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Статті в журналах з теми "Men’s Rights Activists"
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Carian, Emily K. "“WE’RE ALL IN THIS TOGETHER”: LEVERAGING A PERSONAL ACTION FRAME IN TWO MEN’S RIGHTS FORUMS." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-27-1-47.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The men’s rights movement has used forums, blogs, and social media to invest individuals in a deeply misogynist agenda, organizing around the belief that feminism has systematically privileged women and disadvantaged men. In this article, I analyze data from two online men’s rights forums to examine how men’s rights activists construct this belief and identify what appeals to them about it. Posters co-construct a highly personalizable and appealing personal action frame through which they share personal experiences that they consider proof of women’s privilege, men’s disadvantage, and feminist wrongs. In contrast to previous work on personal action frames, I find that this template for account sharing is a powerful tool for building solidarity and constructing collective identity. Men’s rights activists’ use of a personal action frame allows them to build a fictional yet credible narrative of men’s oppression, with important repercussions for gender inequality and movement dynamics.
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Amorosa, Paolo. "Pioneering International Women’s Rights? The US National Woman’s Party and the 1933 Montevideo Equal Rights Treaties." European Journal of International Law 30, no. 2 (May 2019): 415–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chz025.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Histories of equal rights for women in international law normally begin with post-World War II initiatives. Such an approach leaves out two treaties signed at the 1933 Montevideo Pan-American Conference, the Equal Nationality Treaty and the Equal Rights Treaty, which remain forgotten among international lawyers. By reconstructing their inception and intellectual background, this article aims to raise awareness about debates on international law among feminist activists in the interwar years. In turn, the focus on activist work allows for the recovery of the contribution of women to the development of the discipline in that seminal period, a contribution usually obfuscated by men’s predominance in diplomatic and academic roles. By outlining the contribution of two key promoters of the Montevideo treaties – Doris Stevens and Alice Paul of the National Woman’s Party – the article takes a step towards the re-inclusion of women’s rights activists within the shared heritage of international law and its history.
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de Coning, Alexis. "Recouping masculinity: men’s rights activists’ responses toMad Max: Fury Road." Feminist Media Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 174–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2016.1120491.
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Sheehy, Elizabeth. "Defending Battered Women in the Public Sphere." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v5i2.309.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This commentary draws upon the work of feminist media scholars and those who study the strategies of men’s rights activists to reflect upon the media and men’s rights reaction to the publication of the author’s book on battered women who kill. The parallels between the responses from these two sources prompt the author to make suggestions as to how the men’s rights materials might be used to enable more productive media engagement by feminist authors.
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Ohanesian, Maryna, and Tamara Martsenyuk. "Factors of Ukrainian men involving in men’s movements that support gender equality." NaUKMA Research Papers. Sociology 4 (October 8, 2021): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2617-9067.2021.4.47-59.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In recent years, Ukraine has received more attention to the issues of masculinity, the position of men and their participation in activism in support of gender equality. In Ukraine, there are several men’s organizations and initiatives that support the ideas of gender equality: dad schools, men against violence, HeforShe Ukraine and HeforShe Congresses, profeminist schools for men, national networks of male leaders against violence, an international union of courageous dads, etc. Feminist public activists appear to talk about the benefits of gender equality. The men’s movement for gender equality in the world and in Ukraine is seen as focusing on either women’s rights or men’s rights. According to men’s movement researcher Michael Messner, institutional privileges and costs of masculinity are the aspects of the classification of male movements. As a result of the analysis of six in-depth interviews with Ukrainian activists of men’s movements, Michael Messner’s ideas were illustrated with examples from Ukrainian society. Factors involving men in men’s movements for gender equality differ depending on the type of the men’s movement. Women’s rights movements were characterized by awareness of cases of discrimination against women and a corresponding sense of solidarity and compassion. Movements for men’s rights – by awareness of cases of discrimination against men in their own experience, a sense of the need to respond to the movement for women’s rights, and the situation of men’s movements in Ukraine, i.e. factors that directly affect men. In addition, it has been found that there are common factors in involving men in women’s and men’s rights movements, such as the existence of a feminist movement, a sense of the need for change, and a desire to be involved in local or global change. Expert interviews have found that the use of personal experience is the most effective way to influence the level of men’s involvement in men’s movements for gender equality, including in Ukraine. Attention to real cases of gender discrimination against women will be perceived more sincerely and openly than statistics. Attention to real cases of gender discrimination against women will be perceived more sincerely and openly than statistics. In addition, it is important to demonstrate the experience of men who understand the benefits of gender equality for men as well. They, according to experts, will be able to serve as examples for other men to follow. Separately, experts noted the role of education in the desire to join the struggle of men for the idea of gender equality. Both non-formal education programs and formal education on equal rights and opportunities can be tools for introducing changes in men’s attitudes to discrimination.
