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1
Hirslund, Dan V. "Militant collectivity." Focaal 2015, no. 72 (June 1, 2015): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.720104.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A stubborn, anticapitalist movement, Maoism has persisted in the global periphery for the many past decades despite its tainted image as a progressive alterpolitical platform. This article seeks to ponder why this is the case by looking at a recent and popular example of leftist radical politics in the MLM tradition. I argue that contemporary Nepali Maoism is offering a militant, collectivist, antiliberal model for confronting capitalist and state hegemony in an effort to forge new class solidarities. Responding to a changed political environment for continuing its program of socialist revolution, I trace how the Maoist party's efforts at building a mass movement become centered on the question of organization, and in particular the requirements of what I term an ethical organization. Through an analysis of how caste and gender equalities are institutionalized within the movement, and the various ways in which collectivity becomes linked to concrete practices, the article offers an ethnographic analysis of contested egalitarian agency within a movement undergoing rapid change.
2
Suodenjoki, Sami. "Mobilising for land, nation and class interests: agrarian agitation in Finland and Ireland, 1879–1918." Irish Historical Studies 41, no. 160 (November 2017): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2017.32.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article explores the comparative history of land agitation and how it evolved and intersected with nationalism and socialism in Finland and Ireland between the Irish Land War and the Finnish Civil War of 1918. Drawing on current scholarship as well as contemporary newspapers and official records, the article shows that an organised land movement developed later and was markedly less violent in Finland than in Ireland. Moreover, while in Ireland the association of landlordism with British rule helped to fuse the land movement with nationalist mobilisation during the Land War, in Finland the tie between the land movement and nationalism remained weak. This was a consequence of Finnish nationalists’ strong affiliation with landowning farmers, which hindered their success in mobilising tenant farmers and agricultural workers. Consequently, the Finnish countryside witnessed a remarkable rise in the socialist movement in the early 1900s. The socialist leanings of the Finnish land movement were greatly influenced by the Russian revolutions, whereas in Ireland militant Fenianism, often emanating from Irish America, affected land agitation more than socialism. As to transnational exchanges, the article also indicates the influence of Irish rural unrest and the related land acts on Finnish public debates and legislation.
3
Ault, Brian. "Joining the Nazi Party before 1930." Social Science History 26, no. 2 (2002): 273–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012360.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The development of theNazi Party from 1925 to 1933 serves as fertile ground for studying what social movement researchers have identified as generic issues of micromobilization, the array of processes employed by movements in attracting, enlisting, and activatingmembers. Formally known as the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP), the Nazi Party was, of course, a political party in contention with other parties of theWeimar Republic until wresting state power in 1933. The lion’s share of empirical research on the NSDAP has been by way of electoral studies done by political sociologists, political scientists, and historians. However, if one draws back the historical frame and looks at the period from 1920 through 1933, the Nazi Party in its incipient stages (Orlow 1969: 40–45) behaved quite overtly like some of the disruptive, militant socialmovements illuminated in contemporary social movement literature, culminating in the failed November Putsch of 1923 and Hitler’s subsequent imprisonment.
4
Kelly, Catriona. "Socialist Churches: Heritage Preservation and “Cultic Buildings” in Leningrad, 1924-1940." Slavic Review 71, no. 4 (2012): 792–823. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.71.4.0792.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The demolition of churches is a notorious episode in Soviet political history, normally discussed in the context of the history of church-state relations. Yet which prerevolutionary buildings were meant to fit into a “model socialist city” such as Leningrad and how this was to happen was also a planning issue. Soviet planners (unlike members of the militant atheist movement) drew a distinction between buildings and their (current or possible) functions. The monument protection agencies were often successful in arguing that buildings of “historic and artistic importance” should be preserved, even in the face of considerable pressure from other city departments (for example, the suggestion that Smol'nyi Cathedral be demolished for the bricks). However, they gave preference to churches that lacked an “odiously ecclesiastical appearance,” were ruthless about sacrificing churches that they deemed to be of secondary significance, and readily agreed to secular uses for “cultic buildings.” As Catriona Kelly shows in this article, most of the local intelligentsia considered these planning decisions to be appropriate; it was not until the postwar decades, and more particularly the Brezhnev era, that attitudes to “cultic buildings” began to change.
5
Hedge Olson, Benjamin. "Burzum shirts, paramilitarism and National Socialist Black Metal in the twenty-first century." Metal Music Studies 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/mms_00030_1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Over the last ten years, the radical right has proliferated at an alarming rate in the United States. National Socialist Black Metal (NSBM) has become an important feature of neo-Nazi, White supremacist and militant racist groups as the radical right as a whole has gained traction in American political life. Although rooted in underground music-based subculture, NSBM has become an important crypto-signifier for the radical right in the twenty-first century providing both symbolic value and ideological inspiration. The anti-racist and apolitical elements of the North American metal scene have responded in a variety of different ways, sometimes challenging racist elements directly, at other times providing ambivalent acceptance of the far right within the scene. While fans, musicians, journalists and record labels struggle to come to terms with the meaning of NSBM and how it should be addressed, NSBM-affiliated political and paramilitary groups have formed and started making their violent fantasies a reality. As many elements within the American metal scene continue to perceive NSBM as a purely artistic movement of no concern to the world outside of the metal scene, proponents of NSBM are marching in the streets of Charlottesville, burning African American churches, murdering LGBTQ people and plotting acts of domestic terrorism.
6
Şener, Mustafa. "Left Movements and the Army in Turkey (1961–71): The Case of the Yön-Devrim Movement." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (December 27, 2021): 184–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10024.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Turkey’s long sixties started with a military coup (May 27, 1960) and ended with another military coup (March 12, 1971). During this period, there was an explosion in the number of radical left and socialist movements in Turkey. One of the leading left movements of the period was the Yön-Devrim movement. The most distinctive feature of this movement was the special role it placed on the military in the transition to socialism. In this article, we will focus on the relationship between the military and left/socialist politics during this period. To this end, we will examine the Yön-Devrim movement, specifically their approach to the military. In particular, we will examine why this movement imposed a “progressive” mission on the military, what kind of a transition a possible military coup would provide for socialism, and what role they envisioned for the army, and the bureaucracy in general, in the class struggle.
7
Levent, Yanlik. "A Test for Soviet Internationalism: Foreign Students in the USSR in the Early 1960s." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (February 16, 2021): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v071.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For leftist movements internationalism, as a principle of Marxism-Leninism, has always been of great importance. The paper discusses Soviet internationalism in relation to foreign students in the USSR in the early 1960s. The author emphasizes some characteristics of the first stages of ideological struggle between Soviet and Chinese communists in connection with the international youth movement and dwells on three demonstrations of foreign students in the Soviet Union. The first one took place on August 5, 1962 in Red Square and was arranged by a militant leftist Japanese student organization Zengakuren against Soviet nuclear tests. After returning home, their leader Nemoto filed a lawsuit against the Soviet police. However, this campaign failed to provoke anti-Soviet hysteria, but revealed lack of unity between the movements. On December 18, 1963, a demonstration of African students took place in Red Square following the death of Assare-Addo, a medical student from Ghana. This incident is considered against the background of conflicts with African students and a diplomatic crisis in the end of 1961, caused by student demonstrations in Guinea, which were supported by Guinean students in the Soviet Union. During the third demonstration on March 17, 1964, about 50 Moroccan students broke into the Moroccan embassy in Moscow and organized a sit-in to protest the death sentences against 11 people in Morocco who had allegedly planned to assassin King Hassan II. Thus, the correlation between socialist statehood and the principle of internationalism showed a certain pattern: when there is a state, internationalism is put to a serious test. The first protests of foreign students in the USSR clearly prove this point.
