Статті в журналах: "Migrations – Sociologie – France"

1

Rudder, Véronique de. "À propos de la construction d'un objet de connaissance : migrations et relations interethniques." Migrants formation 90, no. 1 (1992): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/diver.1992.7350.

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En France, on nomme « sociologie de l'immigration » l'analyse de réalités sociales qui relèvent, pour une très grande part, d'une sociologie des relations interethniques. Ce déni des relations interethniques bride en fait la connaissance.

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2

Hovanessian, Martine. "L'évolution du statut de la migration arménienne en france." Sociétés contemporaines 4, no. 4 (November 1, 1990): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/soco.p1990.4n1.0051.

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Résumé Résumé : L'article interroge le caractère complexe de la migration arménienne établie massivement en France depuis les années 1922-23. Comment interpréter le changement de statut de cette collectivité qui tente de nos jours sur la base a" une intégration "réussie , d'élaborer un lien communautaire autour de projets (réseaux économiques, associatifs, culturels), se substituant aux anciennes communautés d'espaces ou aux solidarités familiales et villageoises des années 1930 ? Ce texte s'attache à dégager les multiples paramètres qui ont contribué à façonner dans le champ des sciences sociales relatif aux migrations, l'image d'un groupe "ne faisant pas problème", échappant à i analyse^ ď une sociologie des migrations formulée en termes de conflits entre autochtones et immigrés. Depuis 19/5, la dépendance du groupe aux fluctuations idéologiques ď une société française dite " plurielle" favorise de nouvelles stratégies de négociation d'une identité "d'origine" qui se construit et se déconstruit en rapport avec l'identité nationale et donne lieu à l émergence de nouveaux concepts (celui "d'arménité", de "deuxième génération"). Cette nouvelle dynamique tient de plus en plus compte de la réalité interne de la collectivité (existence ď une diaspora ; présence en France depuis 1975 de nouveaux venus originaires du Proche-Orient ; événements récents en Arménie Soviétique).

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3

Darly, Ségolène, Camille Hochedez, Julie Le Gall, Monique Poulot, and Claire Aragau. "L’activité agricole, une ressource pour la circulation ou l’ancrage des migrants ? Exploration bibliographique du lien entre agriculture et migration en France." Cahiers Agricultures 30 (2021): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/cagri/2020045.

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Après un retour sur des écrits de géographie économique et de sociologie du travail qui ont traditionnellement analysé la place des migrants comme travailleurs de l’activité agricole, l’article envisage la bibliographie issue des recherches sur la mobilité pour questionner le rôle de l’agriculture comme ressource au cœur du projet migratoire des populations observées. Ce changement de perspective soulève de nouveaux enjeux et appelle une nécessaire réflexion sur la façon de rendre compte et de qualifier les formes d’agricultures investies, voire créées, par les migrants, lesquelles témoignent de la variété et de la complexité de la relation entre agriculture et migrations. Dans une perspective de géographie sociale, nous proposons enfin de reformuler des questions de recherche construites initialement en dehors du champ des recherches sur l’ancrage et les migrations mais qui reprennent des objets identifiés dans les débats sur les liens entre agriculture et vulnérabilités.

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4

Collet, Beate. "Les «couples mixtes» en France. De l’intégration des immigrés par le mariage à l’étude de la mixité conjugale." Fabrica Societatis, no. 3 (January 1, 2020): 134–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/129270.

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Les couples internationaux ou mixtes suscitent beaucoup d’intérêt, autant par le grand public que dans les recherches en sciences humaines et sociales. Toutefois le champ des études sur les couples mixtes n’est pas unifié, les approches et la terminologie divergent. Le sujet est tantôt traité par la sociologie des migrations, tantôt par la sociologie de la famille ou des religions. On note par ailleurs une forte séparation entre les études quantitatives et qualitatives. L’article revient sur l’émergence en France de ce domaine d’études avant de proposer une conceptualisation de la mixité conjugale. Cette dernière vise à définir la spécificité des couples mixtes à l’aune de trois dimensions: la transgression des normes conjugales en vigueur, l’inégalité ethnoculturelle entre les deux conjoints et les arrangements interculturels pour rendre leur quotidien conjugal viable. La quantification du phénomène n’est pas aisée tant les catégorisations et les représentations opèrent de manière différente. Il est cependant attesté que les mariages mixtes transcrits sur les registres d’état civil français sont de plus en plus nombreux (27% des mariages en 2015), tout en étant confrontés à un fort contrôle étatique. Dans l’analyse plus qualitative du phénomène, on doit admettre que l’articulation du genre avec les dimensions ethnoculturelles et sociales donne lieu à des arrangements conjugaux intersectionnels qui méritent d’être étudiés dans leurs spécificités. Les couples mixtes sont aujourd’hui un phénomène mondial. En France comme ailleurs, ils révèlent la persistance des logiques communautaires face à des choix de vie plus individualisés.

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5

Aouani, Sofia. "Fragilité et réversibilité du privilège migratoire. Le cas de femmes des classes supérieures algériennes et marocaines installées en France." Revue européenne des migrations internationales 40 - n°2 et 3 (2024): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/12htx.

