Дисертації: "Mexico/Chile"

1

Mello, Hugo Santana de. "Export diversification determinants : where do Brazil, Chile and Mexico diverge?" Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/19072.

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Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos Europeus
Esta dissertação identifica e compara os determinantes da diversificação dos produtos exportados pelo Brasil, Chile e México, já que suas margens intensivas têm evoluído diferentemente. Análise de dados através de séries temporais do modelo dos mínimos quadrados ordinários (MQO) do período de 1990 até os anos atuais nos permite inferir quais as variáveis mais relevantes. Os resultados sugerem que o determinante mais importante para atingir a diversificação das exportações é a mudança produtiva, de commodities para produtos manufaturados. A análise empírica também indica que variáveis como a taxa de câmbio, qualidade das instituições, crédito, e distância dos principais parceiros têm impactos relevantes na diversificação. Curiosamente, liberalização do comércio, significativa para os três países, favoreceu a especialização para os casos do Brasil e Chile, e diversificação no caso do México, presumidamente pelo seu acesso ao mercado Norte Americano e processo de produção de baixo custo através das maquiladoras.
This dissertation aims to identify and compare the determinants of products exports from Brazil, Chile and Mexico, seeing that their intensive margin exports have evolved differently. Data analysis and time series ordinary least square (OLS) models from 1990 up to the present allow us to infer which variables explain the greater picture. The results suggest that the most relevant determinant to achieve a diversified export basket is the shift on the production from commodities and primary goods to manufacturing. The empirical analysis also indicates that variables such as exchange rate, institution quality, credit, and remoteness play relevant roles on diversification. Curiously, trade liberalization, while relevant to the three countries, favoured specialization in the Brazilian and Chilean cases, and diversification in the Mexican case, presumably due to its access to the North American market and the maquiladoras' cheap production process.
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2

Andes, Stephen J. C. "The vatican and Catholic activism in Mexico and Chile, 1920-40." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527274.

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3

Oliveira, Edypo Soares de. "Do bondholders value corporate hedging? Evidence for Brazil, Chile and Mexico." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/17640.

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Literature has often examined how hedging affects firm value and cost of capital, but its relation with cost of debt is less studied, especially for Latin American firms. This dissertation examined the impact of derivatives usage over credit spread of the bonds issued by 66 non-financial companies from Brazil, Chile and Mexico, based on the secondary market transactions from 2005 to 2015. To test the hypothesis that hedging reduces credit spread, we performed different regressions based on Chen and King (2014) study. We only found a significant coefficient for hedging and leverage interaction for the post-2008 period, supporting Coutinho, Sheng and Lora (2012) findings that companies were not using derivatives for hedging purpose before the financial crisis and also corroborates Chen and King (2014) hypothesis that more leveraged firms obtain higher benefits from hedging.
Há uma extensa literatura examinando como o uso de derivativos afeta o valor e o custo de capital da firma, porém sua relação com o custo da dívida (spread de crédito) é menos estudada, especialmente para os países da América Latina. Esta dissertação, a partir dos dados do mercado secundário dos títulos (bonds) emitidos por 66 empresas não financeiras de Brasil, Chile e México no período entre 2005 e 2015, analisa o impacto do uso de derivativos sobre o spread de crédito. Para testar a hipótese de que hedging reduz o spread de crédito pago pelas companhias, rodamos diferentes regressões baseadas no estudo de Cheng e King (2014). Encontramos resultados significativos apenas para a interação entre hedging e alavancagem no período posterior a 2008, em linha com o que foi reportado por Coutinho, Sheng e Lora (2012), que investigam a relação entre hedging e custo de capital. Resultado corrobora as hipóteses de que (1) empresas estariam utilizando derivativos para especular antes da Crise Financeira e (2) conforme Chen e King (2014), as empresas mais alavancadas (maior stress financeiro) são as que mais se beneficiam do uso de derivativos.

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4

Fernandez, Gaxiola Ana Cecilia. "A survey of nutrition and aging research in Brazil, Chile and Mexico." FIU Digital Commons, 2000. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3310.

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Information on nutrition and aging research in Brazil, Chile and Mexico was compiled. The questionnaire was adapted from one published by the United Nations Population Fund. The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) provided the initial contact list. A search of online library databases was also done. Databases yielded a total of 149 journal articles, 21 books, 9 dissertations and 17 theses on nutrition and aging published between 1983 and 2000. The information showed that nutrition and aging is an area in the process of policy and program development and that aging is an important public health issue because of the current and projected growth of this population group. In line with the PAHO goal of improving the possibilities for healthy aging, this study may help strengthen the integration of multidisciplinary nutrition and aging research with public health policy.

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5

Pugin, Veronica H. "Trade Liberalization's Impacts on Welfare: A Comparative Analysis of Chile and Mexico." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/394.

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For decades, institutions such as the World Bank, IMF, WTO, OECD, US Congress, and EU have encouraged developing countries to adopt trade liberalization to improve their people's welfare and eventually achieve developed country status. In a comparative analysis to examine trade liberalization's impact on labor, this study found that while Chile and Mexico pursued very similar trade liberalization policies, their outcomes were extraordinarily different. Chile now holds the title as the world's model liberalizer while Mexico continues to struggle to liberalize. Chile's effective use of government intervention to absorb adjustment costs determined its success. This study challenges trade theory's dogma against government intervention and concludes with explicit strategies for hoe developing countries can enact targeted social programs and measures to absorb trade liberalization's painful adjustment costs. Trade liberalization can bring prosperity and opportunities for a country, as long as it is paired with effective government intervention to absorb a degree of adjustment costs.

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6

Valenzuela, Fuentes Katia. "Towards new emancipatory horizons : autonomous politics in urban groups of Mexico and Chile." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/43647/.

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Recent decades have witnessed the emergence of powerful social movements and community initiatives across Latin America. These collective projects have developed a strong anti-systemic critique, refusing state-centred and top-down approaches to social change and seeking to prefigure in the present the social world in which they want to live in. At a micro scale, the political organizing around grassroots groups or colectivos has become a popular strategy for Latin American activists living in the city. Inspired by this phenomenon, this thesis analyses the politics of autonomy enacted by colectivos in Latin America. More specifically, it examines how the politics of autonomy is understood by Chilean and Mexican colectivos; the dimensions, organizational structures and strategies shaping their praxis; the main challenges encountered in the ‘doing’ of autonomous politics; and its potential for the prefiguration of a radical approach to social change. Informed by the traditions of activist research and militant ethnography, this research has advanced a collective and politically-engaged process of knowledge production, providing a thick description of the politics of autonomy enacted by Latin American colectivos. This thesis also moves beyond Western and Eurocentric scholarship, committing to an ‘epistemology of the South’ that acknowledges the rich knowledge production developed with/alongside autonomous movements in Latin America. The findings of this thesis reveal that Latin American autonomous activists have a twofold understanding of autonomy: a negative one, based on the refusal of the main systems of domination; and an affirmative one, based on the creation of an alternative politics able to challenge those hegemonic systems. The creative side of autonomy is put into motion through five main dimensions (horizontality, affective politics, autogestión; popular education; and political networks) that are not free from challenges and hindrances. As the colectivos understand autonomous politics both as a horizon and a struggle, they acknowledge the issues encountered in their praxis and make constant efforts to improve their collective performance. Finally, it is concluded that the politics of autonomy is not only a political statement nor a romantic utopia. It is a radical, organic and feasible approach to social change being enacted in the here and now by colectivos and larger social movements across Latin America.

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7

VALDES, LARA ANA LAURA. "ANTEPROYECTO DE EXPORTACION DE PEPINO DE SINALOA, MEXICO, A LA REPUBLICA DE CHILE, 2016." Tesis de Licenciatura, UNIVERSIDAD AUTONOMA DEL ESTADO DE MEXICO, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11799/68026.

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Al realizar el presente Ante-proyecto, se tomó en consideración que el país destino cuenta con un gran mercado de consumo de hortalizas y que la producción de pepino, aun siendo solo para consumo local, no garantiza su adecuado abastecimiento. Para lo cual se determinó que la estructura temática del Ante-proyecto de exportación se basara en la realización de cuatro capítulos, los cuales se describen a continuación con la finalidad de que el lector tenga una mayor comprensión del tema. Capítulo I: Planteamiento del Marco Teórico en el cual se define el Comercio Internacional y los diferentes Tratados que tiene México con el resto del mundo, especialmente el TLC con Chile. Dentro de este capítulo también se desarrolla la Teoría del Comercio Internacional que sustenta la investigación. Capítulo II: Análisis de la empresa Sinaloense “YORI DEL RANCHO”, en el cual se describen sus características generales como empresa y la forma en cómo producen el peino. Así mismo también se realiza un estudio y descripción profunda de nuestro producto a exportar. Capítulo III: Se describe todo el proceso para llevar a cabo la exportación de pepino, así como un amplio estudio de sus características y beneficios, las Normas Oficiales Mexicanas, las características generales del mercado chileno y la cobertura que puede llegar a tener el pepino mexicano en este. “Anteproyecto de Exportación de pepino de Sinaloa, México a la Republica de Chile” 9 Capítulo IV: Se aborda todo lo relacionado a las finanzas necesarias para el Ante-proyecto de exportación, describiendo el estudio financiero y la valoración económica, incluyendo elementos como: Presupuestos, Estado de Resultados, Valor Presente Neto, Tasa Interna de Rendimiento y Punto de Equilibrio. Finalmente se presentan las conclusiones generales de este Ante-proyecto al igual que los diferentes anexos y bibliografía que se utilizo durante la investigación.