8
Schneer, Jonathan. "Politics and Feminism in “Outcast London”: George Lansbury and Jane Cobden's Campaign for the First London County Council." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 1 (January 1991): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385973.
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This article examines Jane Cobden's campaign for the London County Council (L.C.C.) in 1888–89 and its controversial aftermath. Cobden's effort, a pioneering political venture of British feminism, illuminates late-Victorian concepts of gender. It provides at once an anticipation of, and a distinct contrast to, the militant suffragism of the Edwardian era. In addition, it suggests new ways of thinking about the connection between women's-suffragist and labor politics. Perhaps because the campaign was a comparatively obscure incident when measured against the broad sweep of British political history, however, no scholar has done much more than sketch its bare outline. Hopefully, the fuller depiction provided below will accord it the treatment it really deserves.This article approaches the subject from a tangent, however. Cobden's campaign was a significant if little-known episode not only in the history of British suffragism but also in the life of a man who went on to play a major role in British politics long after the first county council elections had been forgotten. This was George Lansbury, Cobden's political agent during 1888–89 and secretary of the Bow and Bromley Radical and Liberal Federation. Lansbury eventually became one of the main architects of the socialist movement in East London and a chief male supporter of the militant suffragettes during the Edwardian era (in 1912 he temporarily lost his seat in the House of Commons and went to prison on their behalf). He also became a founder and editor of the quintessential “rebel” newspaper, theDaily Herald(which was designated Labour's official organ after Lansbury left it in 1922), a pacifist opponent of World War I, and, from 1931 to 1935, leader of the Labour party itself.
9
Zwahr, Hartmut, Donah Geyer, and Marcel van der Linden. "Class Formation and the Labor Movement as the Subject of Dialectic Social History." International Review of Social History 38, S1 (April 1993): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112313.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
As an introduction to this essay, three points need to be made. First, the European labor movements of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, on which we focus here, were part of bourgeois society. Secondly, they were a factor that challenged bourgeois society and thus contributed in several different ways to its change. Thirdly, as a result of this interaction, the labor movements themselves underwent changes. All of those were lasting changes. The systemic changes, imposed by revolutionary or military force, that accompanied the experiment in socialism, were not. In countries where the labor movement pursued socialist aims prior to the First World War on the crumbling foundations of a primarily pre-bourgeois society, such as in eastern and south-eastern Europe, it was the most radical force behind political democratization and modernization (Russia; Russian Poland: the Kingdom of Poland, Bulgaria). But it could not compensate for the society's evident lack of basic civic development, whereas the socialist experiment in Soviet Russia led not only to the demise of democratization but also to a halt of embourgeoisement.
10
Park, In Joo, and Jun Hee Hong. "A Historical Exploration of Sungjae, Lee Donghwi's Social Education of Saving Country as the Root of Korean Social Education." Korean Society for the Study of Lifelong Education 28, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 167–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.52758/kjle.2022.28.3.167.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this critical review is to find the origin and implications for the direction of lifelong education in the future through social education studies during the Japanese colonial period. Through historical literature approach, the researcher studied the thought formation process of Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education and his social education practice.
As a result of the critical review, Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education ideology would be influenced by Lee Seung-gyo's teaching, raising modern consciousness during military training and activities in the Independence Club, freedom and equality from Christian admission, and proletarian revolutionary ideology embraced socialism. It was confirmed that Lee Dong-hwi's practice of social education was a kind of revolutionary social education movement to save the country from Japanese oppression. He practiced early social education from Socialism with the building of schools actively, patriotic enlightenment movements through academic societies and social organizations, religious social education movements that carried out Christian evangelism and educational movements, and establishing the Korean Socialist Party and the Goryeo Communist Party.
These changing process of Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education and practicing social education that recognizes the importance of people's education and national independence as the highest value rather than socialist ideology could provide the important implications to Korean lifelong education by establishing its philosophy and presenting direction, solution of emerging challenges, and orientation of lifelong education after unification.
11
Ayusheeva, Marina V. "Anti-Religious Printed Propaganda in the Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic: A Case Study of the Erdem ba Shazhan Magazine." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 458 (2020): 130–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/458/16.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyzes anti-religious propaganda in the early 1920s in the Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic on the example of the magazine Erdem ba Shazhan [Science and Religion]. An important component of the state policy in the antireligious struggle in the republic was the Regional Union of Atheists, created in Verkhneudinsk on December 2, 1926. The publication of Erdem ba Shazhan in the Mongolian script was aimed at covering the gap of specialized literature on anti-religious propaganda. While analyzing issues of the magazine stored in the Center of Oriental Manuscripts and Xylographs of the Institute for Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan Studies of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, research methods of historical science were used. The source study method has revealed the significance of the magazine as a source for studying atheistic propaganda and introducing a new socialist ideology in Buryat society. Erdem ba Shazhan was a methodological guide for a wide network of circles of the League of Militant Atheists. The magazine described the anti-religious events held in the republic, discredited false religious postulates, and propagandized the new Soviet style of life. For instance, the magazine published scientific disputes with lamas about the essence of religion. The analysis of the contents of Erdem ba Shazhan shows that educational issues were aimed at the broad promotion of the new life and eradication of religious remnants occupied more than a half of its volume. The magazine had no thematic sections, but it is possible to identify several main headings: propaganda and educational materials, popular scientific articles, short news, literary life. The “short news” part presented items on the activities of not only the Union of Atheists, but also of the first scientific organization—Buruchkom. The history of overcoming religiousness and inculcating the new ideology found reflection in the works of fiction the magazine published. Young writers, scientists, and educators (Kh. Namsaraev, Ts. Don, D. Madason) collaborated with Erdem ba Shazhan. The magazine also contained visual materials: photos, drawings, caricatures. It is worth noting the original design of the magazine cover made by Ts. Sampilov. Along with other publications in the Mongolian script, Erdem ba Shazhan promoted the development of atheistic education. The magazine illustrated the most diverse aspects of the life of the Buryat population with an emphasis on the scientific nature of events. Thus, the publication of the magazine Erdem ba Shazhan had a significant impact on the development of the atheistic movement in the republic, along with more accessible forms of printed propaganda in the form of posters and other visual means, such as cinema and theater. In general, this magazine compensated for the lack of specialized literature in the Buryat language, being the only methodological guide for a network of atheist cells in rural areas.
12
Tsalikis, George. "Evaluation of the Socialist Health Policy in Greece." International Journal of Health Services 18, no. 4 (October 1988): 543–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/m3te-l30h-tyhw-hkqh.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Following seven years of military rule and seven years of “democratic restoration” under the Right, Greece is now sailing under the flag of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK). The Movement was inspired by the ideals of participatory democracy and socialization of the economy and of social services. A central part of socialist planning brought about the National Health System Act (1983) and related legislation intended to universalize health care, remove disparities, and restrict the private sector. It is argued here that the implementation of PASOK's statutory reforms in this field, as in others, will be subject to its ability to transform traditional patterns of production and consumption. As is now increasingly understood, it is hard to plan for socialism on the basis of wants provisions and patterns of consumption established under capitalism.
13
Davidson, Carl. "Economic Democracy and 21st Century Socialist Strategy." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (January 14, 2016): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341372.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article places the question of economy democracy in the wider context of socialist strategy. It starts by assessing the matter concretely, with a brief overview of Spain’s Mondragon Cooperatives, then showing how it fits into a wider and more multifaceted solidarity economy. From there, it discusses even wider alliances, including with green energy projects, to develop a political instrument that could bring these insurgent movements, each a militant minority, and their organizations to political power as a new progressive majority that could serve as a bridge to a new socialism.