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À partir d’une étude de cas contextualisée, cet article interroge le pouvoir heuristique de la notion de privilège migratoire. Pour cela, il compare les conditions de constitution et de maintien d’un avantage migratoire de deux femmes, issues des élites et originaires d’anciens pays colonisés. À travers une analyse qui tient compte des caractéristiques individuelles, de la structure des opportunités et des contraintes, ainsi que des réseaux de relations dans une perspective diachronique, l’article souligne la fragilité et la réversibilité du privilège migratoire. Il encourage à penser le concept de privilège migratoire comme un rapport idéel et matériel, de façon relationnelle et dans la durée afin de réintégrer l’analyse des migrations à une sociologie de la stratification sociale attentive aux rapports sociaux de classe, de genre et de race.

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6

Hamman, Philippe. "Les organisations professionnelles au défi du travail transfrontalier entre France et Allemagne : interculturalité et transactions sociales." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 41, no. 3 (2009): 433–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2009.6076.

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Le travail transfrontalier en Europe (c’est-à-dire le fait de résider et de travailler dans deux espaces nationaux différents, contigus et délimités, entre lesquels sont opérées des migrations pendulaires quotidiennes) est significatif d’enjeux d’identifications et d’interculturalité qui invitent à penser ensemble des univers professionnels et leur inscription socio-spatiale, afin d’examiner ce que l’«entre-deux» fait au lien social et réciproquement. Pour ce faire, l’analyse focalise sur les espaces frontaliers de la France de l’Est et des Länder allemands voisins. Elle s’attache à des acteurs-passeurs originaux que sont les porte-parole des frontaliers, et mobilise la sociologie des transactions sociales, pour penser des situations qui s’apparentent à de la coopération conflictuelle, non seulement pour le frontalier entre deux systèmes nationaux, mais aussi quant à la prise en charge collective de cette cause. En ce sens, les organisations se préoccupant des frontaliers – syndicats, associations, instances de formation, etc., chacun à sa façon mais aussi suivant des ressorts concurrentiels – apparaissent fortement marquées par leur caractère hybride, lié à leur origine et leur histoire, la socialisation de leurs animateurs, leur fonctionnement et les objectifs poursuivis, ainsi que leur positionnement dans l’architecture transfrontalière. C’est tout l’intérêt des espaces interstitiels que de donner à saisir des séquences et des produits transactionnels, par rapport à des couples de tensions mais aussi des situations de triade où la transaction apparaît plus ou moins implicite ou au contraire affichée, mais toujours bien présente.

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7

Majit, Afaf. "identité à l’épreuve de l’exclusion sociale dans le roman beur." Voix Plurielles 18, no. 2 (December 4, 2021): 188–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/vp.v18i2.3535.

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La vague de migration en France dans la seconde moitié du XXème siècle a conduit à la naissance de la littérature « beur ». Il s’agit d’une littérature écrite par des écrivains d'origine maghrébine et de nationalité française qui résident en France. Cette littérature occupe actuellement une place primordiale dans divers domaines de recherche, notamment en sociologie, en linguistique ou en philosophie et, naturellement, en littérature. Les écrits de ces auteurs franco-maghrébins se focalisent essentiellement sur la vie dans les bidonvilles, ou dans les H.L.M. (Habitation à loyer modéré) en périphéries des grandes villes françaises, ainsi que sur les problèmes sociaux des jeunes issus de l’immigration et sur leur manque de perspectives dans la vie. Les textes expriment leur déception, leur colère et leur rejet de toute stigmatisation, en établissant un parallélisme entre le passé colonial de la France et les réalités sociales des banlieues qui semblent être à l’origine une base d’une réflexion plus large sur l’identité et l’intégration des minorités au sein de la société française. Bien que ces écrivains soient en grande partie nés sur le sol français, ils demeurent encore fils d’émigrés ou français d’origine maghrébine. Ainsi, depuis que le roman beur est né, avons-nous affaire à une écriture qui raconte la fracture identitaire du beur et son devenir dans le pays d’accueil : La France.

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8

Tanon, Fabienne, and Abdoulaye Sow. "Unaccompanied Young Migrants from Africa." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 648, no. 1 (May 24, 2013): 189–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716213484443.

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Unaccompanied minors and youth migrants from Mauritania to France are almost never listed in French published statistics, even though the alarmist response of local Mauritanian organizations indicates that many are migrating. To understand this apparent contradiction, we analyze data from a qualitative study of 395 male minors (15–18 years old) and youths (above 18 years old) in three Mauritanian cities—Kaédi, Nouakchott, and Nouadhibou—to shed light on illegal youth migration. We find that powerful cultural and family dynamics encourage youth migration and that the migration of individual youths is approached as a project of families and not of the individuals alone. The article also highlights the impact of migration on Mauritanian society and recommends a new immigration policy for Europe.

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9

Gabaccia, Donna R. "Creating Italians in Canada." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, no. 2 (September 1998): 271–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.2.271.