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8

Soto-Ortiz, Roberto, and Jeffrey C. Silvertooth. "A Crop Phenology Model for Irrigated New Mexico Chile (Capsicum annuum L.) Type Varieties." College of Agriculture and Life Sciences, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/215050.

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Field experiments were conducted with the objective of developing a general New Mexico chile type plant (Capsicum annuum L.) phenological model as a function of heat units accumulated after planting (HUAP). Field experiments were conducted from 2003 through 2005 in the Sulfur Springs Valley of Arizona, near Sunsites in Cochise County, Arizona (31° 56" N, 109° 52" W, about 4,000 feet elevation) on a Borderline fine sandy loam (coarse-loamy, mixed, superactive thermic Typic Calcigypsids) and in the Animas Valley, New Mexico (31° 57" N, 109° 48" W, about 4,400 feet elevation), on a Vekol fine sandy clay loam (fine, mixed, thermic, Typic Haplargids). Plant measurements were collected routinely and important phenological stages that corresponded to first bloom, early bloom, peak bloom, physiological maturity, and red harvest were identified and recorded. Results indicate that within locations, all varieties performed similarly in relation to HU accumulation patterns. A general New Mexico chile type plant phenological model as a function of HUAP for all sites and varieties was obtained. First bloom occurred at 954 ± 254 HUAP, early bloom at 1349 ± 306 HUAP, peak bloom at 1810 ± 261 HUAP, physiological maturity at 2393 ± 215 HUAP, and red chile harvest was identified to occur at 3159 ± 220 HUAP. The purpose of this phenological baseline or model is to provide a crop management tool for growers for predicting and identifying critical stages of growth. Further development and validation of this model is a continued objective of this research program.

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9

López, Rodríguez Blanca Odille. "The effectiveness of policy evaluation : insights from the health care sector in Mexico and Chile." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/72670/.

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Over time, the predominant tendency of many governments' agencies has been to evaluate a programme or policy investing large amount of resources in supporting policy evaluation. However, recommendations suggested by policy evaluators are not always taken up. Moreover, there is relatively little evidence of the extent of policy evaluation effectiveness (i.e. the influence of evaluation on the programme evaluated) and the factors which have significant impact on it. This dissertation aims to shed light on this issue by focusing on the Mexican and Chilean experiences of policy evaluation in the health care sector. It provides a detailed analysis of the extent to which evaluations have led to changes in policies and programmes and reveals a rather limited effectiveness of policy evaluation in these countries. I argue that shortcomings in the effectiveness of policy evaluation can be explained by institutional and political factors, primarily the nature of Intra Governmental Relations (IGR), but also the quality of bureaucracy, the level of democracy, the autonomy of policy evaluators, and the type of policy evaluation framework. While all of these factors seem to have some influence, the relationship between the executive and legislature is clearly the key determinant of the take up of recommendations. Thus, the findings of this thesis suggest that strengthening coordination between the different parts of government is needed to enhance the effectiveness of policy evaluation. In addition, the analysis also suggests that policy evaluation is likely to be more effective when it incorporates budgetary incentives.

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10

Maric, Arata Branko J. "Inflation uncertainty, monetary shocks and economic growth: evidence from Brazil, Chile, Columbia, Mexico and Peru." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/43001.

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11

Marić, Arata Branko J. "Inflation uncertainty, monetary shocks and economic growth : evidence from Brazil, Chile, Columbia, Mexico and Peru /." This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06102009-063300/.

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12

Mardones, Nichi Tricia. "Escuela e identidad nacional. Una aproximación al currículum escolar de Chile y México." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2006. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/108856.

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13

Covarrubias, Alvaro 1973. "Using land value capture to fund rail transit extensions in Mexico City and Santiago de Chile." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/17716.

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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning; and, (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Civil and Environmental Engineering, 2004.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 192-200).
The effects of rail rapid transit on land uses and land values are discussed. Rail transit can enhance accessibility, and can raise the demand for locating in areas around stations, increasing land value, and in some cases fostering redevelopment at higher densities. The attraction that the areas around stations produce depends on the number of trips generated for unit of land for different types of land-uses. A series of studies on the effect of rail transit on land values are reviewed. Using data from censuses and origin-destinations surveys, the effects of metro lines on land-uses during the 1990's in Mexico City and Santiago de Chile are determined. Results show that in Mexico City neither zones located next to the new lines, nor zones located next to the lines built before 1990 had a higher growth of population, income per capita or employment, as compared to other zones with similar densities and incomes per capita. In the case of Santiago, whereas the areas located next to the newly built line had similar changes to other zones, the areas located next to the two lines built before the 1990's had a significantly higher growth in number of households and average income per capita than other areas, especially in high-income districts. These results are explained by the lower attractiveness of the metro for middle and high-income people in Mexico City as compared to Santiago de Chile, which is proven by specifying relations between ridership and GDP for both cities, using multiple regression models.
(cont.) The potential of land value capture as a mechanism for funding rail transit in both cities is discussed, based on the experience of other rail transit systems around the world, and on the characteristics of both metros. In both cases a land value capture system is proposed for new lines. Some guidelines for the implementation of land value capture mechanisms are provided.
by Alvaro Covarrubias.
S.M.
M.C.P.

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14

Bernau, Vivian Marie. "Exploring Local Adaptation and Drought Tolerance in Chile Peppers (Capsicum spp.) of southern Mexico." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1546519028733692.

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15

Freed, Feather Crawford 1971. "Joel Poinsett and the Paradox of Imperial Republicanism: Chile, Mexico, and the Cherokee Nation, 1810-1841." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/7485.

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viii, 122 p.
This thesis examines the intersection of republicanism and imperialism in the early nineteenth-century Americas. I focus primarily on Joel Roberts Poinsett, a United States ambassador and statesman, whose career provides a lens into the tensions inherent in a yeoman republic reliant on territorial expansion, yet predicated on the inclusive principles of liberty and virtue. During his diplomatic service in Chile in the 1810s and Mexico in the 1820s, I argue that Poinsett distinguished the character of the United States from that of European empires by actively fostering republican culture and institutions, while also pursuing an increasingly aggressive program of national self-interest. The imperial nature of Poinsett's ideology became pronounced as he pursued the annexation of Texas and the removal of the Cherokee Indians, requiring him to construct an exclusionary and racialized understanding of American republicanism.
Adviser: Carlos Aguirre

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16

Villegas, Méndez Sheila, and Lundgren Joanna Rocco. "Entering newly liberalized service markets : opportunities derived from the EU bilateral trade agreements with Mexico and Chile." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1645.

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Background: The service sector accounts for more than 60 percent of global output. The EU has signed bilateral trade agreements with several countries and economic blocks in order to achieve reciprocal service liberalizations. The extensive trade agreements recently signed with Mexico and Chile, are expected to pave the way for new opportunities for Swedish service companies looking to entering the Latin-American market.

Purpose: To examine which entry mode will provide service companies with the best competitive advantages when entering the Mexican or Chilean market.

Results: Strong liberalizations have been made in sectors important to Swedish service companies. This will open up new opportunities for the companies when it comes to obtaining a stronger form of control over the foreign establishment. For some sectors sole venture or joint venture could be seen as realistic alternatives, while for others trade barriers still stand in the way for a more far-reaching establishment mode.

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17

GonzaÌlez, GonzaÌlez Francisco Enrique. "The political economy of 'dual transitions' : economic liberalisation and political democratisation in Chile and Mexico, 1970-2000." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410984.

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18

Figueroa, Francis Espinoza. "European influence on the development of domestic policies in Chile and Mexico : the case of Higher Education." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3855/.

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The EU as an ideational actor has a significant impact on non-European countries. This thesis examines the growth of European ideas circulating throughout the field of Latin American Higher Education (HE), as part of the Bologna Process, which has manifested itself in a set of procedures, methods and tools that have contributed to the transformation of Chilean and Mexican HE. This phenomenon requires a rigorous analysis of European ideational factors present within Normative Power Europe (NPE), not only through a cluster of ideas, norms, principles and values but also through analysing language. The thesis examines such claims, focusing on Chile and Mexico, and argues that the impact of European influences upon received countries is mediated by domestic circumstances. The thesis makes a contribution to both existing understanding of the European Union’s influence over Latin America and Latin American HE, and also seeks to advance upon existing debates around the notion of Normative Power Europe in particular, by illustrating how the NPE literature would benefit from a deeper consideration of the use of language and considering translation processes of receiver countries.

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19

Macario, Carla. "Why and how do manufacturing firms export : evidence from successful exporting firms in Chile, Colombia and Mexico /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9924953.