14
Connolly, Clara, Lynne Segal, Michèle Barrett, Beatrix Campbell, Anne Phillips, Angela Weir, and Elizabeth Wilson. "Feminism and Class Politics: A Round-Table Discussion." Feminist Review 23, no. 1 (July 1986): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1986.18.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In December 1984 Angela Weir and Elizabeth Wilson, two founding members of Feminist Review, published an article assessing contemporary British feminism and its relationship to the left and to class struggle. They suggested that the women's movement in general, and socialist-feminism in particular, had lost its former political sharpness. The academic focus of socialist-feminism has proved more interested in theorizing the ideological basis of sexual difference than the economic contradictions of capitalism. Meanwhile the conditions of working-class and black women have been deteriorating. In this situation, they argue, feminists can only serve the general interests of women through alliance with working-class movements and class struggle. Weir and Wilson represent a minority position within the British Communist Party (the CP), which argues that ‘feminism’ is now being used by sections of the left, in particular the dominant ‘Eurocommunist’ left in the CP, to justify their moves to the right, with an accompanying attack on traditional forms of trade union militancy. Beatrix Campbell, who is aligned to the dominant position within the CP, has been one target of Weir and Wilson's criticisms. In several articles from 1978 onwards, and in her book Wigan Pier Revisited, Beatrix Campbell has presented a very different analysis of women and the labour movement. She has criticized the trade union movement as a ‘men's movement’, in the sense that it has always represented the interests of men at the expense of women. And she has described the current split within the CP as one extending throughout the left between the politics of the ‘old’ and the ‘new’: traditional labour movement politics as against the politics of those who have rethought their socialism to take into account the analysis and importance of popular social movements – in particular feminism, the peace and anti-racist movements. In reply to this debate, Anne Phillips has argued that while women's position today must be analysed in the context of the capitalist crisis, it is not reducible to the dichotomy ‘class politics’ versus ‘popular alliance’. Michèle Barrett, in another reply to Weir and Wilson, has argued that they have presented a reductionist and economistic approach to women's oppression, which caricatures rather than clarifies much of the work in which socialist-feminists have been engaged. To air these differences between socialist-feminists over the question of feminism and class politics, and to see their implications for the women's movement and the left, Feminist Review has decided to bring together the main protagonists of this debate for a fuller, more open discussion. For this discussion Feminist Review drew up a number of questions which were put to the participants by Clara Connolly and Lynne Segal. (Michèle Barrett was present in a personal capacity.) They cover the recent background to socialist-feminist politics, the relationship of feminism to Marxism, the role of feminists in le ft political parties and the labour movement, the issue of racism and the prospects for the immediate future. The discussion was lengthy and what follows is an edited version of the transcript.
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Michaluk, Dorota. "The Political Rivalry for Belarus Between Belarusian Socialists and Bolsheviks in 1917 – 1919. The Establishment of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 31 (December 12, 2022): 255–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2022.31.255.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of the article is to study the peculiarities of the rivalry between Bolsheviks and Belarusian socialists for the future of the Belarusian lands in 1918-1920. The research methodology is based on the principles of scholarship, historicism, systematism and historical analysis. The scientific novelty of the results of this study lies in the reconstruction of the events related to the creation of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus. Conclusions: At the end of World War I, after the February Revolution, the process of formation of an independent Belarusian state by Belarusian socialists began. Although the Belarusian People's Republic was proclaimed on March 25, 1918, Belarusians did not manage to create their own state. It was determined by many internal and external factors. One of them being the political and territorial aspirations of the Bolsheviks and a rivalry between them and the Belarusian socialists for the future of the Belarusian lands. Conclusions: Belarusians, and therefore the Belarusian national movement, found themselves in a specific situation during the war. In the years 1915-1918, the Belarusian lands were divided by the Russian-German front line. As a result, military and civilians from the depths of Russia came to the frontier zone. After the February Revolution, the Russian army in the Western District and the Front began to become strongly politicized, focusing on various political and national programs. Belarusian socialists, including the military, gathered in the Central Belarusian Military Council opted for the creation of a Belarusian republic, first in a federation with Russia, and soon (after the Bolshevik coup) they leaned towards its independence. The military Bolsheviks were in favor of the incorporation of Belarusian lands into Russia as the West District. The conflict of interest between the Belarusian socialists and the Russian Bolsheviks was revealed at the All-Belarusian Congress held in Minsk in December, when Congress was brutally dispersed by the military Bolsheviks. The aspirations of the Belarusian socialists and position of the Belarusian communists were determined, among others, by the creation of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus proclaimed twice on January 1, 1919 and July 31, 1920 just before the offensive against Warsaw. It was supported by Soviet Russia as a counterbalance to the activities of the Belarusian independence camp and Polish influence in Belarus
16
Buçukcu, Oner. "Ideologies of Insurgency: A Comparison between Post-Colonial and Turkish Socialist Movements." Protest 1, no. 1 (November 17, 2021): 54–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-01010003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The independence movements that emerged during the decolonization process generally defined themselves as socialism. These movements, which built world-making approaches around emphasis on independence, anti-Westernism, and anti-imperialism, basically faced three problems: rapid development, the construction of the state apparatus, and the creation of a nation. These three problems facilitated the contact of these movements with nationalism. Another result of the process is that the military bureaucracy usually leads the “revolution” processes. These countries, which entered a rapid development process, albeit briefly, were followed carefully by the socialist left in Turkey. In the period between 1960–65, Turkish socialism attaches importance to post-colonial movements with all its colors. In the period between 1965 and 1971, the perspective on experiences in these countries began to differ. Three important reasons for this situation are as follows: The differentiation of Turkey’s social, political, and economic structure from countries in the de-colonization process, the translation of Marxist classics and the disappointment created by post-colonial movements. All three reasons are based on the fact that Turkey’s historical experience differs from countries that have just gained independence. In this context, the article compares Turkish socialism and post-colonial movements between 1960–1971 on an ideational basis. This is important to understanding the foundations of subversive activities in Turkey.
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Sodhar, Muhammad Qasim. "A HISTORICAL STUDY OF ROLE OF THE LEFT IN THE MOVEMENT FOR RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 02 (June 30, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i02.195.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) was launched against the then military dictatorship in Pakistan in the 1980s. This paper is an attempt to present a historical sketch of the movement and also to discuss the role of the Left in that movement. The study considers those political parties as ‘Left’ which were following Socialist/Communist ideology, based in Sindh, province of Pakistan, specifically Awami Tehrik, a Marxist-Leninist-Moist party, and the Communist Party of Pakistan. This research is based on relevant literature, especially jail diaries and conducting interviews with victims of Communist Case registered by then military regime against communist leaders. The research addresses the events and mass movements launched by the Left in order to strengthen the movement for the restoration of democracy. Moreover, this paper shows how the Left converted a movement for the restoration of democracy into a great mass movement against the then military dictatorship. Key Words: Communist case, democracy, left, military dictatorship, movement for restoration of democracy, Pakistan, Sindh.