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Rafail, Patrick, and Isaac Freitas. "Grievance Articulation and Community Reactions in the Men’s Rights Movement Online." Social Media + Society 5, no. 2 (April 2019): 205630511984138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119841387.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Men’s Rights movements have grown extensively in the last four decades. Social media platforms, especially online communities, have been instrumental in the rise of the movement. Despite this, few studies have directly examined how the Men’s Rights movement frames its grievance in online spaces or analyzed community reactions to user-contributed content. To fill these gaps, we analyze 70,580 posts contributed to /r/MensRights, a large community of Men’s Rights activists on Reddit, using a combination of topic models and negative binomial regression. Our results indicate that users active on /r/MensRights have developed a core set of grievances. Due to the mechanics of Reddit, where users can upvote posts to increase their visibility, contributed content that is consistent with community norms is prominently featured. Online spaces such as /r/MensRights provide an optimal combination of self-reinforcing community norms and anonymity, providing social movements with powerful tools to expand their reach, recruit new members, and expand its political power. We argue that these dynamics apply more generally to social movement mobilization that occurs online.
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Nafi, Tien Handayani, Ratih Lestarini, Inayati, Tirtawening, Succi Wulandhary, Intan Nurul Aini, and Dyah Utari. "Legal protection for women environmental activists in urban areas." E3S Web of Conferences 52 (2018): 00048. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20185200048.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Men and women have equal rights, duties, and degrees in protecting and fighting for the rights of environment. However, in fact, it is men who dominate most conservation and environmental management activities. Even though, women’s roles in environmental conservation activities are also no less great than men’s given their high sense of empathy and care for the environment. This makes women taking more actions to protect the environment itself, but they often get so many threats, physical harass, even murder threats from those who feel threatened by their actions; and it already happened for a long time, and it still does until now. This should be overcome as soon as possible to prevent more women be the next victim. This research used SWOT analysis to determine the strategies for protecting women environmental activists in urban areas. The SWOT calculation results indicate that there is a need for progressive rules in guaranteeing women’s rights so as to be able to engage in the process of environmental conservation in their respective regions.
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Frager, Ruth A., and Carmela Patrias. "Human Rights Activists and the Question of Sex Discrimination in Postwar Ontario." Canadian Historical Review 102, s3 (September 1, 2021): s802—s824. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-s3-012.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the varied understandings of human rights in Ontario in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War. The article compares the social origins and implementation of Ontario’s Fair Employment Practices Act – which combatted racist and religious discrimination – with Ontario’s Female Employees Fair Remuneration Act – which mandated equal pay for women who did the same work as men. Although a few feminists called for the Fair Employment Practices Act to prohibit sex discrimination as well, their pleas fell mainly on deaf ears in this period. Men and women who fought against racist injustice were frequently unaware of gender injustice, for they, like so many others, subscribed to the deeply embedded ideology of the family wage. Conversely, some of the most outspoken advocates of women’s rights were unconscious of – or chose to ignore – racism. At the same time, some of the most committed advocates of equal pay for equal work actually reinforced certain conventional assumptions about men’s gender privilege at work and at home. Moreover, while the enforcement of both acts was constrained by the conciliatory framework embedded within them, the government officials who were charged with applying both acts interpreted the equal pay act quite narrowly and were significantly more diligent in tackling racist and religious employment discrimination.