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20

Muno, Wolfgang. "Lateinamerika : Linksruck im Schatten der Weltöffentlichkeit." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/978/.

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Literaturbericht

Rezensierte Literatur:

Nikolaus Werz: Lateinamerika. Eine Einführung, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2005, 400 S., ISBN 3-8329-1068-9

Klaus Bodemer/Detlef Nolte/Hartmut Sangmeister (Hrsg.): Lateinamerika Jahrbuch 2004, Vervuert, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, 385 S., ISBN 3-86527-123-5

Peter Imbusch/Dirk Messner/Detlef Nolte (Hrsg.): Chile heute. Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur, Vervuert, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, 957 S., ISBN 3-89354-590-5

Walther L. Bernecker/Marianne Braig/Karl Hölz/Klaus Zimmermann (Hrsg.): Mexiko heute. Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur, Vervuert, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, 3. vollständig neu bearbeitete Auflage, 826 S., ISBN 3-86527-140-5

Rafael Sevilla/Andreas Boeckh (Hrsg.): Venezuela – die Bolivarische Republik, Horlemann, Bad Honnef 2005, 322 S., ISBN 3-89502-197-0

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21

Rodriguez-Ahumada, Mariano. "Alleviating poverty in Latin America : neo-liberal reforms and their compensatory social programmes in Chile, Mexico and Peru." Thesis, University of Essex, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.438122.

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22

Flores, Dewey Onésimo A. (Onésimo Alberto). "Expanding transportation planning capacity in cities of the global South : public-private collaboration and conflict in Chile and Mexico." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/84427.

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Thesis (Ph. D. in Urban and Regional Planning)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2013.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 405-412).
What makes it possible for the governments of cities limited by scarce fiscal resources and weak institutions to enhance their transportation planning and regulatory capacities so as to provide the public with cleaner, safer, efficient, and reliable public transit alternatives? Such aims are particularly challenging for cities of the developing world, not just because of resource scarcities, but also because in these contexts a quasi-informal network of privately owned transport operators has been historically responsible for satisfying most of the public's mobility needs with minimal intervention from the state. As such, these are the cities where a comprehensive approach to transport planning and regulation may be most urgently needed. Congestion, air pollution, traffic accident fatalities, petty crime, and mobility deprivation of the handicapped and the elderly already define what it means to live and move in most cities of the developing world. Yet many local governments in these locales seem ill-equipped to tackle such "second order" transport-related challenges effectively, even as they continue to get worse. This dissertation uses the cases of Mexico City and Santiago, Chile to explore this question. Both cities followed similar strategies of forcing and fostering industry compliance, and introducing bus rapid transit (BRT) as the basis for introducing state monitoring and management of private bus provision. Metrobnds in Mexico City and Transantiago in Santiago unsettled the pre-existing private bus industry, composed of thousands of smallscale entrepreneurs organized around powerful associations, which were initially resistant to participate. In the course of implementation, this industry transitioned toward financially stronger, professional private players, and the capacity of authorities to pursue second order transport policy objectives increased. Urban transportation planning capacities emerged much more advanced, however, in Santiago. The question is why? Drawing on a historical analysis of the evolving relationship between public and private stakeholders as well as from 64 interviews with government authorities and transport operators, this thesis analyzes the factors that account for the different outcomes and suggests that expanding planning capacity in the context of scarce resources and weak institutions depends on the ability to nurture and sustain accountable public-private collaboration.
by Onésimo A. Flores Dewey.
Ph.D.in Urban and Regional Planning

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23

De, Blasi Jacqueline. "Avaliação como eixo das reformas da educação superior na America Latina : os casos da Argentina, Brasil, Mexico e Chile." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/253260.

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Orientador: Jose Dias Sobrinho
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo:O principal objetivo dessa tese é investigar o papel dos processos de avaliação dos sistemas de educação superior latino-americana nas reformas educacionais, ocorridas no período entre 1980/1990. Para tal investigação, aprofundamos a análise sobre as transformações na educação superior, apresentando dados quantitativos e qualitativos sobre o crescimento privado e público, a ampliação da diversificação institucional e as novas características do financiamento deste setor. Além disso, analisamos ainda as propostas educacionais dos sujeitos políticos que assumem o projeto neoliberal - especificamente o Banco Mundial, Unesco e o Tratado de Livre Comércio da América do Norte. Nessas análises, mostramos as conseqüências da implementação desses projetos e o papel da avaliação institucional - especificamente na Argentina, no Brasil, no Chile e no México - na redefinição de políticas para a educação superior. Toda essa investigação evidenciou a inserção das propostas de avaliação do sistema educacional como sustentação de uma política privatista, conservadora, mercantilista e controlada pelo poder do Estado, a fim de fortalecer os preceitos neoliberais para a educação latino-americana
Abstract: The main objective of that theory is to investigate the paper of the processes of evaluation ofthe systems of education superior Latin-American in the education against-reforms, happened in the period among 1980/1990. In order to such investigation, we deepened analysis about the transformations in the superior education, presenting quantitative and qualitative data on the private and public growth, the enlargement of the institutional diversification and the new characteristics of the fmancing of this section. Besides, we still analyzed the education proposals ofthe political subjects that assume the neoliberal project - specifically the World Bank, Unesco and the North American Free Trade Agreement. In those analyses, we showed the consequences of the implementation of those projects and the paper of the institutional evaluation - specifically in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico - in the redefinition of politics for the superior education. All that investigation evidenced the insert of the proposals of evaluation the education system as sustentation of politics privative, conservative, mercantilist and controlled by the power of the state, to goal of strengthening the neoliberal precepts for the Latin-American education
Doutorado
Politicas de Educação e Sistemas Educativos
Doutor em Educação

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González, Hidalgo Marien. "Emotional political ecologies. The role of emotions in the politics of environmental conflicts: two case studies in Chile and Mexico." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/457867.

