Статті в журналах: "Mendicanti"

1

Cura Curà, Giulio. "L’epistola in versi «Al bo relegïos» di Raimon de Cornet." Carte Romanze. Rivista di Filologia e Linguistica Romanze dalle Origini al Rinascimento 9, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 7–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/2282-7447/16680.

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Nel testo qui pubblicato Raimon de Cornet offre una vivida descrizione in toni satirici della mondanizzazione degli ordini mendicanti, proponendosi finalità educative e morali. Dall’analisi critica dell’opera emergono sia l’originalità dell’autore sia il legame – nei temi e nella forma – con le fonti, in particolare con la letteratura provenzale del secolo precedente, la Bibbia e la tradizione mediolatina.

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2

Accrocca, Felice. "Servi dell’ora undecima chiesa, inquietudini religiose e nascita degli ordini mendicanti." Seminarios sobre los ministerios en la Iglesia 55, no. 193 (July 1, 2009): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.52039/seminarios.v55i193.469.

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3

Courtenay, William J. "L'incontro tra due "invenzioni" medievali: Universita e Ordini Mendicanti (review)." Catholic Historical Review 91, no. 3 (2005): 518–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2005.0192.

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4

Becker, Rotraud. "Fra’ Epifanio Fioravanti, Abenteurer und Agent zur Zeit des Dreißigjährigen Krieges." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 98, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 281–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2018-0013.

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Riassunto Il caso dell’eremita agostiniano Epifanio Fioravanti illustra un aspetto particolare della storia dei rapporti diplomatici nell’Europa dell’Età moderna. Esso è esemplicativo per il fenomeno, ben noto nel XVII secolo, che, accanto ai diplomatici ufficialmente incaricati, non raramente venivano investiti di missioni politiche anche membri degli ordini mendicanti. È evidente che tali mandati potevano oltrepassare largamente l’ambito delle trattative informali e della semplice redazione di relazioni, ma includessero potenzialmente anche operazioni segrete, e che vi ricorressero sia i sovrani secolari sia i rappresentanti altolocati della Curia romana. Le stesse nunziature apostoliche venivano coinvolte in rapporti di questo genere e dovevano temere per la loro credibilità.

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5

Arnold, Denis. "A Salve for Signora Buonafede." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 113, no. 2 (1988): 168–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrma/113.2.168.

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Galuppi made his fortune in the theatres. He made his living in the churches. From the age of 34 he was continually in the service of one or other of the ecclesiastical organizations of Venice. In 1740 he was director of music at the ospedale of the Mendicanti, which in effect was the post of composer-in-ordinary to its chapel. In 1748 he was appointed vice-maestro di cappella at S. Marco, holding the two posts simultaneously for some four years. He continued at S. Marco for the rest of his life, becoming its maestro in 1762; while he returned to the service of an ospedale in 1762, this time the Incurabili (where he was to serve in the years 1762-5 and 1768-76), again holding the jobs in plurality to the end of his life.

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6

Cusato, Michael F. "Dal pulpito alla cattedra. I vescovi degli ordini mendicanti nel '200 e nel primo '300 (review)." Catholic Historical Review 88, no. 2 (2002): 343–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2002.0074.

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7

Holland, Sharon. "I monasteri di monache associati a gli ordini mendicanti (Can. 614) by Claudio Durighetto (review)." Jurist: Studies in Church Law and Ministry 72, no. 2 (2012): 687–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jur.2012.0052.

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8

Munzer, Stephen R. "HEROISM, SPIRITUAL DEVELOPMENT, AND TRIADIC BONDS IN JAIN AND CHRISTIAN MENDICANCY AND ALMSGIVING." Numen 48, no. 1 (2001): 47–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852701300052348.

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AbstractDespite first impressions to the contrary, religions as radically different as Jainism and Christianity can shed light on each other's practices of mendicancy and almsgiving. They can do so because of a trio of general categories under which certain elements of Jain and Christian practices can be subsumed. The categories are heroism, spiritual development, and triadic bonds among mendicants, almsgivers, and one or more supernatural or superhuman beings. There are at least two reasons why scholars of comparative religion, students of spirituality, philosophers of religion, and others should care whether it is possible to compare Jain and Christian mendicancy and almsgiving. First, the categories used to examine Jain and Christian practices reveal an underlying structure that might be used to analyze other varieties of religious mendicancy and almsgiving. Second, demonstrating similarities between Jainism and Christianity provides empirical evidence that even quite different religions and cultures are not so self-contained that it is impossible to compare them. The demonstration undermines one sort of relativism in anthropology.

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9

Arnold, Denis. "Music at the Ospedali." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 113, no. 2 (1988): 156–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrma/113.2.156.

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The peacefulness and longevity of the Venetian Republic prove that it had solved one of its greatest problems – that of poverty Not that it was rid of its poor even in times of prosperity: but at least they were cared for by a wealth of charitable organizations, and that desperation which leads to civil insurrection never gained a hold. The chronically sick, the girls having no dowry, the orphans and the beggars were each helped by various institutions which were supported by the more fortunate. The four largest of these could between them claim to cater for any poor person who was really in need. The beggars were taken off the streets by the Ospedale di S. Lazzaro et Mendicanti, founded and endowed by three noble families. The sick went to the Incurabili, originally a house for poor pilgrims, but later turned to this more pressing need. Orphans and poor children were housed in two ospedali: the Derelitti near the monastery of SS. Giovanni e Paolo, and later known as the Ospedaletto; and the Pietà.