18
Friedman, Gerald. "Worker Militancy and Its Consequences: Political Responses to Labor Unrest in the United States, 1877–1914." International Labor and Working-Class History 40 (1991): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900001101.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Werner Sombart asks two questions in Why is there no Socialism in the United States?: Why the United States, home of the world's premier capitalist economy, lacks a strong socialist movement, and why American democracy has not led to significant reforms in the interests of the working class. To Sombart, these are the same question because he assumes that without popular sanction democratically elected officials would never act as openly as America's have in support of capitalist expansion and against labor. Assuming this democracy, he can then draw conclusions about popular attitudes from political outcomes, causally attributing procapitalist state policy to popular procapitalist attitudes. Indeed, the juxtaposition of democracy and state policy leads to his central conclusion that “emotionally the American worker has a share in capitalism …he loves it.”
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Quirico, Monica, and Gianfranco Ragona. "Beyond Utopia: Building Socialism Within and After Capitalism." Culture Unbound 10, no. 2 (October 30, 2018): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.2018102263.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article focuses on several figures who are particularly interesting in terms of identifying a radical critique of capitalism that does not shrink from the possibility of designing and imaging a different future. Following Michael Löwy, in our study we have identified relationships of ‘elective affinity’ between figures who might appear different and dissimilar, at least at first glance: the Bolshevik Alexandra Kollontai, the German communist Paul Mattick, the Italian Socialist Raniero Panzieri and the French social scientist Alain Bihr. After providing some biographical information, we analyze their respective paths to a socialism based on, and achieved through, self-organization and self-government.We do not intend to build a new tradition with this review of thinkers, most of whom were also political militants; rather, more modestly, we hope to suggest a path forward for both research and political activism. In order to show how significant the questions raised by these four intellectuals-militants still are even today, in the Conclusions we analyze the social and political experiment carried out by the Movement for a Democratic Society of the Rojava region in Syrian Kurdistan.
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Scholtyseck, Joachim. "Fascism—National Socialism—Arab “Fascism”: Terminologies, Definitions and Distinctions." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 242–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Because certain movements in the Arab world of the 1930s and 1940s showed similarities to Mussolini’s and Hitler’s regimes, historians have drawn comparisons with the fascist and National Socialist dictatorships. But not even those arguing for the concept of a “generic fascism” are able to wholeheartedly subsume these movements under their fascist rubric. Fascism and National Socialism evolved in Europe, were shaped by the mood at the fin de siècle, became effective after the First World War in a unique political, social, economic and cultural atmosphere, and only lost their appeal in 1945 at the conclusion of the Second World War. They flourished in industrialized societies and aimed—in novel and twisted ways—at reversing the liberalization of 19th-century Europe. They emphasized power, national rebirth, military order and efficiency; and they were, in the case of Germany, driven by anti-Semitism and racism, resulting in totalitarian rule with genocidal consequences. National-socialist and fascist movements and regimes required the atmosphere and culture of liberal democracy as a foil—and liberal democracy was virtually nonexistent in the Near and Middle East. The preconditions for fascism were thus lacking. Colonial rule was still in place, traditional culture still prevailed in these mainly rural societies, and their small bourgeois parties showed greater allegiance to their clans than to liberal and secular ideologies.
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Sofronov, Konstantin. "The Interaction Between German Military Circles and the National Socialist Movement During the Weimar Republic in Russian Historiography." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2022): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020074-9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The author aims to outline the evolution of the views of Russian scholars on the participation of representatives of the German Army (including demobilised personnel who identified themselves as servicemen), especially the officer corps, in the development of the National Socialist movement in the period between 1918 and 1933. The works of Soviet historians of 1920–1940s are the first attempt to analyse German “fascism” and its main activists. They are full of generalisations and factual inaccuracies, but allow one to conclude that the political upheavals of 1920–1923 largely involved former military personnel. Hitler's movement is portrayed as part of an overall process of counter-revolutionary and anti-government action, dominated by military circles. In the post-war period it has become possible to explore in more detail the Nazi rise to power and the role of the German generals in this process, the growth of the National Socialist movement and the activities of the Sturmabteilung. In general, historians have been unable to shake off a retrospective view of events in the Weimar Republic through the prism of the Nazi dictatorship and its military aggression against the Soviet Union. In recent decades several works on the officer corps as an elite group and its situation during the social and political instability of the 1920s and 1930s have been published. This gives one a different perspective on the mechanisms of interaction between the military circles of the Weimar Republic and the National Socialist movement.
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Vasi, Ion Bogdan. "The Fist of the Working Class: The Social Movements of Jiu Valley Miners in Post-Socialist Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 1 (February 2004): 132–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403258290.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article analyzes one of the most virulent protests witnessed by post-socialist societies: the social movements of the Jiu Valley miners in Romania. I argue that the key to comprehending the Jiu Valley miners’ extraordinary mobilization can be found in the density of their social networks, which, under a particular political opportunity structure, became a crucial resource for social movement organizations. Dense social networks and a favorable political opportunity created organizational resources that were utilized by movement entrepreneurs to build a unique participant identity. Having abundant organizational resources, influential allies, and sharing a special collective identity rooted in a tradition of militancy, Jiu Valley miners could achieve a high degree of mobilization, use noninstitutionalized confrontational tactics, and be victorious.
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Hai-Nyzhnyk, Pavlo. "Diplomacy of Deception and Tactics of Terror: Hybrid Politics in the Strategy and Practice of the Secret War of Soviet Russia against the Hetmanate (April – December 1918)." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article highlights the behind-the-scenes policies of hybrid war of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR) against the Ukrainian State headed by Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi (April – December 1918). The author examines anti-Ukrainian activities of the Council of People’s Commissars of the RSFSR, the ruling Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and the allied Russian parties of left and right socialist-revolution-aries and anarchists. These include Soviet Russia’s efforts to undermine social and political stability in Ukraine; organisational, armed, and financial assistance to anti-government insurgent units; guidance of the rebel movement; organisation of large-scale strikes and sabotage via secret agents as well as setting up arms caches and underground networks of revolutionary committees, etc. The article exposes secret aspects of subversive anti-Ukrainian activities of Bolshevik diplomacy in Ukraine, particularly of the Soviet consulate in Odesa, and its assistance to the anti-hetman movement with the acquiescence of German diplomats accredited to the Ukrainian State. Special attention is attached to the Soviet-Bolshevik policy of establishing secret military units of the underground socialist terrorist army in Ukraine and such steps of the Russian Soviet government as supporting and sponsoring mass rebel and terrorist movements and the direct organisation of acts of individual terror against Ukrainian public figures, including several attempts to assassinate Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi. The author notes that Ukrainian security services were aware of the structure, network, subversive activities, and organisation of attempted assassinations of the Ukrainian hetman. The article describes the preparation of the Soviet armed invasion of Ukraine and records the beginning of the military aggression in the autumn of 1918. Keywords: Bolshevik terror, RSFSR, Skoropadskyi, Ukrainian State, hybrid war.
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Schneirov, Richard. "Urban Regimes and the Policing of Strikes in Two Gilded Age Cities: New York and Chicago." Studies in American Political Development 33, no. 02 (September 11, 2019): 258–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x19000117.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since the 1980s, scholars have argued that during the Gilded Age urban party machines incorporated working people through the use of patronage, informal provision of personal welfare, and limited concessions, thereby eliminating sustained labor and Socialist Party alternatives and keeping workers’ militancy and assertiveness confined to the workplace. That view is challenged by a historical comparison of the policing of labor disputes in New York and Chicago. In New York, organized workers were eliminated from the governing coalition of the Swallowtail-Kelly regime that succeeded the Tweed Ring, and police routinely used coercion to defeat strikes and intimidate Socialists. In Chicago, however, labor and Socialists were part of the governing coalition of the Carter Harrison regime, and the police took a hands-off stance in many strikes. This article explores the contrast in policing and the balance of social forces in the two cities and seeks to explain the differences by examining the political settlements that concluded Reconstruction, the ethnic makeup of each city's working classes, the different characteristics of each city's labor movement, and labor's ability to mount third-party challenges—all in the context of regional variations. It concludes that historians cannot assume that workers were incorporated into machines in this period.