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Esta tesis explora el papel, usualmente ignorado o subestimado, que las emociones desempeñan en los conflictos ambientales. Como varios estudios han mostrado recientemente, considerar las emociones en el análisis de los conflictos ambientales facilita la comprensión de cómo se estructura el orden socioeconómico, cómo se construyen las subjetividades políticas y cómo se producen las movilizaciones sociales. Sin embargo, todavía necesitamos comprender mejor, conceptual y empíricamente, las relaciones entre emoción, poder y conflicto ambiental. Esta tesis define inicialmente un marco teórico para la consideración de “lo emocional” en ecología política (lo que llamo Ecologías Políticas Emocionales, EPEms), revisando bibliografía en ecología política feminista, geografías emocionales, antropología social y cultural, psicología social y sobre movimientos sociales. Mi revisión señala que las EPEms necesitan emplear un marco multidimensional que capture las dimensiones psicológica, “más-que-humana”, geográfica, social y política que se entrecruzan en las subjetividades en los conflictos ambientales. Mi revisión también define los vacíos en la literatura identificados en esta tesis: la necesidad de considerar las "emociones negativas" como la rabia o el trauma presentes en los conflictos ambientales, así como explorar las posibilidades de “sanación”. Los capítulos empíricos de esta tesis se desarrollan mediante una metodología de investigación común, adaptando estrategias habituales de investigación en ecología política - estudio de caso con énfasis en métodos etnográficos - para captar "lo emocional". En el primer caso empírico, analizo el desarrollo histórico y contemporáneo del extractivismo forestal en el sur de Chile, en territorios indígenas Mapuche. Mi análisis muestra que la industria forestal avanza asegurando el control del territorio mediante intervenciones disciplinarias, con el objetivo de gobernar subjetividades para que los sujetos colaboren en el proyecto extractivista. Sin embargo, individuos y comunidades interfieren en este proyecto: sus reivindicaciones de soberanía les permiten ejercer control sobre su propio proceso de subjetivación. En este proceso, destaco el papel de la expresión colectiva de emociones "negativas" como la rabia y el dolor, que considero recursos cruciales que ayudan a las comunidades Mapuche a mantener la resistencia. En el segundo caso empírico exploro las formas en que la práctica psicoterapéutica permite entender mejor los procesos de subjetivación indígena y campesina en conflicto, analizando talleres basados en Terapia Gestalt organizados por una ONG en el sur de Chiapas, México. La evidencia empírica sirve para discutir el papel de las intervenciones terapéuticas a la hora de facilitar la reflexividad individual-colectiva y la participación en asuntos comunitarios. Mi análisis también establece que las “intervenciones sanadoras” necesitan abordar explícitamente cuestiones estructurales de poder para ir más allá de una reflexividad des-contextualizada y des-politizada. Mi investigación permite discutir el trabajo político de las emociones en los conflictos ambientales, destacando tres formas simultáneas y contrapuestas en que las emociones interactúan en los conflictos ambientales: gubernamentalidad emocional, opresión emocional y movilización emocional. Esta interacción muestra una ambivalencia, es decir una tensión constante entre el papel de las emociones como canales para la subversión del poder hegemónico y su papel en la reproducción del mismo. Sostengo que considerar "lo emocional" como un espacio de poder y conflicto ofrece oportunidades a los movimientos socio-ambientales para abrir espacios de re-articulación de las relaciones de poder dentro y fuera de los movimientos, así como a la investigación en ecología política, expandiendo el análisis del desarrollo de los conflictos en las esferas privadas/públicas, individuales/colectivas y considerando posiciones inestables y contradictorias en los puntos de vista de diferentes actores sociales. La investigación en el marco de las EPEms que desarrolla esta tesis puede servir de base para futuras investigaciones interesadas en revelar y transformar las sutilezas de las relaciones de poder y los desafíos que implican los conflictos ambientales.
This thesis explores the usually unseen and undervalued political work that emotions do in environmental conflicts. As several feminist and affect political ecologists and geographers have begun to discuss, analysing the role of emotions on environmental conflicts can enable a better understanding of how social and economic orders develop, how political subjectivities are built and how and why social mobilisations take place. However, we still need to better understand, both conceptually and empirically, the relations between emotion, power and environmental conflict. This thesis first draws a theoretical framework for the consideration of emotion in political ecology (what I name Emotional Political Ecologies, EmPEs), reviewing work in the field of feminist political ecology, emotional geographies, social and cultural anthropology, social psychology and social movements. This critical literature review indicates that EmPEs need to employ a multi-dimensional framework that captures the psychological, more-than-human, geographical, social and political dimensions that intersect subjectivities in environmental conflicts. My review also defines the research gaps addressed in this thesis: the need to engage with “negative emotions” – such as anger or trauma – present in environmental conflicts, as well as to further explore the political ecologies of “healing”. The empirical chapters of this thesis are organised under a shared research strategy, adapting established political ecology research strategies – case study method with an emphasis on ethnographic methods – in order to grasp “the emotional”. In the first empirical case of this thesis, I analyse the historical and contemporary development of forestry extractivism in southern Chile, specifically in and around indigenous Mapuche territories. My analysis shows that commercial forestry advances by securing land control through disciplinary interventions, which aim to govern subjectivities and create subjects that can help secure capital accumulation and extractivism. Nevertheless, individuals and communities get in the way of this project as they mobilise sovereignty claims that permit them to exercise control over the process of their own subject-making. My analysis highlights the emotional dimension of the process of political subjectivation, especially via the collective expression of “negative” emotions such as anger and sorrow, which I find to be crucial resources that help Mapuche communities maintain resistance. In the second empirical chapter of this thesis, I explore the ways in which psychotherapeutic practice sheds light on indigenous and peasant subjectivation processes through analysing the Gestalt Therapy workshops organised by a local NGO in southern Chiapas, Mexico. Empirical evidence serves as the basis from which to discuss the role of psychotherapeutic practice in facilitating individual and collective reflexivity, and in fostering political fellowship and participation in community matters. My analysis also establishes that “healing interventions” need to explicitly engage with structural issues of power in order to move beyond de-contextualised, and thus depoliticised, reflexivity. My research serves to discuss the political work of emotions in environmental conflicts, highlighting three simultaneous, contradictory and creative ways in which emotions interplay in environmental conflicts: emotional environmentality, emotional oppression and emotional environmentalism. This interplay highlights a constantly unresolved tension between the role of emotions as a channel for the subversion of hegemonic power and, conversely, their role in reproducing hegemonic power dynamics. I argue that considering “the emotional” as a space of power and conflict offers opportunities for socio-environmental movements to open spaces for re-articulating power relationships inside and outside movements, as well as for political ecologists to further consider the private and public, the individual and collective spheres of environmental conflicts and the unstable standpoints of the different social actors participating in conflicts. Further exploring the field of EmPEs can inform political ecological analysis aimed at unpacking and transforming the subtle power relationships and challenges that environmental conflicts involve.

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Dussauge, Laguna Mauricio Ivan. "Cross-national policy learning and administrative reforms : the making of 'management for results' policies in Chile and Mexico (1990-2010)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/718/.

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The study of whether and how learning from abroad matters for policy changes is a fundamental but hugely contested subject at the heart of contemporary policy transfer, policy diffusion, and cognate literatures. Cross-national learning is said to be one of the key mechanisms by which ideas, policies, and administrative reforms travel across jurisdictions. However, it is also said to be fraught with several difficulties, and thus to hardly exert any significant influence on policymaking. This thesis addresses this puzzle through various means. It asks a set of research questions and proposes an analytical framework to explore the relationship between cross-national learning and policy change. It then traces the making of Management for Results policies in Chile and Mexico, comparing policy developments in both countries across two decades (1990-2010). The thesis challenges conventional scholarly accounts on this subject. It shows that cross-national learning might bring about significant policy changes. However, this does not necessarily occur through the transfer or diffusion of policies or models intact. It happens through policymakers’ use of knowledge from policies abroad in many ways and at various stages of the policymaking process. Moreover, policy changes are neither secured once policy elements are adopted, nor are they completed once their process of adaptation to a receiving environment has started. In fact, policymakers need to devise strategies to ensure the new policies are effective, legitimate, and durable. Full policy convergence does not necessarily happen, but neither does absolute divergence. Across time, through sequences of learning and change, policymakers learn how to overcome cognitive biases and national barriers; how to combine experiential learning and knowledge from policies abroad; and how to better fit policies to their national conditions, while also keeping them in tune with international policy developments.

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Martínez, Estrada Imelda. "CARACTERIZACION MORFOLOGICA Y MOLECULAR DE 15 COLECTAS DE CHILE MANZANO (Capsicum pubescens R. y P.) DE LA REGION SUR DEL ESTADO DE MEXICO." Tesis de maestría, Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11799/99720.

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Con el objetivo de identificar la variación fenotípica del chile manzano (Capsicum pubescens Ruiz y Pavón), se realizó un estudio de caracterización morfológica con 15 colecciones cultivadas en la región sur del estado de México. Se evaluaron 86 caracteres morfológicos (68) tomados de la guía de IPGR 1995 y (18) la guía del SNICS 2014. De todos ellos 59 fueron cualitativos y 27 cuantitativos. Se encontró amplia variabilidad cualitativa con polimorfismos en 29 caracteres cualitativos de los 59 evaluados, así como 98 estados diferentes de los 209 (morfoalelos) descritos en las guías. Las colecciones en promedio tienen 4 morfoalelos por atributo. Los polimorfismos cuantitativos estuvieron relacionados principalmente con atributos de la fruto y los cualitativos estuvieron relacionados con caracteres de flor y fruto. El análisis discriminante separó a las colecciones en cuatro grupos, dos de ellos incluyeron sólo la colección, la colecta 12 identificada por el número de flores axilares y color blanco de la corola y la colecta 11 contraste en forma de fruto alargado. Un tercer grupo incluyó las colectas 1, 2, 8, 9 y 13 que comparten el color rojo de fruto. El cuarto grupo incluyó básicamente las colecciones más comerciales. Para el análisis de componentes principales los cuatro primeros componentes principales explicaron 65% de la variabilidad acumulada principalmente explicado por las características de la planta, flor y fruto. La variabilidad cualitativa y cuantitativa que se encuentra en las colecciones de Capsicum pubescens evaluados indican que hay suficiente variabilidad para los programas de mejoramiento genético de esta especie.

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Doran, Zachary. "Pricing Political Risk in Latin America: A Look inside Presidential Elections, Sovereign Credit Default Swaps and Equity Prices in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/627.

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This paper explores the relationship between presidential elections and sovereign credit default swap (CDS) returns, as well as, equity returns in the Latin American countries, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico. In particular, this paper tests whether or not presidential elections, which potentially represent political uncertainty and risk, affect sovereign CDS returns. I also analyze stock returns during the elections of each country to establish benchmarks that I compare to the CDS returns. Specifically, I evaluate the movement of CDS and equity adjusted returns (i.e. returns measured as deviations from average returns) over 7 presidential elections from 2005 to 2011. The baseline panel regression did not find statistical significance in the dummy election coefficients, but did find significance in the equity intercept coefficient at the 10 percent level. This result suggests that, on average, adjusted equity returns were higher during election periods than adjusted equity returns outside of election periods. I discuss the implications of these results later in the paper.

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Fox, Kiira Elizabeth. "Mormon Fertility in Latin America." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2011. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3050.

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While previous research has identified religion as an influence of fertility, how context changes the nature of that relationship remains little understood. Using census data from Brazil, Chile and Mexico, this study examines whether the high fertility pattern of one pronatalist, American-born religion (The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints) translates to the Latin American context. Results indicate that it does, but only inconsistently as the pronatalist pattern is masked by members' educational attainment and mixed religion marriages. When these attributes are accounted for LDS fertility is high in Latin America, especially among the more educated. This study highlights both the importance of member characteristics in influencing fertility and the role of selective recruiting in determining how and whether these characteristics vary by context.

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Heid, Laila G. "A Paradox in Development: Exploring the Obesity Pandemic in Latin America." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/899.