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10

Röhrkasten, Jens. "Londoners and London Mendicants in the Late Middle Ages." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 3 (July 1996): 446–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900076053.

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Much attention has been paid to the role and functions of the mendicant orders in their urban environment. Among the topics discussed have been the friars' importance for urban development, their coexistence with other religious institutions, their economic practices and their relations with the secular authorities. As far as their spiritual and social significance is concerned their spectacular success and rapid development in the thirteenth century are generally accepted. There were some setbacks, particularly in towns where the Dominicans or Franciscans became involved in the suppression of heresy, but these had little impact on the rapid expansion of the orders. Members from all social groups, academics as well as aristocrats, merchants and artisans as well as the poor, felt the attraction of their sermons and way of life, some to such an extent that they decided to join one of the orders. But while the attraction of the mendicant ideal in the decades following the friars' arrival is undisputed, the problem of their importance for the religious life of the late medieval urban population is far more difficult to discuss. While there are assertions that the friars remained particularly popular, the orders' decline and their need of reform were already obvious in the fourteenth century and the various efforts to bring about a reinvigoration confirm this impression. In the fifteenth century famous mendicant preachers from Vincent Ferrer and Bernardino of Siena to Girolamo Savonarola attracted large crowds in many parts of Europe, but was this indicative of the population's general attitude towards the orders? Were the mendicants still perceived by the people as responding to their spiritual needs? How did the public react to signs of decadence, to disputes among the brothers? A general answer to such questions needs to be based on a large number of local studies and this is still a task for the future.

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11

Jemielity, Witold. "Ambona w Księstwie Warszawskim i Królestwie Polskim dla ogłoszeń cywilnych." Prawo Kanoniczne 43, no. 1-2 (June 5, 2000): 141–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2000.43.1-2.07.

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Nel secolo XIX dal pulpito della Chiesa (Ambona) mettevano linformazioni dei diversi avvenimenti statali, amministrativi e locali. II Governo spediva diversi scritti ai vescovi, e quelli mandavano ai decani delle parrocchie e in consequenza parroci erano come messagieri nell’altre parrocchie. II processo di leggere annunzi occupava tanto tempo, perfino a prezzo di tempo dell’insegnamento della Chiesa. I sacerdoti trattavano questo tanto spesso come spiacevole obbligo. Il più grande numero degli abitanti dei villagii e delle cittadine non sapevano di leggere. Alcune notizie alla gente tramandavano i sindaci ma di più parroci. Gli annunzi civili riguardavano dei diversi problemi. I fedeli erano informati degli avvenimenti politici: degli imperatori, delle guerre, della pace e dei più importanti personaggi ufficiali. II Govrno informava delle mallatie della gente e degli animali. Avvertiva d avvanti degli incendi. Emanava i decreti dei mendicanti. Dedicava tanta attenzione ai giovani uomini i quali stavano davvanti all’obbligo del servizio militare. Informava dei cambiamenti e di dogliere i soldi dalla circolazione. Raccomandava di piantare degli alberi a lungo delle strade. Stabiliva i principi del commercio nel paese e come pure d’esportare merce. Annunziava i termini di pagare 1’imposte. Regolava nei villaggi le questioni delle proprietà privati. Si interessava d’emigrazione delle gente, del trattamento degli annimali e pure delle lotterie e dei scavi archeologici. L’autore elaborato questi probierni solamento sull’appogio dei fonti d’rchivio.

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12

Kaniecki, Rafal. "L’influsso del luogo e del rito della santa messa sull’adempimento del precetto festivo." Prawo Kanoniczne 63, no. 4 (November 6, 2020): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2020.63.4.01.

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Il Concilio di Adge (506) decise che si poteva adempiere il precetto festivo soltanto nella propria chiesa parrocchiale. Questa norma si è diffusa nella Chiesa latina e sopravviveva fino al Concilio di Trento (1545-1563), quantunque già in precedenza essa fosse stata indebolita dal diritto consuetudinario che permetteva di soddisfare l’obbligo, in determinate situazioni, anche in altre chiese parrocchiali, e anche, grazie ai privilegi papali, nelle chiese degli ordini mendicanti. Dal Concilio di Trento in poi i fedeli possono essere soltanto invogliati all’adempimento del precetto nella propria chiesa parrocchiale. Inoltre i loro concesso farlo negli oratori semi-privati, semi-pubblici, in alcuni oratori privati, e fuori dei luoghi sacri, partecipando alla Messa celebrata sugli altari portatili. Nella normativa vigente attuale basta partecipare alla Messa celebrata in qualunque luogo, però la celebrazione eucaristica fuori del luogo sacro richiede, per la liceità, il previo consenso dell’Ordinario. Il precetto festivo viene adempiuto attraverso la partecipazione alla Messa celebrata nel rito cattolico. Dal XIX secolo i cattolici latini e orientali possono adempierlo partecipando alla Messa nel rito diverso dal loro proprio. Mentre il “Direttorio ecumenico” (1967) aveva ammesso anche la possibilità di adempierlo occasionalmente attraverso la partecipazione alla Messa celebrata dai non cattolici, il “Direttorio ecumenico” (1993) attuale ha abrogato espressamente questo privilegio. La partecipazione alla Messa cattolica celebrata da un sacerdote scomunicato, interdetto, sospeso, se la sua pena è pubblica, adempie il precetto festivo, però un fedele può essere punito con giusta pena per la partecipazione in essa.