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Bruckmann, "Mónica, and Theotonio Dos Santos. "Soziale Bewegungen in Lateinamerika." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 142 (March 1, 2006): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i142.566.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At the beginning of the 20th century, social movements in Latin America were heavily influenced by anarchist immigrants from Europe and then by the ideological struggles around the Russian revolution. Beginning in the 1930s, many social movements started to incorporate into leftwing and populist parties and governments, such as the Cardenismo in Mexico. Facing the shift of many governments towards the left and the 'threat' of socialist Cuba, ultrarightwing groups and the military, supported by the US, responded in many countries with brutal repression and opened the neoliberal era. Today, after 30 years of repression and neoliberal hegemony, the social movements are gaining strength again in many Latin American countries. With the anti-globalization movement, new insurrections like the Zapatismo in Mexico, and some leftwing governments coming into power in Venezuela, Brasil and other countries, there appears to be a new turn in Latin America's road to the future.
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Grayson, John. "Developing the Politics of the Trade Union Movement: Popular Workers’ Education in South Yorkshire, UK, 1955 to 1985." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000090.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractDrawing on evidence from research interviews, workers’ memoirs, oral histories, and a range of secondary sources, the development of popular workers’ education is traced over a thirty year period, 1955 to 1985, and is rooted in the proletarian culture of South Yorkshire, UK. The period is seen as an historical conjuncture of Left social movements (trade unions, the Communist and Labour parties, tenants’ movements, movements of working-class women, and emerging autonomous black movements) in a context of trade union militancy and New Left politics. The Sheffield University extramural department, the South Yorkshire Workers' Educational Association (WEA), and the public intellectuals they employ as tutors and organizers are embedded in the politics and actions of the labor movement in the region, some becoming Labour MPs. They develop distinctive programs of trade union day release courses and labor movement organizations (Institute for Workers' Control, Conference of Socialist Economists, Society for the Study of Labour History). Workers involved in the process of popular workers' education become organic intellectuals having key roles in local and national politics, in the steel and miners' strikes of the 1980s, and in the formation of Northern College. The article draws on the language and insights of Raymond Williams and Antonio Gramsci through the lens of social movement theory and the praxis of popular education.
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Goldfrank, Walter L. "Beyond Cycles of Hegemony: Economic, Social, and Military Factors." Journal of World-Systems Research 1, no. 1 (August 25, 2015): 388. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.1995.36.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
As we survey the changing world on the eve of the 21st century, scholars confront empirical puzzles and interpretive uncertainties. Those of us who identify with worldwide social and political movements seeking more democracy, more equality, more justice, and more rationality find ourselves at once free and daunted. We are free, finally, from the albatross of repressive party-states calling themselves "socialist," from the illusion that social-democratic welfare states are trending toward perfection, from the myth that national development in the Third World is closing the gap. And we are daunted by the double task of (1) reconstructing a strategy of global transformation and (2) making a viable movement out of the multiple oppositional fragments scattered about the global landscape. This paper attempts to confront some puzzles and interpret some uncertainties about the future. If it thereby contributes to understanding our responsibilities and political opportunities, so much the better. Using familiiar world-system concepts and findings, I sketch visions of the short-run, the medium-run, and the long-run, after first rehearsing the basic premises from which this interpretation follows.
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Schwartz, David. "Genealogy of Political Theatre in Post-Socialism. From the Anti-“System” Nihilism to the Anti-Capitalist Left." Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai Sociologia 64, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/subbs-2019-0008.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract What have been the conditions of production for a political theatre to appear in post-1990s Romania? How and why contemporary theatre in Romania ended up ignoring or dismissing the leftwing, engaged or militant theatrical movements active before 1945? Why local theatre history and theory entirely obliterated, also, the politically-engaged theatre forms active during communism itself? What kind of tradition forms the contemporary political theatre, what is the politics that informs their working practices and collaborations, how do the artists engage with the groups they choose to give voice and with the audience? Using a broad and on-purpose multi-faceted definition of political theatre, the article focuses on theatre artists, practices and performances that question capitalism as a social and power structure, sometimes from an intersectional perspective, but always framing this criticism in a class approach. Largely a practice-based analysis, the text gives a comprehensive on-going history of a strong performative movement and its challenges, from the representational strategies and the financial and positioning issues to the scarcity of critical covering and reviewing and the extending of an (opposite) political engagement in the mainstream theatre in Romania.
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FREEDMAN, JESSE. "Political Participation and Engagement in East Germany Through Chilean Nueva Canción." Yearbook for Traditional Music 54, no. 1 (July 2022): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ytm.2022.4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractChilean musical and political themes were an important element of East German life during the socialist presidency of Salvador Allende (1970–1973) and the violent military dictatorship (1973–1990) that overthrew him. The musical movement nueva canción (new song) was critical in mobilising solidarity with Chile around the world. In East Germany, the state-sponsored Singebewegung (singing movement) and the Liedermacher*innen1 (song makers) who were sometimes more openly critical both performed Chilean themes and covers. In addition to promoting solidarity, both groups drew on the musical identity of this group to arouse political participation towards different ends.
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Sofronov, Konstantin. "The Military Factor in the Context of the Issue of the Social Support of Nazism in the Weimar Republic." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018255-9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of the article is to define the role of the military element in the formation of the social prerequisites for the supporting the National Socialist movement during the Weimar Republic in historyography. The novelty of this study lies in indentifying the nature and degree of participation of World War I veterans, servicemen, as well as members of paramilitarist organizations in the development of the NSDAP and its military wing. As a result of the study, the orientation of Nazi propaganda was identified to attract former servicemen as electoral support, to involve both broad strata of employed and representatives of the elite in leadership positions in the ranks of stormtroopers, and some features of the development of relations between the officers of the Reichswehr and the Nazi movement.
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Sharpe, Kenan Behzat. "Poetry, Rock ’n’ Roll, and Cinema in Turkey’s 1960s." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (December 27, 2021): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10028.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Using developments in poetry, music, and cinema as case studies, this article examines the relationship between left-wing politics and cultural production during the long 1960s in Turkey. Intellectual and artistic pursuits flourished alongside trade unionism, student activism, peasant organizing, guerrilla movements. This article explores the convergences between militants and artists, arguing for the centrality of culture in the social movements of the period. It focuses on three revealing debates: between the modernist İkinci Yeni poets and young socialist poets, between left-wing protest rockers and supporters of folk music, and between proponents of radical art film and those of cinematic “social realism”.
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Price, Curtis. "Michael Seidman,Republic of Egos: A Social History of the Spanish Civil War. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2002. xi + 304 pp. $55.00 cloth; $24.95 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 200–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904230241.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Many historians usually interpret the Spanish Civil War as a confrontation of great collective movements. Looking back into the trenches of the Iberian Peninsula, they see the organized forces of nationalism, communism, anarcho-syndicalism, and socialism clashing along battle lines as much ideological as military. In these standard accounts, such movements, whatever their sharp political differences, commanded popular support based on an ethos of heroism, sacrifice and devotion to a larger cause.
