although the great majority of the U.S. military personnel have always been male, the military has needed and continues to need women’s support and participation in many capacities. Starting from the Revolutionary War, the American women actively got involved in all the wars, but historically women’s saliency in all XVIII-XX wars, would be substituted by their quiescence in the post-war periods, as a result of men’s stereotypical attitude towards women’s role which relegated them to the household chores. Alternatively, women’s participation and contribution to the wars changed their self-images, and led them to expect equal treatment after the war as well. Men’s patriarchal bias towards women’s role was so strong, that it took several centuries, several wars to reach progress in the military and peace.Keywords: equal, post-war, military, combat