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13

Reese, Ephrem. "Thomas Aquinas and Dionysian Ecclesiastical Hierarchy." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 52, no. 2 (May 1, 2022): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-9687844.

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The thought of Thomas Aquinas is rightly understood to be hierarchical, but the word hierarchy is understood diversely across time and place, and important readers of Thomas have praised or blamed him for being less hierarchical than his contemporaries. Early modern critique of hierarchy with its political edge often dominates understanding of the notion, but such critique stems from medieval controversies over religious perfection and sacramental life, which in turn echo the monastic polemics of Pseudo-Dionysius, the probable inventor of the term hierarchy. The massive influence of Dionysius made him a contested authority in Thomas's time, and in his battles with secular clergy the Dominican theologian shows himself a more careful interpreter of the pseudo-Areopagite than his contemporaries, who purported to defend hierarchy against the mendicants. This study presents the reading method of Aquinas as a contemplative project, motivated and delineated by the mendicant controversies of the thirteenth century, and undertaken alongside the obscure Dionysius within their common pursuit of religious perfection.

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14

Jotischky, Andrew. "Carmelites and Crusading in the Later Middle Ages." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 110–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002060.

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In contrast with their larger competitors, the Franciscans and Dominicans, the Carmelites seemed to eschew the Holy Land after its loss to the Mamluks in 1291. At first sight, the apparent lack of interest on the part of Carmelites in crusading and the Holy Land is surprising. Founded on Mount Carmel as an eremitical and contemplative community in the first decade of the thirteenth century, by the 1240s the Carmelites had begun to spread westward via Cyprus to England, France and Sicily, where they adapted their original Rule in order to become mendicants. In 1291 they left the Holy Land altogether, but unlike the Franciscans, who negotiated a return in the 1330s through their custody of the Holy Places, and the Dominicans, who maintained missions in Mongol and Turkish territories, the Carmelites seemed to show little interest in returning to their original homeland. Nor have they been generally associated with preaching the crusade in the systematic fashion of the larger mendicant orders. In fact, one could be excused for assuming that the order willingly lost touch with its geographical roots.

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15

Crewe, Ryan Dominic. "Bautizando el colonialismo: las políticas de conversión en México después de la conquista." Historia Mexicana 68, no. 3 (January 1, 2019): 943. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/hm.v68i3.3809.

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Este artículo examina la historia política de la conversión indígena al cristianismo después de la conquista. Utilizando fuentes de archivo, anales indígenas y comunicaciones mendicantes ofrezco una revisión a la interpretación espiritual de la historiografía de las primeras décadas de las misiones en México. Sostengo que el fenómeno de las conversiones a escala masiva se debe a una compleja combinación de oportunismo político, violencia iconoclasta y la búsqueda de refugio de la violencia colonial por parte de líderes indígenas. Entre los descalabros y vacíos de poder tras la conquista española y la epidemia de viruela, los señores indígenas en los altepetls del centro de México crearon alianzas a nivel local con frailes mendicantes a fin de legitimizar su autoridad y fortalecer sus ambiciones territoriales. Al mismo tiempo, los frailes emprendieron una guerra espiritual utilizando a los hijos de los propios señores. Los frailes y sus acólitos nativos desataron una ola de actos violentos que acabaron con el poder público de las élites religiosas indígenas. A pesar de esta violencia religiosa, la misión mendicante también representaba una solución para reducir la violencia colonial. Los frailes ofrecían proteger a las comunidades indígenas de la violencia, la explotación y la esclavización de los colonos españoles. Ya para los años 1530, las conversiones a escala masiva resultaron de un consenso entre los pueblos indígenas de que la misión sería la forma más eficaz de preservar sus vidas, propiedades y comunidades. A través de las aguas del bautismo, las comunidades indígenas empezaron a reconstruir el mundo mesoamericano.

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16

CARNIELLO, BRIAN R. "Gerardo Segarelli as the Anti-Francis: Mendicant Rivalry and Heresy in Medieval Italy, 1260–1300." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no. 2 (March 30, 2006): 226–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690500624x.

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Scholars generally associate the Order of Apostles, founded around 1260 by Gerardo Segarelli in Parma, Italy, with medieval heresies. This article analyses the leading source for the first three decades of the Apostles, the chronicle of the Franciscan Salimbene de Adam of Parma, and casts Segarelli and the Apostle friars instead as thirteenth-century mendicants who rivalled the Franciscans in the Emilia, the Romagna and the March of Ancona. Salimbene's depiction of Gerardo Segarelli focuses on the chronicler's desire to recreate his rival as an inversion of Francis of Assisi and Franciscan ideals. Gerardo Segarelli emerges in the account as an anti-Francis. Yet only after 1274, when the Second Council of Lyons ordered a general suppression of all religious movements founded after Fourth Lateran in 1215, did the situation change slowly for Segarelli's followers as opponents began to question their obedience to papal authority. Gerardo Segarelli and the Apostle friars ultimately faced condemnation as heretics, but not before the 1290s. Salimbene's chronicle, written in the 1280s, should not be taken as a source for a ‘Segarellian heresy’ launched by a ‘heresiarch’ in the Joachite year 1260, but as a source for mendicant rivalry in the thirteenth century that was deeply passionate in its rhetoric and invective.