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The English-speaking world tends to privilege the United States as the paradigmatic “nation of immigrants” produced by two subsequent waves of international migration—the first between 1830 and 1930 and the second between 1965 and the present. Still, foreigners have never represented more than 14% of the US population. Scholars now acknowledge that the US was only one of many nations formed in the cauldron of the massive global migrations of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Argentina, Switzerland, France, Canada, and Australia have all, at various times, had proportionately more foreigners among their populations than the United States.

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10

Condamines, Charles. "Migrations et coopérations internationales." Politique africaine 71, no. 1 (1998): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1998.6152.

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Les pays européens déclinent leur politique d’immigration entre intégration des immigrés légaux et réduction des flux migratoires par le biais notamment de politiques de coopération censées permettre à la fois le retour de certains migrants chez eux et le maintien des candidats à la migration dans leur pays d’origine. Cette politique peut s’avérer très intéressante mais cela suppose qu’elle soit bien conçue et qu’elle ne soit pas érigée en anti-politique d’intégration, qu’une interprétation plus souple des flux migratoires soit proposée. Faute de quoi elle ne pourra qu’échouer et avoir un impact négatif sur le rayonnement de la France.

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11

Rieker, Pernille. "Making Sense of the European Side of the Transatlantic Security Relations in Africa." Politics and Governance 10, no. 2 (May 18, 2022): 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i2.5048.

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This article aims to investigate the character of transatlantic security relations in Africa: How can it be characterized? Have they become weaker or stronger over the past decade? How can this development be explained? As NATO has not yet been heavily engaged on the African continent, it is prudent to study the relations between the EU and the US. Africa has been of concern to the EU (and its member states) for decades due to its geographical closeness and historic bonds. Since 2001, for both Europe and the US, Africa has become a region of increasing security concern due to the threat of international terrorism—for Europe, we can also add the migration concern. The European side of this relationship has also been largely dominated by France, making the transatlantic security cooperation in Africa essentially about French-American relations. As France has taken the lead regarding Europe’s security and defense engagement in Africa, increasingly with the support of other EU member states and associated non-members, this bilateral relationship is more than simply cooperation between two states. By applying a framework that understands EU security and defense policy as a process increasingly characterized as a differentiated and flexible integration under French leadership, the development of the Franco-US security relations in Africa must be understood as an expression of the transatlantic security relations in this region.

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12

Calvo, Ángel. "International Migrations and Labour Market Regulation. Spanish Workers in France during the First World War." Journal of Migration History 8, no. 1 (March 21, 2022): 85–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-08010005.

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Abstract A profound, widespread and lasting impact has made the First World War the focus of the early attention of scholars from different fields and backgrounds. Despite the sizeable efforts and progress achieved, some territory remains unexplored. One of these is the foreign workforce’s role and, particularly, the so-called ‘white’ labour force. To fill in the gaps that still exist, this research is divided into four main sections. They include structural and wartime emigration to France, the labour market regulation during the First World War, the migrations to France and its factors, and an approach to differentiation within these migrations. The research builds mainly on exceptional documentation and significant reports found in the French Archives.

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13

Valdespino, Gregory. "“In His Eyes, I am Foreign to France”: Migration and Repatriation between France and Senegal, 1858–1911." French Colonial History 21-22 (December 31, 2023): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/frencolohist.21.22.2023.0041.

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Abstract Between 1858 and 1913, well over one hundred individuals in France sought state-sponsored repatriation to Senegal. The materials required for this process reveal how French and African actors sought to manage intra-imperial mobility as the French Empire expanded during the second half of the nineteenth century. Repatriation began as an ad hoc process used to maintain familial and professional ties between France and outposts off the coast of Senegal, but by the 1890s, it became a more formalized system that tried to limit unregulated African migration to the metropole. Despite these changes, Senegalese applicants used repatriation across this period to manage their mobility and household positions in social landscapes upended by enslavement, emancipation, and colonial expansion. These repatriation files shed light on the social lives of African migrants in the nineteenth century and changing attitudes towards intra-imperial migration.

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14

Le Guelte, Johann. "Photography, Identity, and Migration." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370302.

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This article examines the politics of interwar colonial identification practices put into place by the French colonial state in order to curtail the mobility of colonial (im)migrants. I argue that photography was used as a tool of imperial control in both French West Africa (AOF) and metropolitan France, since colonial men’s inability to provide the required photographic portraits often prevented them from moving around the empire. In response, colonial subjects appropriated photography in alternative ways to subvert these administrative restrictions. Moreover, they took advantage of metropolitan racial stereotypes to contest Western identification practices.

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15

Hovanessian, Martine. "L'évolution du statut de la migration arménienne en france." Sociétés contemporaines 4, no. 1 (1990): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/socco.1990.975.

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16

Dedieu, Jean-Philippe. "L'internationalisme ouvrier à l'épreuve des migrations africaines en France." Critique internationale 50, no. 1 (2011): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.050.0145.