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Dolgushin, V. V. "MEN’S REVOLT: THE STRUGGLE FOR GENDER EQUALITY IN THE POLISH LANDS OF THE AUSTRIAN AND RUSSIAN EMPIRES AT THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY: ISSUES OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION." Vestnik of Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University Series Humanities and social science, no. 3 (2023): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/sikbfu-2023-3-4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines the cooperation between men and women during the third wave of feminism in the Polish territories of the Russian and Austrian Empires at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The role of individual men in the establishment of the first major feminist organizations is highlighted. The author studies the contribution of Stanisław Kośutski in forming the first mass women’s organization in the Polish territories. The collaborative efforts of women and men in the League of Men for the Defense of Women’s Rights and the Union for Equal Rights of Polish Women are characterized. The reasons for the split in the Union for Equal Rights of Polish Women, Stanisław Kośutski’s role in the internal conflict of the Union, and his relations with key activists of the Polish women’s movement are analyzed. The political evolution of Maria Dulębianka in the Galician Sejm and her collaboration with Austrian socialists are separately discussed. Meanwhile, the article examines the positions of key activists in the Polish women’s movement regarding cooperation with men and political parties. The stance of certain politicians and public figures, who did not align with any of the organizations advocating for women’s emancipation to achieve national interests, is characterized.
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Tonini, Maria. "Men are Vulnerable too: Analysing the Self-presentation of Indian Men’s Right Activist Online Networks." Excursions Journal 8, no. 1 (January 24, 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20919/exs.8.2018.227.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this article, I examine the content of online pages of Men’s Rights Activists (hereafter MRAs) in India. The objective of my analysis is to illuminate what discursive elements are used by Indian MRA groups to motivate their existence and their mission. My primary sources are texts posted on websites and Facebooks pages. The argument I put forward in this paper is that Indian MRAs justify their mission by manipulating and re-articulating the meaning of ‘gender’ so that it becomes a useful category only when attached to men. While MRA groups are present and active in several countries worldwide, I argue that the Indian case is particularly illuminating when it comes to shedding light on the growth of anti-feminist communities at a time when “masculinist political revival” (Maellström 2016) is on the rise globally.
Дисертації з теми "Men’s Rights Activists"
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Bachaud, Louis. "The appropriation and circulation of evolutionary science in the contemporary US and English-Speaking Manosphere." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Lille (2022-....), 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024ULILH063.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La manosphère est un ensemble de groupes d'hommes masculinistes. Ils sont unis par leur enthousiasme pour l'évolution darwinienne, particulièrement au sujet des différences femmes/hommes. Dans cette recherche, l'appropriation masculiniste aux États-Unis et dans le monde anglophone des sciences évolutionnaires est étudiée sous trois angles. Premièrement, une quantification par sondage de la culture scientifique de ces hommes révèle des niveaux de connaissance et d'éducation scientifique dans le supérieur assez élevés. Deuxièmement, par l'analyse qualitative de discours, les appropriations idéologiques des sciences évolutionnaires dans la manosphère sont étudiées. Cette analyse révèle que les théories biologiques du comportement sont disproportionnément appliquées aux femmes, d'une manière simpliste, ce qui crée une vision totalement homogène du comportement féminin. De plus, ces militants en ligne créent leurs propres hypothèses évolutionnaires pour expliquer le monde à travers un prisme darwinien. Cependant, ces appropriations varient selon les communautés, en fonction de leurs objectifs et de leurs récits politiques. Au-delà de toutes ces variations, on retrouve dans chaque communauté la présence de biais misogynes et d'interprétations exagérées ou erronées des résultats de recherche provenant des sciences évolutionnaires. Enfin, pour mieux comprendre les mécaniques du phénomène, ce travail explore l'acquisition et la circulation des savoirs scientifiques