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17

Goodrich, Richard J. "MENDICANT MONKS." Classical Review 54, no. 1 (April 2004): 208–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.1.208.

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18

Duperré, Gustavo Norberto. "La continuidad espacio-temporal del urbanismo andalusí en la tradición mudéjar: Matices e influencias en Hispanoamérica / The Space-Temporal Continuity of the Andalusian Urbanism in the Mudéjar Tradition." Revista Internacional de Ciencias Humanas 8, no. 1 (March 18, 2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.37467/gka-revhuman.v8.2035.

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ABSTRACTThe influence of Al-Andalus, not only leaves its mark on the Mediterranean world, but also extended to urbanism and cultural ways in America, after the events of the Conquest. The buildings in New Spain and Quito (Ecuador) were, in part, the repositories of the crossings and influences of the Mudejar tradition in Spanish America, as consequence of that territorial and historical continuity. In this context, the Mendicant Orders embodied these new contributions in religious architecture. This provided a renewed appearance to the covers, internal spaces and roofs of the temples and convents, mainly.RESUMENLa influencia del Al-Andalus, no solo dejó su impronta en el mundo Mediterráneo, sino que además se extendió en el urbanismo y en las formas culturales en América, con posterioridad a los acontecimientos de la Conquista. Las edificaciones en la Nueva España y en Quito (Ecuador) fueron, en parte, depositarias de los cruces e influencias de la tradición mudéjar en Hispanoamérica, como un producto de aquella continuidad territorial e histórica. En este contexto, las Órdenes Mendicantes encarnaron estos nuevos aportes a través de la arquitectura religiosa. Ello brindó una fisonomía renovada a las portadas, espacios internos y techumbres de los templos y conventos, principalmente.

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19

Busquets Alemany, Anna. "Dictionary, Translation and Chinese Language in Domingo Fernández de Navarrete." Sinología hispánica 1, no. 8 (June 15, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/sin.v1i8.5923.

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One of the essential elements of the much-admired accommodation of the Jesuits was their dedication to the study of the Chinese language. However, this orientation is not exclusively to the Jesuits. The other religious orders also showed the same orientation from the first moment. Although following the imperial guidelines of Nebrija evangelization should be done in Spanish, the friars who left for America and Asia were focused from the first moment to learn the local languages. Following the line of sixteenthcentury Mexican dictionaries and languages, the translation of texts between Spanish and Chinese already had a clear representation in the Philippine Islands with the work of Juan Cobo. Throughout the XVII several vocabularies, grammars and language arts would appear while the work of the Dominican Domingo Fernández de Navarrete would include a very brief dictionary. This interest of mendicants by the local languages would culminate in the work of the Dominican Francisco Varo. Starting from the original sources —manuscripts and printed— of the seventeenth century, this communication will analyze in detail the linguistic accommodation of the mendicant orders with special emphasis on the Franciscans and the Dominicans.

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20

Cunha, Viviane, and Eduardo Cursino de Faria Chagas. "Francisco de Assis na Legenda Áurea de Jacopo de Varazze." Revista do Centro de Estudos Portugueses 29, no. 42 (December 31, 2009): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2359-0076.29.42.139-154.

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O objetivo deste artigo é propor uma análise da presença de São Francisco de Assis na Legenda Áurea e os recursos intelectuais de seu autor, Jacopo de Varazze, quase sempre utilizados com o fim de evangelizar e responder às novas necessidades espirituais dos séculos XII e XIII, nos sermões dos dominicanos. Para tanto será discutido o contexto histórico desse período como grande responsável, não apenas pela formação do clérigo Jacopo de Varazze e sua obra, mas também pelo surgimento das ordens mendicantes e seus idealizadores. The purpose of this article is to propose an analysis about the presence of Saint Francis of Assisi in the Golden Legend and the intelectual prowess of its author, Jacopo de Varazze, often used in order to evangelize and meet the spiritual needs of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, in the sermons of the domicians. To do so will discuss the historical context of this period as largely responsible, not only for the formation of Jacopo de Varazze and his work, but also by the emergence of the mendicant orders and their creators.

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21

Arimura, Rie. "Trascendencia geográfica e institucional de los métodos de evangelización: una reconsideración acerca de las empresas apostólicas del Japón moderno temprano." Revista Grafía- Cuaderno de trabajo de los profesores de la Facultad de Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Autónoma de Colombia 10, no. 1 (January 15, 2013): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26564/16926250.352.