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17

Anas, David Cường Nguyễn, and Caitlin Nunn. "Calais Again." Sociological Research Online 27, no. 3 (September 2022): 569–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13607804211066115.

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Calais Again is a digital story recounting a young man, Anas’ experience of returning to France for the first time after migrating to the United Kingdom as a separated asylum-seeking child. Produced using biographical narrative and participatory arts-based research approaches, Calais Again was created as a rare self-authored contribution to Anas’ personal archive of migration documents, and as a resource for communicating the multiple and multi-layered journeys of asylum-seeking young people. In the context of COVID-19, the story additionally highlights how the pandemic is just one of many forces of ontological insecurity and constrained mobility in the lives of young forced migrants. While the project was commenced pre-pandemic, the editing and launch of the digital story took place remotely, presenting ethical, methodological and relational challenges, but also unanticipated affordances. In particular, the spectrum of options for differentiated presence enabled by online events – from anonymous observation to co-presentation – offers unique opportunities for navigating safeguarding and agency for youth researchers.

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18

Dago, Franck, and Simon Barussaud. "Push/Pull Factors, Networks and Student Migration from Côte d’Ivoire to France and Switzerland." Social Inclusion 9, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 308–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v9i1.3698.

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Since 2011, the Ivorian government has invested heavily in higher education to meet its labour market’s growing demand. In this article, we analyse the drivers of Ivorian student mobility from Côte d’Ivoire to France and Switzerland, highlighting the central role of migrant networks. We focus on the decision-making process and find that migration networks play an important role at every step: from initial aspirations to concrete plans and efforts to study abroad. Using 38 in depth interviews and two focus groups with Ivorian students who aspire to study in France and Switzerland, members of the education board, migration officers, and members of the Ivorian diaspora, we reveal that the functioning of the Ivorian higher education system is a factor of uncertainty for many students who consider that salvation can only come from migration. In addition, social representations linked to foreign diplomas inspire Ivorian students to choose international mobility. Migrant networks further encourage Ivorian students to move abroad because stories from successful migrants sharing their mobility experience are coupled with the provision of key resources to support mobility projects.

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19

Lem, Winnie. "Citizenship, migration and formations of class in urban France." Dialectical Anthropology 37, no. 3-4 (November 10, 2013): 443–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10624-013-9324-z.

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20

Mandel, Maud S. "One Nation Indivisible: Contemporary Western European Immigration Policies and the Politics of Multiculturalism." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.89.

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Since World War II, policies with regard to immigrant populations have changed dramatically and repeatedly throughout Western Europe. From 1945 to 1955, Western European nations absorbed an enormous number of refugees uprooted during the war. Until the 1970s, governments did not limit migration, nor did they formulate comprehensive social policies toward these new immigrants. Indeed, from the mid-1950s until 1973, most Western European governments, interested in facilitating economic growth, allowed businesses and large corporations to seek cheap immigrant labor abroad. As Georges Tapinos points out, “For the short term, the conditions of the labor market [and] the rhythm of economic growth . . . determined the flux of migrations” (422). France, Britain, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands welcomed the generally young, single male migrants as a cheap labor force, treating them as guest workers. As a result, few governments instituted social policies to ease the workers’ transition to their new environments. Policies began to change in the 1960s when political leaders, intent on gaining control over the haphazard approach to immigration that had dominated the previous 20 years, slowly began to formulate educational measures and social policies aimed at integrating newcomers.

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21

Loyal, Steven. "The French in Algeria, Algerians in France: Bourdieu, Colonialism, and Migration." Sociological Review 57, no. 3 (August 2009): 406–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2009.01847.x.

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Bourdieu's early fieldwork which included field observation, statistical analysis, and the use of photography to capture, represent, and analyse Algerian society in its complexity, took place within the unusual context of the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). A number of his photographs of Algerian life depict the physical dislocation of Algerian peasantry into shanty towns largely as the result of rapid socio-economic and cultural change introduced by French colonisation and war. Although this fieldwork was to fundamentally shape his subsequent oeuvre, substantive issues which arose out of this research including colonialism, racism, and migration, tended to disappear in his later writings. This paper will argue that Bourdieu's discussion of colonialism in his early work, together with arguments developed by his student and co-author, Abdelmalek Sayad, provide a basis for understanding contemporary processes of ethno-racial domination and migration.

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22

Shevchuk, Yuri I. "Dual citizenship in old and new states." European Journal of Sociology 37, no. 1 (May 1996): 47–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600007979.

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The paper analyzes dual citizenship in two principal manifestations in the worldde facto dual citizenship, as induced by international migrations and de jure dual citizenship, as a byproduct of Soviet imperial collapse. Factors of a social, political, cultural and economic nature that condition approaches towards dual citizenship taken by governments, political elites and grass-root actors are discussed in reference to established democracies (USA, France, Germany) and to newly independent states (the Ukraine).

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23

Koven, Michèle, and Isabelle Simões Marques. "Performing and evaluating (non)modernities of Portuguese migrant figures on YouTube: The case of Antonio de Carglouch." Language in Society 44, no. 2 (April 2015): 213–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404515000056.