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The purpose of this paper is to explain the obesity pandemic in Latin America and identify the factors of development contributing to the pandemic. The paper uses the framework of the nutrition transition as presented by Barry Popkin to trace consumption patterns and changes in dietary habits in the region. The paper looks at three case studies: Mexico and Chile, two countries with high obesity rates, and Peru, the country with the lowest obesity rate in South America. This comparative framework is intended to determine which conditions are necessary for obesity, which conditions are sufficient for obesity, and any conditions that might limit high levels of obesity. The analysis includes ten distinct factors, but concludes that economic growth and urbanization were the most important determinants of a region developing obesity.

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Rodríguez, Almonacid Carmen Cecilia 1958. "História, memória e violência em Nocturno e Chile, Estrella distante e Amuleto de Roberto Bolaño." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269982.

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Orientador: Francisco Foot Hardman
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Que pode aportar um conjunto de obras para a elaboração de uma memória? A literatura procura no passado, indaga nele querendo resgatar, desde uma perspectiva da memória histórica e da experiência individual, as formas de estabelecer um território que ajude a preservá-la. Assim, a memória é forjada e protegida ao fluir pelas páginas que a literatura cria, enriquecendo e transformando a realidade social e cultural na qual emerge. A proposta deste estudo se centra na reflexão da relação entre a memória e a história - os vínculos entre a memória coletiva e a memória individual - e o problema da narrativa dessa memória nas obras do escritor chileno Roberto Bolaño. Assim sendo, nosso trabalho objetiva especificamente traçar um percurso pelas profundezas da memória e do esquecimento, da barbárie e da injustiça na análise das obras Estrella distante, (1996), Nocturno de Chile (1996) e Amuleto (1999), as quais cumprem um papel chave no trabalho de consolidação de uma memória, pois nelas se reconhece sua proposta estética no campo literário latinoamericano relativo à como narrar o passado traumático da sociedade chilena durante a ditadura militar de quase duas décadas. Há nessas três histórias elementos que são essenciais para expor o questionamento que a escrita de Roberto Bolaño realiza perante a violência do Estado, na medida em que sua narrativa apresenta uma severa crítica política na recuperação do passado, desde a matança de Tlatelolco às torturas do Chile de Pinochet
Abstract: What can a set of written works influence the elaboration of a memory? Literature searches the past, questions it to rescue, from a historical memory perspective and individual experience, forms to establish a ground, which helps to preserve it. Thus, memory is forged and protected when it flows through the pages that literature creates, enriches and transforms to easily insert in social and cultural reality from where it emerges. The proposal of this study focuses on the reflection of the relationship between history and memory, the links between collective memory and individual memory, and the problems related to the narrative of this memory in the works of Chilean author Roberto Bolaño. This way, our task aims specifically to trace a way through the depths of memory and oblivion, the barbarian and evil in the analysis of the works Estrella distante (1996), Nocturno de Chile (1996) and Amuleto (1999), which play a key role in the consolidation of a memory, because in those books one is able to recognize his esthetical proposal in the Latin American literature field when he narrates the traumatic past of a society during the military dictatorship that lasted for almost two decades. There are in those three stories, elements that are essential to expose the questioning that the written works of Roberto Bolaño realizes before the violence of the State, in that his narrative presents a severe political criticism in the recovery of the past, from the killing of Tlatelolco to the torture in Chile during the Pinochet years
Mestrado
Historia e Historiografia Literaria
Mestra em Teoria e História Literária

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Diazgranados, Ferrans Silvia. "The Civic Knowledge Gaps in Chile, Colombia and Mexico: An Application of the Oaxaca-Blinder Decomposition Method Using Data From the 2009 International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS)." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:27112704.

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The existence of significant differences in the civic knowledge, civic attitudes and civic skills of young people from different socio-economic (SES) backgrounds represent civic competence gaps that affect their ability to act as personally responsible, participatory and justice-oriented citizens in their society (Carretero et al, 2016; MEN, 2004; Westheimer & Kahne, 2004). Identifying civic competence gaps, their magnitude, and the factors that account for them should be a priority for researchers, policy-makers and educators in Latin America because they can threaten the strength, stability and legitimacy of democracies in the region (Levinson, 2010). I use data from three nationally representative samples of 8th grade students who participated in the 2009 International Civic and Citizenship Study (ICCS) to identify civic competence gaps between youth from high and low SES backgrounds in Chile, Colombia and Mexico, using eight measures related to civic competence. I document large gaps in students’ civic knowledge in the three countries, and small gaps in their internal sense of political efficacy, intention to participate in future electoral processes and legal and illegal protests, as well as in their attitudes toward corruption, authoritarianism and disobeying the law. I do not find gaps in their attitudes toward civil disobedience. I then use the Oaxaca-Blinder method (Oaxaca, 1973; Blinder, 1973) to identify how 1) differences in access to school resources, positive school climates and interactive civic learning opportunities, and 2) differences in the civic knowledge gains that students from different SES backgrounds obtain from equal school resources, school climates and civic learning opportunities, account for the civic knowledge gaps in these countries. Findings suggest that the largest portion of the civic knowledge gap in Chile is due to differences in civic knowledge gains, but in Colombia and Mexico the largest portions are due to differences in access. In all three countries high SES students have significantly more access than low SES students to the school resources, school climate and civic learning opportunities that are associated with higher civic knowledge, and in every case, the school SES accounts for the largest portion of the explained civic knowledge gaps. Given equal characteristics, low SES students in Colombia and Mexico –but not in Chile- obtain more civic knowledge gains than high SES students from school resources, school climate and civic learning opportunities.

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Demirdjian, Silvia Beatriz. "Coaliciones críticas de México y Chile frente al Libre Comercio. Análisis de la influencia en los acuerdos con Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/399893.

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La tesis aborda el tema de la participación e influencia de coaliciones sociales críticas en procesos de liberalización comercial desde la década del noventa en América Latina. A partir de ese momento, la globalización capitalista neoliberal produce transformaciones que llevan a una reestructuración en el campo de la economía y la política internacional. Sin abandonar la instancia multilateral, Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea optan por la vía de un nuevo regionalismo orientado a la decisión estratégica de ampliar mercados. Por su parte, diversos países de América Latina adoptan la vía del regionalismo abierto como estrategia de inserción en el mercado internacional. En consecuencia, estas transformaciones pautan un tipo política comercial asimétrica que relaciona a economías nacionales y bloques regionales de disímil tamaño. El planteamiento general de esta tesis suscribe la propuesta que sostiene que el movimiento de liberalización de los mercados genera como consecuencia una contramovimiento social. La investigación se enfoca en los casos de la Red Mexicana de Acción frente al Libre Comercio (RMALC) frente al TLCAN y de la Alianza Chilena por un Comercio Justo y Responsable (ACJR) frente al Tratado de Libre Comercio (TLC) Chile-Estados Unidos. También de ambas coaliciones frente al TLC que México y Chile firman con la Unión Europea en el marco de los más amplios Acuerdos de Asociación. A pesar de sus particularidades, estas coaliciones comparten un conjunto de características, objetivos y ciertos elementos propios del contexto estatal y regional en el que surgen y se desarrollan lo cual nos habilita a abordarlas como un objeto delimitado de estudio. Por cierto, su configuración y actuación se produce en el marco de un doble proceso de transición y/o liberalización de los regímenes políticos y de aplicación del modelo económico neoliberal en sendos países. Como objetivo general, la investigación propone contribuir a identificar los factores que pueden explicar la participación e influencia de estas coaliciones en las negociaciones de los TLC. Los objetivos más específicos son: identificar los factores institucionales de nivel nacional o internacional que promueven u obstaculizan la participación e influencia de las coaliciones críticas; describir y analizar las estrategias de actuación y las temáticas que integraron la agenda de las coaliciones críticas; especificar los discursos y marcos interpretativos favorables y los críticos acerca de los beneficios y/o perjuicios que suponen los TLC. Teniendo en cuenta el planteamiento general y los objetivos se asume para el análisis una perspectiva crítica neo-gramsciana (parte de la Economía Política Internacional, EPI) y se recurre a categorías teóricas de la sociología política y del campo de estudios de la acción colectiva contemporánea. La metodología corresponde a un estudio de caso comparado y utiliza instrumentos de investigación cualitativa. Las líneas de hipótesis del estudio plantean que los factores que contribuyen a explicar la capacidad de influencia de las coaliciones críticas se relacionan con el contexto ideológico discursivo, el tipo de sistema político y de medios de comunicación (estructura de oportunidad política doméstica y mediática), la gobernanza regional (oportunidades regionales/internacionales) y los repertorios de actuación. La investigación demuestra que las reivindicaciones de las coaliciones críticas abarcan desde la transparencia de las negociaciones hasta la implementación de cartas o cláusulas sociales específicas, de difícil logro. También demuestra que se ha conseguido construir una posición contrahegemónica orientada a alertar y agendar las amenazas que implica el libre comercio, realizar acciones de monitoreo y elaborar propuestas alternativas
This thesis addresses the issue of participation and influence of critical social coalitions on trade liberalization processes since the 1990s in Latin America. From that period on, neoliberal capitalist globalization has caused transformations leading to a restructuring in the fields of economy and international politics. While not disregarding the multilateral path, the United States and the European Union have followed the path to new regionalism oriented to the strategic decision of market expansion. In turn, several Latin American countries have adopted open regionalism as their foreign market entry strategy. Consequently, these transformations have led to an asymmetric trade policy relationship between national economies and regional blocks of different sizes. The general approach of this thesis supports the argument that the market liberalization movement generates a social counter-movement. This research work focuses on the cases of the Mexican Action Network on Free Trade (RMALC) against NAFTA and of the Chilean Alliance for Fair and Responsible Trade (ACJR) against the United State-Chile Free Trade Agreement. In addition, it addresses the case of both coalitions against the FTA signed by Mexico and Chile with the European Union within the framework of broader Partnership Agreements. Despite their singularities, these coalitions share a set of characteristics, objectives and certain elements inherent to the state and regional context from which they have emerged and where they operate, which enables us to analyze them as a clearly defined object of study. It should be highlighted that they have been created and they operate within the framework of a double process entailing both the transition and/or liberalization of political regimes and the application of the liberal economic model in both Mexico and Chile. The general objective of this study is to contribute to the identification of factors that might explain these coalitions’ participation in and influence on FTA negotiations. Specific objectives include: to identify national or international institutional factors which may either promote or hinder the participation and influence of critical coalitions; to describe and analyze action strategies and the topics included in the agenda of critical coalitions; to specify favorable and judgmental discourses and interpretation frameworks in relation to the benefits and/or harms that FTA may entail. Considering the general approach and objectives of this work, a neo-Gramscian critical perspective (part of the International Political Economy) is adopted for the analysis and theoretical categories taken from the fields of political sociology and contemporary collective action are used. The methodology consists of a comparative case study and uses quantitative research tools. The hypothesis of this study is that the factors that might explain the ability of critical coalitions to exert influence are related to the ideological discursive context, the kind of political system and media (domestic political and media opportunity structure), regional governance (regional/international opportunities) and action repertoires. The results of this research indicate that the claims made by critical coalitions range from transparency in negotiations to the implementation of specific letters or social clauses, all of them difficult to achieve. They further show that these coalitions have been able to build a counter-hegemonic position aimed at alerting on and keeping track of the threats posed by free trade; taking monitoring measures; and devising alternative proposals.