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Resumen:El presente ensayo se aproxima a los métodos de evangelización aplicados en la misión católica del Japón moderno temprano. El estudio parte de una reflexión historiográfica sobre la tendencia a asociar la política misional de las órdenes mendicantes con el concepto de tabula rasa mientras que se ha exaltado de modo exclusivo la accommodatio practicada por la Compañía de Jesús. Dentro de la misma revisión, se dilucida cómo los métodos de evangelización trascendieron entre diferentes órdenes religiosas y en distintos contextos geográficos de la primera era moderna. Palabras clave: expansionismo ibérico, mundialización católica, misión de Japón, teoría de adaptación, periodo Namban, estudio kirishitan.**********************************************************Geographical and institutional transcendence of the evangelization methods: a consideration about the apostolic enterprises in the earlier modern JapanAbstract:This essay is about the evangelization methods employed by the catholic mission of Japan in the earlier modern times. This study starts from a historiography reflection about the tendency to associate the missioner politics of the Mendicants orders with the concept of tabula rasa while it’s exalting the exclusive mode of the accomodatio practiced by the Society of Jesus. In the same revision, it’s elucidated how the evangelization methods have transcended different religious orders in diverse geographical context of the first early modern era. Key words: Iberian expansionism, catholic globalization, Japan mission, adaptation theory, Namban period, kirishitan study.*********************************************************Transcendência geográfica e institucional dos métodos de evangelização: uma reconsideração sobre as empresas apostólicas nos começos do Japão modernoResumo:O presente ensaio aproxima-se aos métodos de evangelização aplicados na missão católica nos começos do Japão moderno. O estudo parte de uma reflexão historiográfica sobre a tendência a associar a política missioneira das ordens mendicantes com o conceito de “tabula rasa”, enquanto que se tem exaltado de modo exclusivo a “accommodatio” praticada pela Companhia de Jesus. Dentro da mesma revisão, se elucida como os métodos de evangelização transcenderam entre diferentes ordens religiosas e em distintos contextos geográficos da primeira era moderna.Palavras chave: expansionismo ibérico, mundialização católica, missão de Japão, teoria de adaptação, período Namban, estudo kirishitan

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22

Davis, Virginia. "Rivals for Ministry? Ordinations of Secular and Regular Clergy in Southern England c. 1300–1500." Studies in Church History 26 (1989): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400010895.

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At the beginning of the fourteenth century ecclesiastical recruitment AA was flourishing in England. Hundreds of men turned up to be ordained at the four Ember seasons each year at which major ordinations were permitted to be held. The majority of these men were secular clergy; only a small proportion were members of religious orders. Of the scores of people in the diocese of Winchester who came at the stipulated time to be ordained to the major orders at this date only about one fifth were members of religious orders and of those, only a handful were mendicants. However, by the end of the century, after the ravages of the Black Death, although the total numbers of men being ordained had declined dramatically a greater percentage of these were regular rather than secular clergy. A similar pattern can be seen all over Southern England. It was a trend which persisted throughout much of the fifteenth century. This paper will investigate the changing patterns of secular and regular ordinations to the priesthood in southern England in the period between 1300 and 1500. In the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries extensive anti-mendicant feeling was expressed both in late medieval literature and in rivalry between the secular clergy and the friars over the pastoral role of the latter. Was this, in fact, a reflection of a reality which meant that, compared to the position in the early fourteenth century, far more ordained friars were on the streets and in the parishes?

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23

Bénéton, Philippe. "Two “Mendicants of Heaven”." Chesterton Review 37, no. 3 (2011): 623–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton2011373/496.

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24

Witte, Arnold. "Mendicant Art and Architecture." Explorations in Renaissance Culture 38, no. 1-2 (December 2, 2012): 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-90000428.

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25

Zaldívar, Antonio M. "Patricians’ Embrace of the Dominican Convent of St. Catherine in Thirteenth-Century Barcelona." Medieval Encounters 18, no. 2-3 (2012): 174–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342107.

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Abstract In this article, I examine patterns of charitable giving to the mendicant orders in surviving testaments from thirteenth-century Barcelona. My findings reveal that an elite group of wealthy and influential merchant families, the city’s emerging patriciate, provided the majority of charitable contributions to the mendicant friars. The friars’ urban religiosity and propagation of the doctrine of purgatory appealed to patricians, who were heavily involved in commercial activities and increasingly concerned with the fate of their souls in the afterlife. Patricians also utilized their pious contributions to the mendicant friars to bolster their social prestige and legitimize their monopolization of political power in the city. While patricians donated generously to the two largest mendicant orders (Dominicans and Franciscans), they contributed more money to the Dominican convent of St. Catherine. Patricians favored the Dominicans because of the latter’s superior educational training, their close ties to the kings of the Crown of Aragon, and their association with the city’s municipal government.

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Reinhardt, Elisabeth. "VV.AA., Alle frontiere della cristiantà. I frati mendicanti e l'evangelizzazione tra '200 e '300. Atti del XXVIII Convegno Internazionale Assisi, 12-14 ottobre 2000, Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medioevo, Spoleto 2001, X + 311 pp." Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia 12 (May 2, 2018): 487–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/007.12.23823.

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Cort, John E. "The Svetambar Murtipujak Jain Mendicant." Man 26, no. 4 (December 1991): 651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2803774.

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Wright, A. D. "The Religious Life in the Spain of Philip II and Philip III." Studies in Church History 22 (1985): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400007993.