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AbstractWe analyze how France-based YouTube comedic performers Ro et Cut enact the stylized figure of a Portuguese migrant in France, Antonio, in their most popular video,Carglouch. We then examine how commenters respond to the enactment. Specifically, we apply Irvine and Gal's notion of semiotic differentiation to study how participants use language to construct and apply polycentric notions of modernity/nonmodernity. This allows us to analyze how YouTube performers and commenters produce their own and Antonio's relative (non)modernity, as they orient to different versions of a modern/nonmodern axis of differentiation, situated in multiple ‘centers’: France, Portugal, or Europe. That is, participants either interpret Antonio as a nonmodern immigrant in France, a nonmodern emigrant from Portugal, or an international representative of Portugal, spreading nonmodern images of Portugal abroad. We then consider how participants bring these differently centered images of the nonmodern Other into dialogue with each Other, with different outcomes for variously positioned participants. (Migration, heteroglossia, YouTube, transnationalism, Luso-descendants, (non)modernity, France, Portugal)*

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24

Condon, Stephanie A., and Philip E. Ogden. "The state, housing policy and Afro‐Caribbean migration to France." Ethnic and Racial Studies 16, no. 2 (April 1993): 256–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.1993.9993782.

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25

Blanc-Chaleard, Marie-Claude, and Paul-Andre Rosental. "Les sentiers invisibles. Espaces, familles et migrations dans la France du XIXe siecle." Le Mouvement social, no. 209 (October 2004): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780137.

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26

Malogne-Fer, Gwendoline. "Reconnaître et intégrer les Antillais catholiques en Île-de-France." Social Sciences and Missions 35, no. 1-2 (April 13, 2022): 67–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-bja10045.

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Résumé Face à l’ ampleur des migrations antillaises vers la métropole à partir des années 1960, l’ Église catholique a mis en place une aumônerie nationale antillo-guyanaise destinée à aider les Antillais catholiques à s’ insérer dans leurs paroisses respectives. Après avoir rappelé le contexte historique de ces migrations antillaises en métropole, cet article analyse la genèse et les limites de ce modèle organisationnel de l’ aumônerie nationale antillo-guyanaise. Dans un troisième temps, à partir de l’ étude de la paroisse de Saint-Denys de l’ Estrée (à Saint-Denis), nous nous interrogerons sur les modalités d’ engagement des Antillais catholiques en montrant comment l’ engagement local se conjugue avec la fréquentation d’ autres hauts lieux du catholicisme parisien. Ces pratiques cumulatives ou circulatoires laissent entrevoir toute une gamme de pratiques populaires parfois qualifiées de « magico-religieuses » par la hiérarchie ecclésiale qui invitent à s’ interroger sur les modalités de catégorisation de l’ Église et sur le rapport que les Antillais catholiques entretiennent à l’ institution ecclésiale.

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Geeraert, Jérémy. "La prise en charge par l’hôpital des populations à la marge du système de santé en France : l’exemple des Permanences d’accès aux soins de santé." Saúde e Sociedade 27, no. 3 (September 2018): 654–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-12902018180550.

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Résumé Cet article analyse la prise en charge de la pauvreté à l’hôpital public. Il prend l’exemple des Permanences d’accès aux soins de santé (PASS), structure hospitalière qui prend en charge des personnes connaissant des difficultés d’accès aux soins dans le système de santé français. Il s’appuie sur une enquête empirique issue d’un travail de thèse en sociologie. L’enquête mêle observations participantes et entretiens semi-directifs (n=49) et a été réalisée dans 16 PASS différentes. Sur un plan théorique, l’article met en miroir les travaux sur les métamorphoses de la question sociale et une perspective biopolitique d’inspiration foucaldienne. La prise en charge des populations en marge du système de santé par une institution publique (l’hôpital) est considérée comme agissant dans des domaines qui dépassent le strict traitement de la maladie pour entrer dans ceux de la régulation sociale, la protection de la santé publique ou la réalisation de droits humains. Dans le cas des PASS, l’article montre la construction d’une biopolitique de la migration autour d’un bricolage compliqué qui mêle citoyenneté, politiques économiques, politiques de santé publique et accès aux soins. Le mode d’exercice du pouvoir se caractérise par un gouvernement par le bas qui est réalisé par les professionnels de terrain lors des interactions avec les patients et met en scène une économie morale basée sur des représentations de ce qui est bon et mauvais pour la société.

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RUDOLPH, CHRISTOPHER. "Security and the Political Economy of International Migration." American Political Science Review 97, no. 4 (November 2003): 603–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540300090x.

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How does migration affect the security of advanced industrial states, and how does the security environment shape the way states deal with international migration? Migration rests at the nexus of three dimensions of security, including geopolitical interests, material production, and internal security. I argue that migration policy is an integral instrument of state grand strategy in this context, and that examining levels of threat on each facet of security at a given point in time can largely explain variation in policy. I test a series of hypotheses drawn from this security framework using a case-study method that examines policy development in four advanced industrial states, including the United States, Germany, France, and Great Britain in the period 1945–present.