dans la manosphèreThe manosphere is a collection of antifeminist men's groups. They are united by their enthusiasm for Darwinian evolution, especially around issues of sex differences. This research examines U.S. and English-speaking manosphere appropriations of evolutionary science from three angles. Firstly, it assesses the scientific literacy of manospherians with a survey, revealing relatively high levels of college science education and scientific literacy. Secondly, through qualitative discourse analysis, it thoroughly reviews the appropriations of evolutionary science found in the manosphere. Overall, manospherians tend to disproportionately apply biological theories to women, making for a uniform and strongly deterministic view of female behavior. Moreover, they also create their own evolutionary hypotheses to make sense of the world through a Darwinian lens. Yet, appropriations of evolutionary science vary between manosphere communities, depending on their political aims and narratives. Running through all these appropriations however is a presence of misogynistic biases, as well as exaggeration and simplification of academic research results. To understand this phenomenon better, this work finally explores scientific knowledge circulation and acquisition in the manosphere
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Gordon, Kelly. "Mobilizing Victimhood: Blaming and Claiming the Victim in Conservative Discourse in Canada." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37800.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When it comes to the politics of victimhood, existing academic accounts contend that conservative politics and ideology have largely been defined by a backlash against discourses of victimization. In this respect, North American conservatism is seen as embodying an anti-victimist approach – one where progressive claims of victimhood are represented as the result of an impaired character rather than as the result of systemic cultural and legal discrimination. However, while this literature accurately captures many characteristics of conservative ideology, it risks overlooking the ways that conservative proactively engage with the politics of victimhood and victim arguments.
This dissertation offers an examination of the discursive significance of the “victim” in contemporary conservative politics and ideology through an analysis of three realms of conservative politics in Canada: (1) the men’s rights movement, (2) the anti-abortion movement, and (3) the Conservative Party of Canada. Drawing on the results of a large-scale critical discourse analysis and the participant observation of over a dozen conservative events in Canada, this dissertation contends that the debate over the politics of victimhood is not a battle between anti-victim conservative and pro-victim progressives. Rather, contemporary Canadian conservatives are increasingly makers of victim politics – rather than its critics – challenging many academic assumptions made about both conservative ideology and discourse in Canada, as well as the larger politics of victimhood in North America.
Книги з теми "Men’s Rights Activists"
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Queen, Anne. Oral history interview with Anne Queen, April 30, 1976: Interview G-0049-1, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). [Chapel Hill, N.C.]: University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2007.
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Stonewall Strong: Gay Men's Heroic Fight for Resilience, Good Health, and a Strong Community. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Incorporated, 2017.
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Rohlinger, Deana A. Mobilizing the Faithful. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.8.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this chapter, we examine how conservative and right-wing organizations mobilize predominately White, religious women to action. We begin by outlining the importance of networks to mobilization efforts. Then, we discuss how conservative and right-wing women’s groups use religious doctrine as well as gendered assumptions regarding women’s and men’s roles in society to move women from their armchairs to the streets. The second half of the chapter explores the role that celebrity leaders play in attracting new members and highlights the importance of mass media to right-wing and conservative women’s mobilization efforts. Throughout the chapter we discuss the potential barriers that conservative and right-wing organizations face as younger activists with less conservative views and more diverse backgrounds become politically involved. We conclude the chapter by outlining avenues for further research, particularly as it relates to conservative mobilizations targeting women of color.