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From the vividly autobiographic Life of St Teresa famous images of conventual life in sixteenth-century Spain have been derived; both the dark impression of unreformed monastic existence and the heroic profile of reformed regulars. Before and after that era the social, not to say political prominence of certain figures, friars and nuns, in Spanish life is notorious, from the reigns of the Catholic Monarchs to that of Philip IV and beyond. Modern historical research has indeed highlighted the contribution to political and ecclesiastical development, to early Catholic reform above all, of key members of the regular clergy under the Catholic Monarchs. For monastics, as opposed to mendicants, in post-medieval Spain, the extensive and meticulous researches of Linage Conde have put all Iberian scholars in his debt. The fascinating origins of the essentially Iberian phenomenon of the Jeronymites have recently received new attention from J.R.L. Highfield, but further insights into the true condition of the religious life in the Iberian peninsula of the supposedly Golden Age are perhaps still possible, when unpublished material is consulted in the Roman archives and in those of Spain, such as Madrid, Simancas, Barcelona and Valencia. Considerations of space necessarily limit what can be suggested here, but the development of monastic life in Counter-Reformation Spain is arguably best considered in its extended not just in its stricter sense: for parallels and contrasts, as well as direct influences, were not confined by the normal distinctions between the eremitic and the monastic, the monastic and the mendicant, the old and the new orders, or even the male and female communities. Furthermore the intervention of Spanish royal authority in Portuguese affairs between 1580 and 1640, not least in ecclesiastical and regular life, provides a useful comparative basis for consideration of truly Iberian conditions.

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29

Courtenay, William J. "The Instructional Programme of the Mendicant Convents at Paris in the Early Fourteenth Century." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 11 (1999): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002234.

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The history of teaching and study at the Parisian convents of the mendicant orders has largely been viewed and written as part of the history of the university of Paris. The Parisian doctors of theology at the Dominican, Franciscan, Augustinian, and Carmelite convents, from the time of Bonaventure, Albert, Thomas, and Giles of Rome until the end of the Middle Ages, were regent masters, or professors, at the university, at least for a year or more after inception as masters. And presumably mendicant students sent to Paris for theological study were being sent there for university studies; the brightest of them would be expected to complete the university degree in theology. The connection between the mendicant masters and the intellectual history of the university of Paris in the second half of the thirteenth century is so strong that it is almost impossible to think of these convents except as religious colleges attached to the university of Paris.

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30

Lytle, Murray, and Michael Hitch. "Miners and mendicants: A cautionary tale." Extractive Industries and Society 6, no. 2 (April 2019): 498–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2019.02.005.

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31

Powell, James M. "Mendicants, the Communes, and the Law." Church History 77, no. 3 (August 27, 2008): 557–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070800108x.

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The present essay briefly examines evidence for the development of the mendicant orders, focusing on their relationship to important members of the middle and upper classes in the communes as one of the chief ways in which they gained popularity and public support. These orders came into existence between the late twelfth century and the latter half of the thirteenth. Their increased involvement with the laity was both a direct product of their concern with the needs of the contemporary church and a source of conflict between them and the existing monastic and diocesan clergy. The experience of the Humiliati in various dioceses in northern Italy illustrates an important point, namely the growing divisions within the church and the tendency to label various groups as heretical. The condemnation of the Humiliati and other groups by Pope Lucius III in Verona in 1183 is a sign of the increasing sensitivity to the danger of heresy among the laity within the leadership of the church.

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Smith, R. T. "Mendicant No More: Joseph Mason, 1848." Sewanee Review 119, no. 3 (2011): 374–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sew.2011.0067.

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33

Davies, Rachel. "Poverty and Interiority in Mother Teresa." Theological Studies 80, no. 4 (December 2019): 967–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040563919874512.

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This article examines how Mother Teresa’s practice of evangelical poverty developed and diverged from some of the great mendicant traditions. It argues that she linked evangelical and interior poverty by establishing existential communion with the poor—not material renunciation—as the deepest expression of Christ-imitation. While mendicant Neoplatonists believed a certain kind of interior poverty was necessary for spiritual growth, Mother Teresa’s aim was to console the suffering Jesus through self-denial and solidarity. The article traces how this understanding developed for her, and some of the ways it may have contributed to her feelings of darkness.

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García-Serrano, Francisco. "Conclusion: The Mendicants as a Mediterranean Phenomenon." Medieval Encounters 18, no. 2-3 (2012): 272–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342110.

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Abstract The medieval Mediterranean was an environment in which mendicant friars were able to thrive, attending to the spiritual needs of the populace and benefitting from the support of the urban classes, especially merchants, with whom they established close relationships. The examples of the convents of Barcelona, Ciutat de Mallorca and Florence presented in this volume clearly elucidate the association between the friars, the merchants and the urban aristocracy. Although the friars did not restrict their activities to the Mediterranean world and quickly expanded into other European kingdoms and remote lands, it was in the dense urban setting of this region where they first conducted their preaching and established their roles as active social agents.

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35

Bauer, Ralph. "The Mendicants in the New World City." Eighteenth Century 55, no. 4 (2014): 431–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecy.2014.0031.

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Hamilton, Bernard. "Ideals of Holiness: Crusaders, Contemplatives, and Mendicants." International History Review 17, no. 4 (December 1995): 693–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1995.9640726.