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Bosworth, Mary, and Marion Vannier. "Blurred lines: Detaining asylum seekers in Britain and France." Journal of Sociology 56, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783319882534.

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In this article, we explore the use of immigration detention for asylum seekers in Britain and France who are awaiting removal to other European Union (EU) member states for processing under the terms of the Dublin Convention. As we will show, the emphasis on risk assessment as the grounds for detaining these people recasts humanitarian protections as security matters, effectively folding asylum seekers into a broader criminalisation of migration. A punitive response to those seeking refuge, this practice blurs the line between detention and asylum, and thereby hollows out key international human rights protections that have been central to the European project.

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Ricardou, Rafaël, and Samba Yatera. "Actions collectives et jeunesse(s) « issue(s) des migrations » subsahariennes en France." Empan 67, no. 3 (2007): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/empa.067.0112.

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31

Vium, Christian. "Spectres of Undocumented Migration in Paris." African Diaspora 11, no. 1-2 (December 9, 2019): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-01101011.

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Abstract Based on recurrent ethnographic fieldwork with West African undocumented (im)migrants in Paris (France) since 2006, this photo-essay describes one particular housing complex inhabited by a vast West African diaspora. In addition to a descriptive analysis of my work with photography in the context of anthropological research in this particular setting, the article explores the notion of sacrifice as experienced and recounted by men who have undertaken the long and perilous journey to Europe to find means to support their families back home. Finally, I argue in favour of an approach to aesthetics that acknowledges the fundamental ambiguity of the photographic image and its use within the context of undocumented migration.

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32

Kesztenbaum, Lionel. "Cooperation and coordination among siblings: Brothers' migration in France, 1870–1940." History of the Family 13, no. 1 (January 2008): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.hisfam.2008.01.006.

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33

Jaynes, Gerald D. "MIGRATION AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, no. 1 (2007): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x07070026.

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AbstractThe dawn of the twenty-first century confronts Western democracies with a racialized class problem. The globalization of capitalism—mass geographic movement of peoples, capital, and markets on scales unprecedented since the Atlantic slave trade—has brought poor migrants into affluent nations. Migrants' descendants are replicating conditions associated with poor Blacks. Affluent Western democracies are hurtling toward biplural stratification defined by a multiracial underclass. Racialized class stratification stems from economic policies. Capitalist democracies' edifice of social policies—sanctioning expectations of rising prosperity, welfare “safety nets” for minimal consumption, low-wage migration policies—erroneously assumed that jobs and wages would continuously grow to absorb expanding populations. Overuse of low-wage migration policies commodified work relations in low-skilled jobs. Acculturated to demand affluent living standards and egalitarian human relations, educationally deprived descendants of migrants find commodified work regimens repellent. Despite large populations of jobless natives, some maintain that affluent democracies need more migrants to do the jobs that natives won't do. But jobless youth are alienated and prone to agency, as riots in England, the United States, and, more recently, France and other areas of Europe suggest. To avert the solidification of biplural societies, social policy must slow rates of migration from low living-standard economies, expand minimum wages and income transfers to working-citizen households, and provide documented immigrants clear avenues to citizenship. This agenda is more likely to succeed in the United States, where minority voting strength is gathering considerable momentum.

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吴, 艾榮, and 才. 陈. "Rethinking the Gay Chinese Migrant through the Prism of Migration Aspirations." Journal of Chinese Overseas 19, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 220–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341489.

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Abstract On the basis of data gathered by two independent ethnographic studies of gay Chinese migrants in France and Belgium, this paper aims to identify the role of intersecting and parallel aspirations which shape their migration trajectories toward Western countries. These aspirations include motivations to respond to or appropriate traditional family configurations, imaginaries that characterize the countries of destination, the desire to fulfill same-sex sexual and relationship goals, as well as class, educational, national, and ethnic affiliations. Using concepts of intersectionality and super-diversity, this paper further argues that the simultaneous and overlapping nature of these motivations deserves to be discussed as a subset of current Chinese diasporas.

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35

Lévy, Florence, and Yong Li. "Move Abroad to Move Forward? Self-Assessments of Chinese Students and Undocumented Migrants in France." Social Inclusion 9, no. 1 (February 18, 2021): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v9i1.3725.

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Migrants’ self-assessments refer to their perceptions of social mobility and positioning. These assessments are often ambivalent and counterintuitive for observers. To overcome contradictory first impressions, we propose a comprehensive approach to migrants’ self-assessments that goes beyond the opposition between objective and subjective social mobility and links the transnational context, various social spheres, actors’ migratory projects, and their reflexivity. The empirical materials in this article draw on two studies on Chinese migrants in France and confront the trajectories and viewpoints of undocumented migrants and international students. Beyond the differences between their experiences and their legal, economic, and social statuses in France and China, we highlight several common points: First, both groups considered migration a lever to improve their social status. Second, their evaluations link their regions of origin and destination as well as various social spheres. Third, in a transnational context, many factors at different scales influence migrants’ subjective self-assessments of the success or failure of their migration. The migrants’ assessments can vary according to their emphasis on professional, personal, or family trajectories, or on their choice of reference groups. They are shaped by the complexity of translations of status from one country to another and by rapid social transformation in China. Thus, many interviewees estimate that they are simultaneously in situations of social progression and regression.