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Crim, Brian E. "“Our Most Serious Enemy”: The Specter of Judeo-Bolshevism in the German Military Community, 1914–1923." Central European History 44, no. 4 (December 2011): 624–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000665.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
That the Wehrmacht participated fully in a racial war of extermination on behalf of the National Socialist regime is indisputable. Officers and enlisted men alike accepted the logic that the elimination of the Soviet Union was necessary for Germany's survival. The Wehrmacht's atrocities on the Eastern Front are a testament to the success of National Socialist propaganda and ideological training, but the construct of “Judeo-bolshevism” originated during World War I and its immediate aftermath. Between 1918 and 1923, central Europe witnessed a surge in right-wing paramilitary violence and anti-Semitic activity resulting from fears of bolshevism and a widely held belief that Jews were largely responsible for spreading revolution. Jews suffered the consequences of revolution and resurgent nationalism in the borderlands between Germany and Russia after World War I, but it was inside Germany that the construct of Judeo-bolshevism evolved into a powerful rhetorical tool for the growing völkisch movement and eventually a justification for genocide.
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Kallis, Aristotle. "Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian: The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (March 25, 2010): 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-British foreign policy and a strong deference to both the Crown and the church/religion. Nevertheless, in this chapter, I argue that the 4th of August regime should be relocated firmly within the terrain of fascism studies. The establishment and consolidation of the regime in Greece reflected a much wider process of political and ideological convergence and hybridisation between anti-democratic/anti-liberal/anti-socialist conservative forces, on the one hand, and radical rightwing/fascist politics, on the other. It proved highly receptive to specific fascist themes and experiments (such as the single youth organisation, called EON), which it transplanted enthusiastically into its own hybrid of ‘radicalised’ conservatism. Although far less ideologically ‘revolutionary’ compared to Italian Fascism or German National Socialism, the 4th of August regime’s radicalisation between 1936 and 1941 marked a fundamental departure from conventional conservative-authoritarian politics in a direction charted by the broader fascist experience in Europe.
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Storkmann, Klaus. "East German Military Aid to the Sandinista Government of Nicaragua, 1979–1990." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 2 (April 2014): 56–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00451.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The East German regime provided extensive military assistance to developing countries and armed guerrilla movements in Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Latin America. In the 1980s, the pro-Soviet Marxist government in Nicaragua was one of the major recipients of East German military assistance. This article focuses on contacts at the level of the ministries of defense, on Nicaraguan requests to the East German military command, and on political and military decision-making processes in East Germany. The article examines the provision of weaponry and training as well as other forms of cooperation and support. Research for the article was conducted in the formerly closed archives of the East German Ministry for National Defense regarding military supplies to the Third World as well as the voluminous declassified files of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (the ruling Communist party).
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Kislitsyn, Sergey A., and Inna G. Kislitsyna. "F. D. Kryukov - Teacher, Public Figure, Writer. Evolution of Political Views." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 1 (209) (March 30, 2021): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2021-1-65-71.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyzes the socio-political activities of the writer F. Kryukov and the evolution of his views. While working as a history and geography teacher, he sharply criticized and publicly evaluated the capabilities of the state education system. During the 1905 revolution, he was a Deputy of the 1st State Duma, the founder of the party of People's Socialism, and opposed the participation of the Cossacks in suppressing the revolution. During the Stolypin reaction, he published his stories about the Cossacks in the neonational magazine “Russian Wealthˮ and was criticized by V. I. Lenin. During the First world war, Kryukov acted as a supporter of “war to the bitter endˮ and became a supporter of conservative political views. After February, he re-entered political life. In April 1917, he was a delegate to the Military Congress in Novocherkassk and a candidate for the Constituent Assembly from the Don Army. Kryukov did not accept the October revolution and the idea of social equality and categorically condemned it. He became a Deputy and Secretary of the Military Circle and editor of the newspaper “Don Statementsˮ, where he published more than 30 articles and essays about the White Movement and the Cossacks. His journalism of the period demonstrated the ultra-pedigree position of the representative of the vendean part of the Cossacks. Kryukov became a counterrevolutionary, abandoning the people's socialist ideals. This transformation of worldview values was logical, since it was based on the Cossack self-consciousness and self-perception laid down from childhood and youth. At every stage of evolution as a politician, Kryukov was a prominent figure in public life, which makes him one of the most prominent figures of the Don land.
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Zvyagelskaya, I. D. "Soviet Researchers on the Middle East: Ahead of Their Time." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-24-37.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the mid-1950s-1960s the Soviet Orientalists were facing serious challenges. The collapse of the colonial system, the growth of national liberation movements, the entry of new forces that did not fit into the rigid framework of the Communist ideas about the revolutionary process, demanded realistic explanations of what was happening. The article attempts to consider some breakthrough ideas and assessments of historical events in the Middle East put forward by the Soviet experts. The review is primarily based on the publications of Soviet specialists published in the 1970’s. Among those who studied the new trends and tried to explain their further development were Soviet Arabists. At that time their circle was small. Among those who were engaged in political problems of the Arab world, one can name I.P. Belyaev, E.M. Primakov, G.I. Mirsky, A.M. Vasilyev. They had different backgrounds, but all had managed to form in their studies a fairly complete picture of political trends and state-building in the Arab world. Despite the domination of the official dogmas the leading Soviet researchers were able to present a realistic picture of the region, although their «untimely meditations» were presented in a form acceptable to the Communist ideology.The primitive division of society into the bourgeoisie, the proletariat, peasantry and landlords and the hopes for eventual development of communist parties worldwide both did not reflect the realities in the Third World countries and did not leave room for the Soviet Union there. Due to ideological reasons the USSR could not support nationalist movements abroad. Nevertheless, the Soviet leadership passed the first test for the ability to reassess their ideological stereotypes in the early 1950s, when the leaders of the Egyptian revolution turned to the USSR for military assistance. In order to justify the pragmatic choice in favor of supporting the new Arab nationalist leaders, the Soviet scholars developed the concept of three consecutive and co-dependent revolutionary flows: first, the national liberation movement overthrowing the colonial system; second, the world labor movement overthrowing the capitalist system politically; and, third, the world communist movement overthrowing the capitalist system in economic terms.It was also important for the Soviet leaders to explain the orientation of the young decolonized nationalist regimes towards the USSR, without using the argument of just political expediency. Such an explanation was the theory of the non-capitalist path of development or socialist orientation. It posed that capitalism cannot solve any of the problems of developing countries. Their interest in rapid overcoming of backwardness and maintaining national sovereignty cannot be combined with the choice of a capitalist development model. The theory of socialist orientation was based on original ideas of Marxism founders and further developed by Lenin who insisted that economically underdeveloped countries can with the help of the proletariat from advanced countries go directly to socialism bypassing capitalism.The reality of revolutions without the proletariat and the desire to take advantage of the anti-colonial struggle to establish full-scale presence of the USSR in the Middle Eats made the Soviet leadership more tolerant of scientists' attempts to realistically analyze regional trends and developments.For instance, in the Soviet era, politicians were tempted to explain all conflicts in the regions of the Third world, and particularly in the Middle East exclusively by the workings of imperialism. However, Soviet scholars, E.M. Primakov among them, warned in their studies of the dangers of such simplified estimates. Still relevant today also is G. Mirsky’s explanation of the major role the army plays in the politics of the Middle East. He argued that in the traditional societies of the region the army was the only modern, nationwide institution.The works of the Soviet scholars can help better understand contemporary trends. Their studies of driving forces of the revolutions in the Arab world, of the nationalistic regimes, of regional conflicts have not lost their relevance today. They warn the modern generation of researchers against simplistic conclusions, a temptation of politicized assessments and of ignoring the complexity of regional issues.