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Meler, Matt S., Conchita Franco Serri, and Richard A. Garcia. Notable Latino Americans. Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400692185.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
U.S. Latinos have made important contributions to American society, and this biographical dictionary is devoted to celebrating those contributions. All 127 men and women profiled in this work have immigrated to or been born in the United States and have made major contributions to American life and culture. Cuban Americans, Puerto Ricans, Mexican Americans, and others of Spanish, South American, Central American and Caribbean heritage—more than one-third of them women—represent 35 fields of endeavor and all 50 states. From historical figures to the newest sports champion, figure-skater Rudy Galindo, this work provides profiles of both prominent and important but less-familiar people who have made significant contributions in their fields. Many of those profiled can be found in no other biographical source. A selection of photos complements the text. All biographies have been written by experts in their ethnic fields. Those profiled range widely from distinguished scientists to sports stars, from actors to activists, from businesswomen to political personalities, from literary luminaries to labor organizers. All are potential role models for young men and women, and many have overcome extreme odds to succeed. These colorfully written, substantive biographies detail their subjects' goals, struggles, and commitments to success and to their ethnic communities. Among the 127 people profiled are: Nobel Prize-winning scientist Luis Alvarez; Treasurer of the United States Romana Acosta Bañuelos; actor/composer/activist Rubén Blades; classical dancer Fernando Bujones; baseball player José Canseco; U.S. Secretary of Education Lauro Cavazos Jr.; writer Sandra Cisneros; fashion designer Oscar de la Renta; U.S. Congressman Lincoln DÍaz-Balart; teacher Jaime Escalante; composer/singer Gloria Estefan; tennis players Gigi Fernández and Mary Joe Fernández ; playwright Mara Fornés; U.S. Men's 1996 Figure Skating Champion Rudy Galindo; physician/political activist Héctor GarcÍa; Coca-Cola CEO Roberto Goizueta; labor leader Dolores Huerta; U.S. Ambassador MarÍa-Luci Jaramillo; artist Marisol; civil-rights activist Vilma Socorro MartÍnez; businessman/politician Jorge Mas Canosa; federal judge Harold Medina; graphic artist Nicholasa Mohr; U.S. Surgeon General Antonia Novello; astronaut Ellen Ochoa; Nobel Prize-winning biochemist Severo Ochoa; TV personality Geraldo Rivera; U.S. Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen; educational psychologist George I. Sánchez; newspaper editor Roberto Suárez; women's rights activist/businesswoman MarÍa Elena Toraño-PantÍn; New York State Supreme Court Judge Edwin Torres; mystic Teresa Urrea; film producer/director Luis Valdez. For ease of use, the heading of each profile identifies ethnic group, field of endeavor, birthdate and, where appropriate, death date. Each profile concludes with a suggested reading list of books and periodical articles about the subject. An ethnic index, field of endeavor index, and a general index make research easy. This much needed reference work is essential for school and public libraries.
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Lucander, David. “These Women Really Did the Work”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038624.003.0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter describes a series of sit-ins during 1944. Led by largely forgotten African American women, this interracial direct-action campaign sought to challenge the color line at department-store lunch counters. Integrating, or at least improving, access to food service at major downtown retailers was an important step in the process of breaking down elements of Jim Crow segregation in St. Louis. That same year, the March on Washington Movement (MOWM) shifted its attention toward obtaining and retaining jobs for black workers in publicly funded workplaces. Gaining access to jobs operating switchboards and in the local administration of Southwestern Bell Telephone offices was presented as a stride toward securing sustainable employment for a largely female contingent of working-class African Americans who wanted long-term white- and pink-collar employment. This sort of local women's activism, juxtaposed against national men's leadership, is consistent with a gendered pattern of activism in civil rights campaigns that persisted through the 1960s.
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Pearson, Elizabeth. Extreme Britain. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197772072.001.0001.
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Abstract Misogyny and “toxic masculinity” are increasingly implicated in radicalization. From the men’s incel (“involuntary celibate”) movement online, to jihadist groups like Islamic State, to radical right “Free Speech” protests, radicalization spans ideologies. Though an often-used term, the process of radicalization is not well understood, and the role of gender and masculinities has often been ignored. This book uses primary research among two of Britain’s key extremist movements: the banned Islamist group al-Muhajiroun, and those networked to it; and the anti-Islam radical right, including the English Defence League and Britain First, to reveal radicalization as a masculinity project. Through interviews with leaders including Anjem Choudary, Jayda Fransen and Tommy Robinson, as well as their followers, Extreme Britain explores the emergence of extreme misogyny and masculinities. Pearson situates extreme identities in wider social norms, showing how masculinities are mobilized into action. The book cautions against oversimplifying extreme masculinity as “toxic.” It demonstrates how both men and women “do” extreme masculinities and the costs and benefits to them both of activism. Understanding the men and women involved in extreme movements will better equip us to counter them. This fascinating study offers invaluable insight into some of their lives and motivations.