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36

Gaspard, Françoise. "Y a-t-il un «problème immigré» en France ?" Revue française d'administration publique 47, no. 1 (1988): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1988.2078.

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An Immigration Issue in France ? It is odd that immigration should be an issue of the 1980s since there has been very little of it for over 10 years. France has never wanted to consider herself as open to permanent settlement and the authorities have long kept up the illusion that immigrant labourers are temporary guests who will return abroad. The 1974 immigration ban changed migration patterns ; new arrivais were family members and not labourers. Government policy promoting reunification of immigrant families appeared as a standing refutation of any immigration ban or ‘go home bonus’. Then folio wed general misunderstanding of 1981 governmental change and of policy aimed at securing permanent status for illegal aliens and civic integration, ail leading to xenophobic rabble-rousing, which in fact reflects French fears of impending change in the next decade. Thus, immigrants both reveal and shoulder the profound crisis currently affecting French society.

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37

Vari-Lavoisier, Ilka. "Forecasting under Uncertainty: How Network Composition Shapes Future-Oriented Cognition." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 697, no. 1 (September 2021): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211061259.

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Future migration is central to contemporary politics, but we know little of how citizens and policy-makers perceive and predict migratory trends. I analyze migration forecasting in a representative sample of the population of France, using survey data and administrative records to document differences in the accuracy of forecasting among groups of individuals. The article takes an interdisciplinary approach to future-oriented thinking, conceiving it as a distributed cognitive process, and showing that educational attainment and migratory background shape one’s ability to predict short-term trends. My analysis stresses the importance of accounting for sociodemographic characteristics and social networks in forecasting: I show that social diversity can improve predictions and extend studies based on the Delphi methodology by discussing the relevant expertise to forecast in different realms.

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38

Martel, André. "Géodynamique de migrations internationales dans le mondeGildas Simon Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1995, 429 p." Canadian Journal of Political Science 29, no. 1 (March 1996): 200–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900007629.

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39

Timera, Mahamet. "L’immigration africaine en France : regards des autres et repli sur soi." Politique africaine 67, no. 1 (1997): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1997.6063.

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The withdrawal of "other". Chronologically, African migrations came in four waves : educational, military (after the first world war), labour from the Senegal valley, and after 1980, the urban educated elite. After 1974, the arrival of the spouses of the original migrant workers led to the settlement of the migrants. Initially, class affiliations subsumed ethnic and national ones. However, with increasing unemployement and competition for work, African people have been scrutinized and criticized for their marital, cultural, and educational patterns (polygamy, female circumcision). Therefore, instead of looking towards integration at the national level, African immigrants search for patterns of affiliation within their community, by means of communalism.

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40

Trein, Philipp. "Bossing or Protecting? The Integration of Social Regulation into the Welfare State." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 691, no. 1 (September 2020): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220953758.

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This article is an empirical analysis of how social regulation is integrated into the welfare state. I compare health, migration, and unemployment policy reforms in Australia, Austria, Canada, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK, and the United States from 1980 to 2014. Results show that the timing of reform events is similar among countries for health and unemployment policy but differs among countries for migration policy. For migration and unemployment policy, the integration of regulation and welfare is more likely to entail conditionality compared to health policy. In other words, in these two policy fields, it is more common that claimants receive financial support upon compliance with social regulations. Liberal or Continental European welfare regimes are especially inclined to integration. I conclude that integrating regulation and welfare entails a double goal: “bossing” citizens by making them take up available jobs while expelling migrants and refugees for minor offenses; and protecting citizens from risks, such as noncommunicable diseases.

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41

LACOSTE-DUJARDIN, Camille. "Transmission religieuse et migration: I'Islam identitaire des filles de maghrébins immigrés en France." Social Compass 41, no. 1 (March 1994): 163–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003776894041001013.

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42

Barnett, George A., and Grace A. Benefield. "Predicting international Facebook ties through cultural homophily and other factors." New Media & Society 19, no. 2 (July 10, 2016): 217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444815604421.

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This study describes the structure of the international Facebook friendship network and its determinants using various predictors, including physical proximity, cultural homophily, and communication. Network analysis resulted in one group of nations, with countries that bridge geographic and linguistic clusters (France, Spain, United Kingdom, and United Arab Emirates) being the most central. Countries with international Facebook friendship ties tended to share borders, language, civilization, and migration. Physical distance, shared hyperlinks, use of common websites, telephone traffic, cultural similarity, and international student exchange were either weakly or not significantly related to international Facebook friendships.

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43

Söderman, Emma, Vanna Nordling, and Maja Sager. "Im/Mobile Commons and Trans/National Claims-Making: The Phenomenon of Swedish Afghans in Paris." Praktyka Teoretyczna, no. 4(46) (January 12, 2023): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/prt.2022.4.4.