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Park, Jeong-Mi. "Liberation or purification? Prostitution, women’s movement and nation building in South Korea under US military occupation, 1945–1948." Sexualities 22, no. 7-8 (November 20, 2018): 1053–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460718782968.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article investigates postcolonial South Korea’s prostitution policy as a focal point of sexual politics in the undertaking of nation building under US military occupation (1945–1948). It clarifies that the discourse on prostitution served as a forum for competing visions of a new nation: socialism versus nationalism, and women’s liberation versus national purification. It analyzes the paradoxical process by which the women’s campaign to abolish one colonial legacy of prostitution (‘Authorization-Regulation’) eventually resulted in retaining another legacy (‘Toleration-Regulation’) in a new guise. It conceptualizes the postcolonial prostitution policy that combined regulation and prohibition as a ‘Toleration-Regulation Regime,’ arguing that it was a compromise between the US military government and South Korean elites. Finally, this article demonstrates that building the nation was also a process of making female subalterns, prostitutes.
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Lee, Haiyan. "The Charisma of Power and the Military Sublime in Tiananmen Square." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (May 2011): 397–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000040.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
While a growing scholarship has shed light on the spatial transformations of Tiananmen Square and its environs, not enough attention has been paid to the sacralization of power through symbols, rituals, and mythologies that lend enduring legitimacy to the Chinese Communist Party and the socialist revolution it led. This article examines how the official iconography of Tiananmen Square constructs the charisma of power through what I call the “military sublime.” Using the 1985 filmThe Big Paradeas a primary example, I argue that the martyrology and pageantry of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) exemplify the dominant mode of symbolic investment of space which not only constitutes the nation as a militarized body politic but also frames the tradition of dissent associated with the Square, most notably the 1989 protest movement.
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Palacios Cerezales, Diego. "Civil Resistance and Democracy in the Portuguese Revolution." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 3 (July 27, 2016): 688–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416641496.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
During the summer of 1975, a year after the Carnation Revolution, thousands of Portuguese men and women took to the streets in order to prevent what they feared could be a communist takeover. A military-led government had trumpeted the transition to socialism and the Armed Forces Movement was discussing the dissolution of the recently elected constitutional convention. This article offers a new account of the significance and political impact of the anti-communist rallies, demonstrations and riots during 1975 and provides an interpretation of the mechanisms by which anticommunist mobilization empowered moderate leaders and reversed the balance of power within the military, playing a crucial role in the triumph of electoral democracy.
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Protic, Milan. "The Serbian Radical movement 1881-1903: A historical aspect." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536129p.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Focusing on the initial stage (until 1903) of the Serbian Radical movement the paper attempts to delineate and explicate the main phases of its political maturation. In its initial stage Serbian Radicalism passed through several significant phases. The earliest phase (1869-80) may be named the period of rudimentary Radicalism. The movement was unorganized and oscillated between the ideas of socialism, anarchism and peasant democracy. The year 1881 saw the founding of the Radical Party as the first organized political party in Serbia with its own internal structure and programme. It opened the second phase, known as a period of militant Radicalism (1881-86) marked by its organized and uncompromising opposition to the existing system and the personal regime of king Milan Obrenovic, culminating in the Timok rebellion in 1883. The period of pragmatic Radicalism (1886-94) saw a recuperation and reorganization of the movement, its inclusion as a legitimate political force into the existing order, the passing in 1888 of a new constitution predominantly influenced by Radical political views and the Party?s first compromises with other factors on the domestic political scene. Finally, there was a period of overpowered Radicalism (1894-1903). Without abandoning their fundamental ideological tenets, the Radicals were forced to make some serious political compromises and moderate their political programme in order to remain in the race for power.
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Finn, Daniel. "Republicanism and the Irish Left." Historical Materialism 24, no. 1 (April 28, 2016): 181–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341457.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Irish national revolution of 1916–23 left behind a partitioned island, with a northern segment that remained part of the United Kingdom and a southern ‘Free State’ – later to become a Republic – that was dominated by conservative forces. Most of those who had been involved in the struggle for national independence peeled off to form new parties in the 1920s, leaving behind a rump of militant Irish republicans. Sinn Féin and its military wing, the Irish Republican Army, would pose the greatest threat to political stability in the two Irish states. Although the Irish left has historically been among the weakest in Western Europe, repeated attempts have been made to fuse republicanism with socialism, from the Republican Congress in the 1930s to the Official Republican Movement of the 1970s and ’80s. At present, Sinn Féin poses the main electoral challenge to the conservative parties in the southern state, while holding office in a devolved administration north of the border. Eoin Ó Broin’s Sinn Féin and the Politics of Left Republicanism offers an assessment of these efforts from a leading Sinn Féin activist who maintains a certain critical distance from his own party’s approach, while The Lost Revolution by Brian Hanley and Scott Millar and INLA: Deadly Divisions give comprehensive accounts of two earlier left-republican projects.
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CONNOR, EMMET O. "COMMUNISTS, RUSSIA, AND THE IRA, 1920–1923." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002868.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
After the foundation of the Communist International in 1919, leftists within the Socialist Party of Ireland won Comintern backing for an Irish communist party. Encouraged by Moscow, the communists hoped to offset their marginality through the republican movement. The Communist Party of Ireland denounced the Anglo-Irish treaty, welcomed the Irish Civil War, and pledged total support to the IRA. As the war turned against them, some republicans favoured an alliance with the communists. In August 1922 Comintern agents and two IRA leaders signed a draft agreement providing for secret military aid to the IRA in return for the development of a new republican party with a radical social programme. The deal was not ratified on either side, and in 1923 the Communist Party of Ireland followed Comintern instructions to ‘turn to class politics’. The party encountered increasing difficulties and was liquidated in January 1924. The communist intervention in the Civil War highlights the contrast between Comintern and Russian state policy on Ireland, and was seminal in the evolution of Irish socialist republicanism.
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Bowen, Alyssa. "“Taking in the Broad Spectrum”: Human Rights and Anti-Politics in the Chile Solidarity Campaign (UK) of the 1970s." Journal of Social History 54, no. 2 (September 18, 2019): 623–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz067.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Chile’s 1973 military coup has often been cited as a watershed moment in the history of contemporary human rights. To be sure, the overthrow of democratically elected socialist President Salvador Allende and the brutality of Pinochet’s new military junta inspired wide international outrage, much of which came to be articulated in the language of human rights. Yet international opposition to Pinochet did not begin predominantly as a human rights movement. In examining the Chile Solidarity Campaign (CSC) in the United Kingdom, this article suggests that the Chile solidarity movement’s eventual embrace of human rights talk was due in part to the left’s turn to “anti-politics.” The CSC sought to “take in the broad spectrum” of political opinion in its campaign because such a tactic fit the organization’s goal of isolating the junta internationally, avoided the threat of division among the Chilean and British left, emulated the success of such broad fronts in other European Chile solidarity organizations, and abided by the tactical direction of much of the Chilean left in exile. The ostensibly “anti-political” language of human rights promoted organizational unity and also allowed the CSC to skirt accusations of political bias. However, the rejection of overt political considerations had longer-term implications. As Chilean Christian Democrats (PDC) altered the face of opposition to Pinochet in the late 1970s, the CSC and other international allies increasingly supported the more moderate line promoted by the PDC leadership.