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Strauch, Christina A. "Royal connections: the Scottish Observants and the house of Stewart." Innes Review 58, no. 2 (November 2007): 156–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0020157x07000042.

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The emergence of the mendicant orders at the beginning of the thirteenth century not only re-focussed medieval spirituality, it also provided those of a certain social and economic standing with a new choice: rather than patronising the large established monasteries, those with the means to do so turned to orders which operated within, and provided immediate support to, medieval society. Alongside the foundation of hospitals and other ‘institutions of social welfare’, the mendicant orders were eminently attractive to the medieval mind. They offered new paths to salvation, no longer through the intercession of others, but through one's own actions, which can be linked to the devotional exercises championed by the Franciscans.1

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38

Zweig, Ellen. "Mendicant Erotics [Sydney]: A Performance for Radio." TDR (1988-) 40, no. 3 (1996): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1146555.

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Kerby-Fulton, Kathryn. "Hildegard of Bingen and Anti-mendicant Propaganda." Traditio 43 (1987): 386–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012629.

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The question of Hildegard's influence and reputation in the centuries following her death is an elusive and vexing one for scholars. We do know that the medieval prophetic tradition is one of the few spheres in which her writings and her reputation sustained anything like their original high profile. To a large extent this popularity was the direct result of two things: first of all, a compilation of extracts from her prophecies made by Gebeno of Eberbach around the year 1220; and secondly, the association of Hildegard's name and a few of her genuine writings with the tradition of anti-mendicant propaganda. These two survivals give us a different but not unrelated view of how Hildegard was known to the later Middle Ages, and in particular what she was best known for: that is, for her prediction of a coming chastisement of the clergy to be brought about partly through the agency of a group of pseudo-prophets. The testimony of Gebeno in his prologue to his compilation of her prophetic works and the testimony of various contemporary chroniclers all agree on one thing: Hildegard had succeeded in scaring the wits out of the local clergy, and even decades after her death they feared the chastisement she had predicted.

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Montford, Angela. "Fit to Preach and Pray: Considerations of Occupational Health in the Mendicant Orders." Studies in Church History 37 (2002): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014674.

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Following their foundation in the thirteenth century, the mendicant Orders came to occupy an increasingly important role in the religious life of the medieval city. The mendicant spiritual mission and way of life was arduous, and the prayer and preaching which filled (or ought to have filled) a friar’s working and waking hours demanded both strength and stamina. As a result of these demands, the leaders of the Orders had to ensure that those men whom they admitted as their brothers were physically capable of undertaking their intended duties. This paper accordingly considers the idea of the ‘use and abuse of time’ by approaching some of the questions concerning health and fitness as requirements for the friars of the Franciscan and Dominican Orders.

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Stuart, Mari Jyväsjärvi. "Mendicants and Medicine: Āyurveda in Jain Monastic Texts." History of Science in South Asia 2, no. 1 (December 8, 2014): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18732/h27p45.

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While early canonical Jain literature may well justify the assessment that some scholars have made about the Jains’ stoic resistance to medical aid, later post-canonical Śvetāmbara Jain texts reveal in fact a much more complex relationship to practices of healing. They make frequent references to medical practice and the alleviation of sickness, describing various medical procedures and instruments and devoting long sections to the interaction between doctors and monastics as issues that a monastic community would have to negotiate as a matter of course. The amount of medical knowledge — indeed fascination with healing human ailments — evident in these later texts invites us to pause before concluding that pre-modern Jain monastic traditions were disinterested in alleviating physical distress. It seems that, on the contrary, the question of when and how to treat the sick within the community emerged as a central concern that preoccupied the monastic authorities and commentators and left its mark on the texts they compiled. Moreover, from the early medieval period onwards, Jains enter the history of Indian medical literature as authors and compilers of actual medical treatises. In what follows, I try to trace this historical shift in Śvetāmbara Jain attitudes to medicine and healing, from the early canonical texts to post-canonical commentaries on the mendicants’ rules. Specifically, I focus on the treatment of medicine in three monastic commentaries composed around the sixth and seventh centuries CE.

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Nazarova, Olga A. "IOACHIM OF FLORES, MENDICANT ORDERS AND THE EARLY ITALIAN ALTARPIECE." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. "Literary Theory. Linguistics. Cultural Studies" Series, no. 6 (2021): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7249-2021-6-53-64.

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The paper aims at clarifying the meanings of early Italian painted polyptychs. The rationale behind the genesis of this particular type of altarpiece, which spread rapidly in the 1260s–1320s and became very popular in the churches of the Dominicans and Franciscans, has received only partial explanation in existing scholarship. A new perspective in its study can be advanced through consideration of the mission of early polyptychs in the context of eschatological expectations of the era, which were largely defined by the prophecies of Joachim of Flores. These expectations shaped the mendicant orders’ narratives of their own missions, which found explicit expression in their art only much later. By confronting the early polyptych with the later orders’ pieces reflecting their identity, the author argues that early mendicant altarpieces served primarily as visual representations of each order’s mission, which largely determined their popularity.

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Coleman, Roy, and Joe Sim. "Managing the mendicant: regeneration and repression in Liverpool." Criminal Justice Matters 92, no. 1 (June 2013): 30–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09627251.2013.805373.