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Patrickson, Albert. "Essays in the Latin American fertilizer industry." Licentiate thesis, Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, Internationell Ekonomi och Geografi (IEG), 1990. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hhs:diva-1520.

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Silva, Andrea dos Santos. "Vantagens comparativas reveladas das exportações da Argentina, Brasil, Chile e México (1996-2006): reprimarização ou diversificação?" Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9338.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrea dos Santos Silva.pdf: 886379 bytes, checksum: eb1411b8543d61e87e871005a8c0f225 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-16
The main objective of this paper is to answer the question: in the period 1996-2006, the Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico export pattern was reprimarizated or diversified? The answer search is centralized in the index of revealed comparative advantage calculus and in the export classification according to its technological contents. Those four countries had adopted different strategies in order to face, in the last years, politicaleconomic crises, internals and externals, and the impact concerning, in a way, a growing international primary products demand, specially the Chinese, and, in the other way, a growing competition cheap-labor intensive, but with some technology incorporated Asian products export. Although, those Latin-Americans countries have their export pattern with varied characteristics, their economies have been showing record export volume. This paper let to conclude that the empirical evidences do not corroborate the reprimarization hypothesis. The countries, in 2006, were manufactures exporters. Argentina, Brazil and Chile had a specialized low and/or middle-low technology manufactures export pattern and Mexico, however, have been exported higher-level technology products
O objetivo principal deste trabalho é responder à questão: no período 1996-2006 houve uma reprimarização ou diversificação da pauta exportadora da Argentina, Brasil, Chile e México? A busca da resposta está centralizada no cálculo do índice das vantagens comparativas reveladas e na classificação das exportações segundo o conteúdo tecnológico. Esses quatro países adotaram estratégias diferentes para enfrentar, nos últimos anos, as crises político-econômicas, internas e externas e o impacto, por um lado, da crescente demanda internacional, em especial a chinesa, por produtos primários, e por outro, do aumento da concorrência das exportações de produtos asiáticos intensivos em mão-de-obra barata, mas com um certo nível de tecnologia incorporada. Ainda que esses países latino-americanos apresentem uma pauta exportadora com características diversas, suas economias têm presenciado volumes recordes de exportação. O trabalho permite concluir que a hipótese de reprimarização da pauta exportadora não é corroborada pelas evidências empíricas. Os países, em 2006, eram exportadores de manufaturas. Argentina, Brasil e Chile tinham uma pauta especializada em manufaturados com baixo e/ou médio-baixo nível tecnológico e o México, por sua vez, exportava produtos com maior conteúdo tecnológico

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Gilbert, Ethan. "Water Policy: The World's Most Important Resource Politicized." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/520.

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Water is the most important resource on the planet for sustaining life, and many consider access to water as a fundamental human right. However, in light of its necessity, the distribution and allocation of water has become a highly politicized issue. Economic and political conditions have been shown to be influential in shaping a country’s water policy, more so then recognition of water as a basic human right. The reason for this is that many agree that there needs to be a value assigned to water to encourage its conservation and efficient use, and different methods of addressing that issue have led to varying degrees of privatization of water. Whether through the private or public sector, there is an expectation that water be delivered to the people by the government, and it is often the influence of public and private actors within the government that direct the policy for water distribution. Using three cases in Chile, Mexico, and Uruguay it will be demonstrated how water policy has correlated with the political and economic changes within each country.

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Jurado, David. "Catastrophe et récit. La représentation littéraire et cinématographique du « terrorisme d’État » en Argentine, au Chili et au Mexique." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040081.

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Cette thèse articule le concept de « catastrophe » à l’esthétique du récit pour mettre en lumière des spécificités conceptuelles et narratives des récits littéraires et cinématographiques issus des périodes de violence de masse en Amérique latine. Elle a ainsi comme principal objet d’étude les narrations de la catastrophe. Pour ce faire, elle choisit comme étude de cas trois pays, l’Argentine, le Chili et le Mexique. À partir d’un corpus réduit de 12 œuvres, ce travail aborde, notamment, deux types de récits, le récit de la catastrophe et le récit catastrophiste, correspondant, chacun, à une période historique déterminée. Le premier se circonscrit aux périodes dites de « terrorisme d’État », donc à des moments d’extrême vulnérabilité citoyenne, et le second à celles dites « de transition », c’est-à-dire, à des moments où cette vulnérabilité est prise en charge par des gouvernements et des organismes de la société civile. Cette thèse a donc une double portée, à la fois d’analyse historique et d’analyse esthétique du récit. Elle s’applique notamment à préciser les rapports du concept de catastrophe avec le témoignage, les expériences de vulnérabilité propres aux périodes, la tentation du silence provoquée par ces états de vulnérabilité et le catastrophisme, autant de notions qui nourrissent et établissent les bases du rapport global entre récit et catastrophe. Elles permettent de proposer un outillage conceptuel facilitant la compréhension des narrations de la catastrophe et, par ce même biais, de proposer de nouvelles clefs de lecture des situations et des discours politiques propres à chaque période et à chaque pays étudié
This study set out to describe, using the concept of “catastrophe” and its relationships with aesthetic narration, conceptual and narrative specificities of literary and cinematographic works derived from mass violence periods in Latin America. Thus, its main object of study is the narrative of catastrophe in three countries, Argentina, Chile and Mexico. It made use of a corpus composed by 6 films and 6 literary texts, classed by two main narrative configurations, the narrative of the catastrophe and catastrophism narrativity, and two main historical periods. The first period under discussion is circumscribed to the apparition of “state terrorism” and citizens’ vulnerability, and the second one taken into account is “transitional periods”, where this vulnerability is carried out by government policies and civil organizations’ initiatives. In this sense, this thesis has a double objective, the analysis of two historical periods through narrative configurations and the formulation of the two narrative configurations that highlight those two periods. These two formulations take into account the relationships between the concept of catastrophe with testimonial and fictional texts, with experience of vulnerability, silence or self-censorship and with catastrophism. These notions constitute the conceptual background that defines the narratives of catastrophe and that offer new readings on historical and narrative discourses from the two studied periods

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Kitagawa, Carlos Henrique. "Nível de adesão de empresas latino-americanas aos princípios de governança corporativa recomendados pela Oecd." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/96/96133/tde-25042008-151237/.