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Responding to asylum seekers’ relocation from Sweden to France, migrant solidarity groups have started to share resources and information relevant to the process of deciding about and going through with the journey, and, on arrival in Paris, providing advice on how to make it through sleeping rough and the asylum process in France. The relocation of Afghan asylum seekers to France, has gained a specific form of visibility and presence, in media and in migration rights networks, that we claim has placed the route on the Swedish landscape of migration and border debate. The purpose of this article is to develop the conceptual discussions of mobile commons through an analysis of the networks of and around ‘Swedish Afghans in Paris’. The article explores the ways in which national bordering scapes are both reinscribed, expanded and destabilized by migrant networks and claims. Further, we analyze the phenomenon of ‘Swedish Afghans in Paris’ with attention to the tensions and contradictions in regard to the politics of belonging and mobile commons. The phenomenon of Swedish Afghans in Paris forms a productive starting point for analyzing the conditions of commoning in the context of the Swedish bordering scape; of the ways in which belonging and nationality are claimed in complex and shifting ways; and of the ways in which these commons bridge different places transnationally. The article contributes to scholarly discussions on migrant struggles by developing a nuanced understanding of mobile commons as contestations and entanglements of bordering and claims to national belonging. Thus, we emphasize the ambivalent elements of mobile commoning.

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Roux, Sébastien. "In Their Best Interests." French Politics, Culture & Society 38, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2020.380304.

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The international circulation of children requires a multiplicity of interventions. Adoptive flows must respect the ethical standards defined by the Hague Convention (1993) and be realized in the context of a drastic contraction of the migration of children for adoptive purposes. For a dozen years, the French government has been following a partially contradictory double imperative: the moral respect of universal principles enacted by international treaties, and the political maintenance of France among the adoptive “great nations” that are able to favor its nationals. Based on a multi-site field study, this contribution aims to shed light on the architecture, discourse, and actions of these “adoptive public agents.” Drawing on interviews and observations conducted in France and abroad, this article describes how bureaucrats act in practice to create French adoptive families, at the blurred and troubled intersection between the promotion of universal children’s rights and the favoring of French national interests.

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45

Célestine, Audrey. "La transformation des identifications raciales en Martinique sous l’effet des migrations vers la France hexagonale." Critique internationale N° 95, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 66–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.095.0068.

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46

Breuillé, Marie-Laure, Julie Le Gallo, and Alexandra Verlhiac. "Residential Migration and the COVID-19 Crisis: Towards an Urban Exodus in France?" Economie et Statistique / Economics and Statistics, no. 536-37 (December 20, 2022): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24187/ecostat.2022.536.2084.

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47

Oso, Laura. "Crossed mobilities: the “recent wave” of Spanish migration to France after the economic crisis." Ethnic and Racial Studies 43, no. 14 (March 20, 2020): 2572–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1738520.

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48

Odgers Ortiz, Olga, Frida Calderón Bony, and Mahamet Timera. "Pratiques religieuses et production de l’espace public en migration : comparaison entre deux champs migratoires." Social Compass 65, no. 4 (August 10, 2018): 534–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768618792815.

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By observing the presence of what we consider a ‘religious tool’ – a set of expressions convened to stimulate a territorialization of religious practices – we present religious practices identified as a base of spatial production in public space, in migratory contexts. By comparing the Mexico–United States migratory field (with Catholic migrants in Los Angeles) and that of Senegal–France (with Muslim migrants of Soninké origin in Paris), we show the similarities and differences that religious practice produce in terms of spatial anchoring in the public space. We conclude that dissimilarities are mainly a consequence of a differential management of religion – in its relation to ethnicity – in the public space within host societies, and are scarcely related to the specificities of Catholicism and Islam.

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49

Hower, Eric. "Franck Düvell: Europäische und Internationale Migration. Einführung in Historische, Soziologische und Politische Analysen." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 47, no. 4 (December 2006): 743–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-006-0378-2.

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50

Andersen, Margaret. "Race, Migration, and Fears of Communism in 1948 Morocco." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 1 (August 13, 2018): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418778769.

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This article explores a controversy that struck the French family association in the Moroccan town of Oujda in 1948. In 1941, the French administration introduced a wide array of family benefits designed to support French families and encourage French population growth in the protectorate. Initial attempts at maintaining the racially-exclusive character of this policy did not last long. Due to legal reforms introduced in France, Algerians who migrated to Morocco could claim these family benefits and hold leadership positions in family associations due to their status as French citizens. This situation became particularly contentious in the border town of Oujda where, it was alleged, a local communist managed to take over the local family association by recruiting Algerians from across the border with promises of family benefits and securing their support in return. When French officials disbanded the organization, the disgraced president contested this decision, turned the scandal into a fight for Algerian rights and denunciation of French imperialism, and then disappeared under mysterious circumstances. The scandal involving the AFF in Oujda is revealing of ongoing concerns about shifting demographics, clandestine movement across the Algerian border, demands for rights, and concerns about communism in the years prior to decolonization.

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