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44

Swanson, R. N. "The ‘Mendicant Problem’ in the Later Middle Ages." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 11 (1999): 217–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002295.

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Almost from their foundation, the mendicant orders proved problematic. Their insistence on poverty, their preaching skills, and their responsiveness to contemporary spirituality challenged the Church at many levels, providing standards against which the secular clergy might be judged and found wanting. Their dependence on papal privileges which limited episcopal oversight, and their claims to a special role as confessors and preachers, threatened the Church’s current order, especially in parishes. By undermining the parish priest’s authority — jurisdictionally by offering confession and absolution, financially by encouraging burial in their houses — the friars in fact undercut some of the aims of the early thirteenth-century reformers, most notably by disrupting the demands of Omnis utriusque sexus, the decree requiring annual confession to the ‘proprius sacerdos’, issued at the Fourth Lateran Council. The most important resolution of these ‘grass root’ problems was provided in Boniface VIII’s Super cathedram of 1300, which by 1326 applied to all four of the main mendicant orders, and formally became part of canon law when enshrined in the Clementines. Unfortunately, Super cathedram seemed incompatible with Omnis utriusque sexus, and debate on the resulting discrepancy persisted throughout the Middle Ages, despite attempts at resolution such as Vas electionis of 1321.

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ELBEL, MARTIN. "Early Modern Mendicancy: Franciscan Practice in the Bohemian Lands." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 69, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204691700063x.

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Using the example of the Bohemian Franciscan Province, and its Olomouc convent in particular, this paper analyses mendicancy after the Reformation. In the early modern period mendicancy remained an important practice in the Franciscan Order. Apart from its economic function, begging was also an important means of interaction between the friars and the people. It was a complicated exchange of goods and services, which helped the friars to secure their position in society and export elements of their spirituality outside the walls of their convents.

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Canet Aparisi, Teresa. "Exentos de la fiscalidad del General en el Reino de Valencia. La reivindicación de inmunidad por el clero regular." Pedralbes 40 (April 13, 2021): 257–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/pedralbes.40.10.

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Les relacions entre la Generalitat valenciana i el clergat regular experimentaren fortes tensions al segle XVII amb motiu de l’exempció fiscal dels eclesiàstics, especialment els mendicants. L’anàlisi d’aquests conflictes ens permet apropar-nos a la realitat efectiva d’un privilegi fiscal poc conegut en la seua incidència i derivacions.

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47

Gillerman, David M. "S. Fortunato in Todi: Why the Hall Church?" Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 48, no. 2 (June 1, 1989): 158–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990354.

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The Franciscan church of S. Fortunato in Todi, an important central Italian example of a Gothic hall church, was begun in 1292, when this building type was still rather unusual in the region. Earlier students of S. Fortunato have generally attributed its appearance in Todi to the Franciscan demand for open preaching halls, but a closer analysis suggests there were additional, perhaps even stronger, incentives for using it. A hall church achieved an imposing effect on a small construction site and helped fulfill a desire to underscore the building's Franciscan affiliation. Previously ignored, this question of the motivations of the Todi hall church has particular relevance to current studies of the mendicant architecture, that is, the architecture of the new urban orders, principally the Franciscans and Dominicans. The question is: do we continue to see mendicant churches exclusively in terms of the friars' altruistic religious mission, or should we see them as efforts at self-promotion in the competitive milieu of the late medieval city?

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Lette, Rickie. "The Influence of Inter-Cultural Engagement on the Perceptions of Mendicant Friars in the Thirteenth Century Concerning Islam and Muslims." Medieval Encounters 23, no. 6 (December 7, 2017): 479–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340008.

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Abstract A commonly accepted interpretation of how Christians and Muslims perceived and responded to each other during the medieval period remains elusive. While broad surveys have established the existence of dominant perspectives and trends, smaller-scale studies are revealing that responses could be much more complex and nuanced. This article attempts to negotiate a middle ground to examine the perceptions of Islam and Muslims of three mendicant friars. The study demonstrates that direct encounters with Muslims, and their customs, practices, and beliefs, or active engagement with Greco-Arabic philosophy, or both, provided these three men with new means to rationalise the reality of Islam and its followers, breaking the bonds of traditional ideological responses and enabling them to produce novel and more informed perspectives on both. It indicates the potential impact that inter-cultural engagement may have had on the inter-religious perceptions of mendicant friars in the latter part of the thirteenth century.

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Chubb, Taryn E. L., Taryn E. L. Chubb, and Emily Kelley. "Mendicants and Merchants in the Medieval Mediterranean: An Introduction." Medieval Encounters 18, no. 2-3 (2012): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342106.

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Abstract When the mendicant orders were founded in the thirteenth century, they quickly began to cultivate mutually beneficial relationships with the emerging merchant class. This special issue of Medieval Encounters is an interdisciplinary study of the complex connections that developed between the two groups throughout the Mediterranean during the late medieval period. These relationships have rarely been addressed in the scholarship on this period, but in urban centers throughout the medieval Mediterranean, friars and merchants crossed paths daily and the evidence of their interaction reveals the extent to which the two communities came to depend upon one another.

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50

Davis, Virginia. "Mendicants in London in the Reign of Richard II." London Journal 25, no. 2 (November 2000): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/ldn.2000.25.2.1.

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