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PÉREZ DOMÍNGUEZ, Josué Federico. "José Revueltas: conocimiento estético y militancia comunista." Diánoia. Revista de Filosofía 61, no. 76 (June 9, 2016): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.21898/dia.v61i76.6.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>En este ensayo se desarrollan los problemas principales de la teoría estética de José Revueltas. Siguiendo la trayectoria de su militancia comu- nista, se intenta mostrar cómo las teorizaciones sobre estética de Revueltas respondían tanto a los momentos de la lucha política nacional e internacio- nal del movimiento comunista como al papel que, según Revueltas, debía desempeñar el escritor, y el artista en general, en esa lucha. Se desarrollan conceptos como “contenido estético de la realidad” y “tendencia intrínseca de la novela”, y se destacan las críticas estéticas y políticas de Revueltas al dogmatismo y al realismo socialista. </span></p><div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>This paper elaborates on the main difficulties of José Revueltas’ aesthetic theory. Following the path of his communist militancy, it shows how Revueltas’ aesthetic theories responded both to the national and international political struggle of the communist movement, and to the role that Revueltas thought should be played by writers, and artists in general, in that conflict. Concepts such as “aesthetic content of reality” and “intrinsic tendency of the novel” are developed and Revueltas’ aesthetic and political criticisms of dogmatism and socialist realism are highlighted. </span></p></div></div></div><p><span><br /></span></p></div></div></div>
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Christiaens, Kim. "European Reconfigurations of Transnational Activism: Solidarity and Human Rights Campaigns on Behalf of Chile during the 1970s and 1980s." International Review of Social History 63, no. 3 (August 16, 2018): 413–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859018000330.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThe overthrow of the democratically elected socialist president Salvador Allende in Chile and the human rights violations under the military junta of Augusto Pinochet spawned one of the most iconic and sustained human rights campaigns of the Cold War. Human rights scholars have argued that this movement on behalf of Chile signalled the “breakthrough” of human rights as the lingua franca of transnational activism. They have emphasized the global dimensions of these campaigns, which inspired movements mobilizing on behalf of other issues in the Third World. However, such narratives have not been corroborated by research on the campaigns as developed in Europe. Historians have so far focused on the impact of the Chilean crisis in specific countries or on particular organizations, and on the ways in which human rights activism was coloured by local and national contexts. This article aims to shift the scope of the debate by establishing relations with and crossovers from other transnational causes and campaigns, analysing the ways in which campaigns on behalf of Chile became intimately related to campaigns on intra-European issues during the 1970s and 1980s. It explores the so far little-studied connections between campaigns over Chile and simultaneously burgeoning movements on behalf of East–West détente, resistance against authoritarian regimes in Southern Europe, and the plight of dissidents in Eastern Europe. It argues that campaigns on behalf of Chile were reconfigured around European themes, created bonds of solidarity within a divided Europe, and drew on analogies rather than a juxtaposition between Europe and the Third World.
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McMahon, Terry, Hisham Ali, Regina Bundoc-Baronia, and Thomas McGovern. "Revisiting psychiatric support for the National Socialist Agenda in Germany: Implications for medical and residency training." Southwest Respiratory and Critical Care Chronicles 11, no. 46 (January 24, 2023): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12746/swrccc.v11i46.1111.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The transition of power from a failing Weimer Republic to the National Socialist (Nazi) government was characterized by many economic and politically-motivated changes. Economic crises and the overcrowding of psychiatric hospitals in Germany were the setting for these events. The eugenics movement, although not unique to Germany in the 1920s, would eventually culminate in the compulsory sterilization, euthanasia, and extermination in concentration camps. Historical accounts tend to focus on political and military leaders with the role of medical professionals often overlooked or forgotten. Additionally, there are connections between these programs and medical research. This article aims to elucidate the factors that influenced their role in this historical tragedy and their current implications on how physicians train, learn, and practice role of the medical professionals.
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Melancon, Michael. "From the Head of Zeus: The Petrograd Soviet’s Rise and First Days, 27 February—2 March 1917." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 2004 (January 1, 2009): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2009.149.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This essay explores the birth and earliest steps of the Petrograd Soviet during late February and early March 1917. It deploys a large array of evidence, new and old, to detail the events in a consecutive narrative, plus analysis that deepens our understanding of what occurred. The analysis focuses special attention on the persons and groups directly responsible for organizing the soviet, as well as on its earliest measures, such as the establishment of military security for the city, the issuing of Order No. 1, and the sharing of power with the State Duma. It clearly shows that an array of socialist leaders, who met and worked together prior to and during the February Revolution, took steps beginning no later than 24 February to summon the soviet and became the leadership group in the soviet itself, thus further challenging the traditional concept of a leaderless, spontaneous revolution. New evidence also describes how socialist soldiers associated with the soldiers’ section of the soviet composed Order No. 1, which, as is well known, democratized the Russian Army in one stroke and, less well known, formulated for the fi rst time the “to the extent that” formula that came to underlie the sharing of power between the Petrograd Soviet and the new Provisional Government several days later. Cumulatively, the new analysis and data suggest that the Petrograd Soviet, which immediately began to play a crucial role in determining Russia’s fate, refl ected the entire history of Russia’s socialist movement.
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Pervillé, Guy. "La révolution algérienne et la « guerre froide » (1954-1962)." Études internationales 16, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701794ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
To the French military, still recovering from their defeat in Indochina, the Algerian war was but the final outcome of the "subversive war" carried out by international communism against the colonial empires of the "imperialistic" powers since 1920. The historical analysis does not corroborate this far too unlateral interpretation of the complex and ambiguous relations which existed between the communist and the nationalist movements of Algeria: the algerian FLN in the beginning was no less anticommunist than antinationalist. However, the strategic and diplomatic needs of its struggle against France led it to lean progressively towards the "socialist" States instead of the "imperialistic" West, thereby foregoing its initial neutralism. This has profoundly affected the paths taken by independent Algeria.
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Damier, Vadim. "Anarchists of the Netherlands and the Anti-Colonial Movement in Indonesia." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016179-4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The desire to weaken the colonial state prompted anti-colonial movements to seek an alliance with opposition forces in the metropolitan countries, including with left-wing social and political movements. The anarchists of the Netherlands since 1904 have opposed colonial rule in the Netherlands India (modern Indonesia). Without creating their own organizations in the colony, they strove to establish close contacts with representatives of the Indonesian national movement, first of all, with Indonesian students who studied in the metropolis. In 1927, the anarchists managed to establish cooperation with the leaders of the organization “Perhimpoenan Indonesia”, which brought together students from Indonesia in the Netherlands. The interaction took place in the form of solidarity campaigns, the struggle against repression and the sending of troops to the colony, as well as in the process of cooperation within the League against imperialism. However, true to their anti-authoritarian, anti-militaristic and pacifist doctrines, the Dutch anarchists refused to support the idea of creating an independent Indonesian state. This, along with pragmatic considerations (the desire to gain support from more politically influential forces) prompted the Indonesians to focus more on cooperation with the Dutch communists and socialists. After members of the Indonesian Communist Party came to the leadership of “Perhimpoenan Indonesia” in 1931, regular co-operation with the anarchists was gradually phased out. However, Dutch anarchists continued to express solidarity with the struggle against colonial rule and protested against the repression of the Indonesian national movement. After the proclamation of Indonesia's independence in 1945 and the beginning of the Dutch military intervention against the former colony, the anarchists of the Netherlands, together with other radical left-wing organizations and groups, tried to organize protests against the sending of armed forces by the Netherlands state to Indonesia. The Dutch anarchists failed to gain significant influence among Indonesians, although the leaders of the New Republic, despite their political differences, maintained contacts with some of their old anarchist acquaintances.