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A governança corporativa pode ser definida como um conjunto de mecanismos cujo objetivo é de amenizar os problemas de agência. No intuito de convergir esses mecanismos para um modelo aceito internacionalmente, a Oecd criou uma lista com seus Princípios de Governança Corporativa, adotados inicialmente por cerca de 30 países membros. A partir de então, foram promovidos encontros regionais objetivando a adaptação desses princípios à realidade sócioeconômica de determinadas regiões do planeta. Uma dessas regiões foi a América Latina, onde após os encontros ocorridos no Brasil, Argentina, México e Chile, esta Instituição formulou um documento contendo as diretrizes básicas com recomendações a respeito de práticas de governança específicos para esta região. Neste sentido, o presente trabalho busca identificar o nível de adesão de empresas latino-americanas aos princípios recomendados pela Oecd para a América Latina. Para tanto, o relatório da Oecd que expõe suas recomendações de governança foram transformadas em 49 questões, subdivididas em cinco princípios. A coleta de dados se deu em duas etapas: a primeira consistiu na confrontação dessas questões com as legislações desses quatro países. A segunda etapa confronta as questões com as práticas das empresas, de modo a identificar procedimentos adicionais em relação ao que é exigido pela legislação. Os resultados obtidos apontam que, em termos gerais, o Brasil é o país com maior nível de adesão aos princípios de governança corporativa recomendados pela Oecd, seguidos do México, Chile e Argentina. O principal ponto forte desta região são as recomendações contidas no Princípio I, que trata dos direitos dos acionistas. Por outro lado, os Princípios III, IV e V, que tratam, respectivamente, dos relacionamentos com stakeholders, evidenciação e transparência e das responsabilidades do conselho de administração, se apresentam como os principais pontos fracos.
The corporate governance can be defined as a set of mechanism in order to reduce the agency\'s problems. In the intention of converging those mechanisms for a model accept internationally, Oecd created the Principles of Corporate Governance, adopted initially for about 30 countries members. From then on, regional meetings were promoted aiming at the adaptation of those principles to the certain areas of the planet. One of those areas was Latin America, where after the encounters happened in Brazil, Argentina, Mexico and Chile, this Institution formulated a document containing the basic guidelines with recommendations specifics for this region. In this context, the present work search to identify the level of adhesion of the Latin-American companies to the principles recommended by Oecd to Latin America. For this, the report of Oecd that exposes the recommendations of corporate governance were transformed in 49 subjects, subdivided in five principles. The collection of data occurred in two stages: the first consisted of the confrontation of those subjects with the legislations of those four countries. The second stage confronts the subjects with the practices of the companies, in way to identify additional practices in relation which is demanded by the legislation. The obtained results appear that, in general terms, Brazil is the country with larger level of adhesion to the principles of corporate governance recommended by Oecd, followed by Mexico, Chile and Argentina. The principal strong point of this region is the recommendations contained in Principle I, which treats of the shareholders\' rights. On the other hand, the Principles III, IV and V, which treat, respectively, of the relationships with stakeholders, disclosure and transparency and the responsibilities of the board administration, they come as the principal weak points.

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PONTICELLI, JACOPO. "Produttivita' e Allocazione dei Fattori di Produzione: Evidenza Empirica a Livello Macro e Micro." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1080.

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Questa tesi presenta nuova evidenza empirica sulla relazione tra allocazione dei fattori di produzione e differenze di produttivita' tra paesi (primo capitolo) e tra imprese (secondo capitolo). Il primo capitolo analizza la questione degli scarsi movimenti di capitale tra paesi ricchi e paesi poveri (Lucas' paradox). Una calibrazione del modello neoclassico applicata a nuovi dati mostra come, una volta tenuto conto delle differenze nello stock di capitale umano e nella remunerazione del fattore capitale, i rendimenti da capitale fisico sono molti simili tra paesi ricchi e paesi poveri. Il secondo capitolo studia la relazione tra l'allocazione dei fattori fra imprese e la produttivita' totale dei fattori (TFP). Applicando il modello di Hsieh e Klenow (2009) a dati di imprese manifatturiere di Cile e Messico negli anni '80, si nota una minore presenza di distorsioni nell'allocazione dei fattori in Cile. Questa piu' efficiente allocazione dei fattori di produzione tra imprese potrebbe aiutare a capire perche' l'economia cilena, diversamente da quella messicana, recupero' velocemente dopo la crisi dei primi anni '80.
This Thesis provides new empirical evidence on the relationship between the allocation of factors of production and differences in productivity across countries (first chapter) and across firms (second chapter). In the first chapter I address the issue of small capital flows between rich and poor countries (the so-called Lucas' paradox) observed in data. Applying a calibration approach to new data I show that, taking into account differences in human capital and in the capital share on output, returns to physical capital in rich and poor countries are fairly close. In the second chapter I investigate the relationship between the allocation of factors across firms within a country and TFP. Applying the model proposed by Hsieh and Klenow (2009) to firm level data of Chile and Mexico during 1980s I find that there are less distortions operating on average in the Chilean manufacturing sector with respect to the Mexican one. I argue that the more efficient allocation of factors across firms could help explain why Chile recovered rapidly while Mexico stagnated after the crisis of the early 1980s.

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PONTICELLI, JACOPO. "Produttivita' e Allocazione dei Fattori di Produzione: Evidenza Empirica a Livello Macro e Micro." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1080.

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Анотація:

Questa tesi presenta nuova evidenza empirica sulla relazione tra allocazione dei fattori di produzione e differenze di produttivita' tra paesi (primo capitolo) e tra imprese (secondo capitolo). Il primo capitolo analizza la questione degli scarsi movimenti di capitale tra paesi ricchi e paesi poveri (Lucas' paradox). Una calibrazione del modello neoclassico applicata a nuovi dati mostra come, una volta tenuto conto delle differenze nello stock di capitale umano e nella remunerazione del fattore capitale, i rendimenti da capitale fisico sono molti simili tra paesi ricchi e paesi poveri. Il secondo capitolo studia la relazione tra l'allocazione dei fattori fra imprese e la produttivita' totale dei fattori (TFP). Applicando il modello di Hsieh e Klenow (2009) a dati di imprese manifatturiere di Cile e Messico negli anni '80, si nota una minore presenza di distorsioni nell'allocazione dei fattori in Cile. Questa piu' efficiente allocazione dei fattori di produzione tra imprese potrebbe aiutare a capire perche' l'economia cilena, diversamente da quella messicana, recupero' velocemente dopo la crisi dei primi anni '80.
This Thesis provides new empirical evidence on the relationship between the allocation of factors of production and differences in productivity across countries (first chapter) and across firms (second chapter). In the first chapter I address the issue of small capital flows between rich and poor countries (the so-called Lucas' paradox) observed in data. Applying a calibration approach to new data I show that, taking into account differences in human capital and in the capital share on output, returns to physical capital in rich and poor countries are fairly close. In the second chapter I investigate the relationship between the allocation of factors across firms within a country and TFP. Applying the model proposed by Hsieh and Klenow (2009) to firm level data of Chile and Mexico during 1980s I find that there are less distortions operating on average in the Chilean manufacturing sector with respect to the Mexican one. I argue that the more efficient allocation of factors across firms could help explain why Chile recovered rapidly while Mexico stagnated after the crisis of the early 1980s.

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Collazos, Velasco Maria Dolores. "Le rôle des Cours Constitutionnelles vis-à-vis du pouvoir Exécutif en Amérique Latine. Etude comparative : Chili, Mexique, et Colombie." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0069.

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Au cours des deux dernières décennies du XXe siècle, les Tribunaux Constitutionnels sont devenus des acteurs politiques majeurs en Amérique latine. Cette transformation découle de l’adoption de réformes constitutionnelles intervenues à la fin des années 80 et dans les années 90 avec pour objectif de faire des Cours Constitutionnelles des institutions plus indépendantes et dotées de pouvoirs plus importants.Cette thèse cherche à proposer des éléments de réponse permettant de comprendre comment et dans quelle mesure la conception institutionnelle introduite par les réformes façonne le comportement des Tribunaux Constitutionnels latino-américains vis-à-vis du pouvoir Exécutif. Plus précisément, cette recherche s’intéresse au rôle des Cours Constitutionnelles dans leur fonction d’arbitrage des lois du pouvoir exécutif au Chili, au Mexique ainsi qu’en Colombie après l’introduction de réformes constitutionnelles visant à renforcer la justice constitutionnelle, intervenues respectivement en 2005, 1994 et 1991. Bien que l’approche classique consiste à considérer que la conception des institutions est un élément fondamental pour la modélisation ducomportement judiciaire, et que ceux qui ont conçu les réformes avaient cette idée à l’esprit, mes résultats empiriques basés sur la recherche archivistique et l’étude des décisions de ces tribunaux suggèrent que la manière dont les juges constitutionnels construisent leur identité professionnelle, comprennent leurs objectifs en matière d’administration de la justice et assument leur rôle dans la démocratie, influent également sur la manière dont ils exercent leur contrôle juridictionnel. En d’autres termes, cette thèse soutient que la conception institutionnelle, bien que cruciale, n’est pas suffisante pour expliquer le comportement de la Cour Constitutionnelle à l’égard de l’Exécutif dans les pays ayant renforcé le contrôle juridictionnel après des périodes autoritaires, telles que celles étudiées dans mes recherches. Des recherches complémentaires sont nécessaires afin de mieux comprendre comment se forment l’idéologie et les conceptions professionnelles du juge et comment elles façonnent le comportement de la justice
The last two decades of the 20th century constitutional Tribunals emerged as powerful political actors in Latin America. This transformation is the consequence of the adoption of constitutional reforms during the late 80s and the 90s oriented to turn the constitutional Courts into more independent and powerful institutions.This dissertation seeks to provide elements to understand how and to which extent the institutional design introduced by the reforms shapes the Latin American Constitutional Tribunals’ behavior vis-à-vis the Executive power. More precisely, this research focuses on the role of Constitutional Courts as arbiters of the Executive branch acts in Chile, Mexico, and Colombia afterthe introduction of constitutional reforms aimed to reinforce the constitutional justice in 2005, 1994 and 1991 respectively. Although the standard approach proposes that the institutional design is a fundamental piece to model the judicial behavior, and this idea was in mind of those who conceived the reforms, my empirical results based on archival research and the study of decisions from these courts suggest that the way the constitutional judges build their professional identity, understand their goals in administering justice and assume their role in democracy, also matters in how they exercise the judicial review. In other words, this dissertation argues that the institutional design, although essential, is not enough to explain the Constitutional Court's behavior before the Executive in countries having reinforced the judicial review after authoritarian periods, such as those of my research. Further research is needed to better understand how the judge’s professional ideology and conceptions are formed, and how they shape judicial behavior

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Hernandez, Salinas Alberto. "Les relations entre les sciences environnementales et les politiques dans le Programme MAB de l´UNESCO en Amérique Latine et son adaptation au Mexique, au Chili et en Haïti." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA047/document.

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Les impacts environnementaux sont un défi global. Le programme sur l’Homme et la Biosphère de l’UNESCO (MAB) peut donner un appui international à un de ces défis que l’humanité doit relever : comment arriver à promouvoir un développement économique, social et politique tout en conservant les ressources naturelles limitées dont nous disposons. Cette thèse propose une vision historique du programme afin de comprendre son évolution et de mettre en avant la relation entre les sphères politique et scientifique qui l´ont dirigé. Les cas d´étude du Mexique, du Chili et de la République d´Haïti, mettront en lumière les défis que ces pays doivent relever et la manière dont le Programme a été adapté au niveau national. Deux groupes d´acteurs, scientifiques et instances politiques, ont façonné le programme tout au long de son histoire et maintenu le dialogue pour adapter les principes du Programme MAB dans les Réserves de Biosphère. Par ailleurs, la toute récente création d´une Réserve de Biosphère transfrontalière entre la République d´Haïti et la République Dominicaine est un exemple de la collaboration et du rôle qu´ont joué d´autres instances de l´UNESCO telles que les Commissions Nationales et les Délégations Permanentes
Environmental challenges have a significant impact. The Man and the Biosphere (MAB) Programme of UNESCO provides international support to one of the challenges facing humanity; that is how to achieve economic, social and political development and to promote the conservation of limited natural resources at the same time.This thesis takes into account a historical vision of the programme at the global level to understand its evolution and to highlight the relationship between the political and scientific spheres of the programme.On the other hand, it presents three study cases in different countries: Mexico, Chile and the Republic of Haiti to demonstrate how the programme has been adapted on the national level and the challenges they face. Two groups of actors have shaped the programme throughout its history, scientists and political bodies. They have maintained dialogues to adopt the principles of the MAB Programme in the Biosphere Reserves. Moreover, the recent creation of a Transboundary Biosphere Reserve between the Republic of Haiti and the Dominican Republic is an example of collaboration, but also it highlights the importance of other bodies of UNESCO such as the National Commissions and Permanent Delegations in policy-making

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Cussac, García Pablo. "Gouverner par les standards : l'évaluation des enseignants et les processus d'étatisation managériale au Mexique et au Chili (années 1990-2020)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024IEPP0018.

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Le Mexique et le Chili sont parmi les rares États à avoir introduit des standards pour évaluer la performance des enseignants de manière nationale et centralisée. Présentés comme un mode d’évaluation « professionnalisant », ces instruments comportent d’importantes conséquences sur les salaires et les emplois et redéfinissent les rapports de la profession à l’État. À partir d’une enquête comparative et historique comprenant 142 entretiens avec des acteurs bureaucratiques, professionnels et experts, des sources écrites, des statistiques et des observations, cette thèse explique pourquoi ces deux pays contrastés ont adopté ce même dispositif et étudie ses effets sur les bureaucraties et la profession enseignante. Les standards s’imposent au Mexique en structurant une coalition contre le corporatisme syndical et pour la différenciation de l’administration éducative et de la profession. Au Chili, la coalition s’organise autour de la réincorporation des enseignants à l'État, contre le marché. Malgré ces objectifs divergents, leurs effets sur les bureaucraties et la profession sont similaires. D'une part, les standards centralisent les procédures d’évaluation et renforcent les capacités d’organisations techniques privées. D’autre part, leurs catégorisations de l’enseignement activent des dilemmes d’action collective et produisent la désidentification et la démobilisation de la profession. En explorant les coalitions politiques, les capacités bureaucratiques et les effets professionnels des standards, cette thèse montre que ces instruments néomanagériaux produisent de nouvelles formes étatiques, un processus que nous interprétons comme une étatisation managériale
Mexico and Chile are among the few states that have introduced standards to evaluate the performance of teachers in a national and centralized manner. Presented as a “professionalizing” mode of evaluation, these instruments have significant consequences for teacher salaries and employment conditions, while redefining the relationship between the profession and the State. Based on comparative-historical materials that include 142 interviews with bureaucratic, professional, and expert actors, written sources, statistics, and observations, this thesis explains why these two contrasted countries adopted the same instrument and analyzes its effects on bureaucracies and the teaching profession. In Mexico, standards structured a coalition against union corporatism, which promoted the differentiation between the educational administration and the profession. In Chile, the coalition was organized around the reincorporation of teachers into the State, as opposed to the market. Despite these divergent objectives, their effects on both bureaucracies and the profession are similar. On the one hand, standards lead to the centralization of evaluation procedures and strengthen the capacities of private technical organizations. On the other hand, their categorizations of teaching activate dilemmas of collective action that result in the disidentification and demobilization of the profession. By exploring the political coalitions, bureaucratic capacities, and professional effects of standards, this thesis demonstrates that these neo-managerial instruments generate new state forms, a process interpreted as managerial State-formation

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Ruiz, Nestor M. "Stagflationary effects of restrictive monetary policy in Brazil, Chile, and Mexico." 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/23092584.html.

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Price, Jessica Jean. "Openings and expectations indigenous movements and the state in Mexico and Chile /." 2007. http://purl.galileo.usg.edu/uga%5Fetd/price%5Fjessica%5Fj%5F200708%5Fma.

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Pinto, Paiz Ileana E. "The land reform effects on the balance of payments in Bolivia, Chile, Mexico and Peru." 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22780750.html.

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Gamaleldin, Ahmed Ihad Abdelahad. "Trade liberalization, privatization and efficiency a comparative analysis of the experiences of the steel industry in Mexico and Chile /." 1996. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/35126232.html.

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"Avaliação como eixo das reformas da educação superior na America Latina : os casos da Argentina, Brasil, Mexico e Chile." Tese, Biblioteca Digital da Unicamp, 2005. http://libdigi.unicamp.br/document/?code=vtls000352309.

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Schavey, Aaron B. "The political economy of trade liberalization and its impact on institutional development." 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/54789581.html.

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Baba, Jumpei. "Terrigenous sediments in two continental margin environments : western South America and the Gulf of California." Thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/27786.

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Michener, Robert Gregory. "The surrender of secrecy : explaining the emergence of strong access to information laws in Latin America." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-05-1112.

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Worldwide, the remarkable diffusion of transparency and access to information laws poses a monumental challenge to the state’s most enduringly undemocratic feature— excessive secrecy. Will recent laws lead to an effective surrender of secrecy? The incipient literature on transparency reform says little about the strength of current legislation or how strong laws emerge. This dissertation addresses these theoretical and empirical gaps. First, it articulates a theory on the political determinants of strong access to information laws. Second, employing an original evaluation, it scores the strength of twelve access to information laws advanced throughout Latin America between 2002 and 2010. Two extreme outcomes are examined in detail: a failed comprehensive reform in Argentina (1999-2005), which resulted in a limited presidential decree (2003), and the adoption of a seminal law in Mexico (2002). These cases are then compared with others across Latin America with special attention placed on Brazil, Chile, Guatemala, and Uruguay. I find considerable variance in the strength of the region’s laws: the average score is “moderately strong,” while the median and mode scores are “moderately weak.” Evidence shows that while civic coalitions and external pressure often help drive reform, they cannot explain observed variation in legal strength. Rather, I find that laws emerge more robust and earlier-on within the electoral cycle (within the first half of a president’s term of office), in countries where 1) presidents lack control over the legislature and 2) news media coverage of access to information laws is strong. By contrast, where news media coverage is weak and presidents possess strong negative agenda setting powers (partisan majorities or constitutional means of denying a vote), I find that laws tend to emerge later-on during the electoral cycle (within the last third), and are considerably weaker. I also find that press advocacy for access to information laws tended to be greater in countries where presidents were weaker and news media ownership concentration was low. The dissertation addresses key institutional preconditions for good governance and transparency reform. More specifically, it speaks to the determinants and power of the news media as an agent of democratic advancement (and stagnation), and the importance of weak leaders and partisan competition in promoting good governance reform.
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