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Haywood, D'Weston. Let Us Make Men. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469643397.001.0001.
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This book conducts a close, gendered reading of the modern black press to reinterpret it as a crucial tool of black men’s leadership, public voice, public image, gender and identity formation, and a space for the construction of ideas of proper masculinity that shaped the long twentieth-century black freedom struggle to promote a fight for racial justice and black manhood. Moving from the turn of the twentieth century to the rise of black radicalism, the book argues that black people’s ideas, rhetoric, and strategies for protest and racial advancement grew out of a quest for manhood led by black newspapers. Drawing on discourse theory and studies of public spheres to examine the Chicago Defender, Crisis, Negro World, Crusader, and Muhammad Speaks and their publishers during the Great Migration, New Negro era, Great Depression, civil rights movement, and urban renewal, this study engages the black press at the complex intersections of gender, ideology, race, class, identity, urbanization, the public sphere, and black institutional life. Departing from typical histories of black newspapers and black protest that examine the long roots of black political organizing, this book makes a crucial intervention by advancing how black people’s conceptions of rights and justice, and their activism in the name of both, were deeply rooted in ideas of redeeming Black men, prioritizing their plight on the agenda for racial advancement. Yet, the black press produced a highly influential discourse on black manhood that was both empowering and problematic for the long black freedom struggle.
Частини книг з теми "Men’s Rights Activists"
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Kalm, Sara, and Anna Meeuwisse. "The Moral Dimension of Countermovements: The Case of Anti-Feminism." In Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies, 291–314. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98798-5_13.
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AbstractThe aim of the chapter is to develop an analytical framework for studying the moral dimension of countermovements, which despite obvious significance for movement mobilization is rarely considered in countermovement theory. We argue that Axel Honneth’s theory of recognition can be used to develop an analytical framework that allows for grasping not only the moral dimension of struggles between social movements and countermovements but also moral divisions within countermovements. According to Honneth, social struggles stem from perceived misrecognition in relation to a set of moral meta-values that form the basis of legitimate claims in Western society: love, equality, and achievement. These meta-values can be understood differently in concrete areas of political struggle, and activists from different camps tend to make quite different interpretations. With this approach, it is possible to analyze countermovements’ moral claims in relation to social movements’ societal values and norms, and whether and how different strands within a countermovement make different types of moral claims.We demonstrate the usefulness of the analytical framework by applying it to the division between feminism and anti-feminism and the division between varieties of anti-feminism (the Christian Right movement, the mythopoetic men’s movement, the men’s rights movement, and the manosphere). What emerges is a picture of the interrelationship between feminism and anti-feminism that is more complex than the common designation of progressive versus reactionary movements. It is clear that the different strands of anti-feminism relate morally in partly different ways to feminism. They all react against what is understood as misrecognition of men as a result of feminism, but the types of moral claims and their specific emphasis on them vary.
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O’Donnell, Jessica. "Men’s Rights Activism and the Manosphere." In Gamergate and Anti-Feminism in the Digital Age, 9–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14057-0_2.
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de Coning, Alexis, and Chelsea Ebin. "Men's Rights Activists, Personal Responsibility, and the End of Welfare." In Male Supremacism in the United States, 142–63. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003164722-10.
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Goldwyn, Adam J. "Byzantium in the American Alt-Right Imagination: Paradigms of the Medieval Greek Past Among Men's Rights Activists and White Supremacists." In The Routledge Handbook on Identity in Byzantium, 424–39. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429031373-27.
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Lande, Jonathan. "“Give Me My Rights”." In The Civil War and the Summer of 2020, 57–65. Fordham University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9781531504991.003.0007.
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During the Civil War, black soldiers from the North had faith that battlefield courage would earn them citizenship and end slavery, so they trudged through the war’s grizzliest scenes. Yet some in the ranks would not tolerate the violent, racist punishments of white officers and combatted the injustices. This piece addresses the modes of resistance—nonviolent protest and political violence—and primary reasons for the men’s actions. The chapter argues that the army protesters are important to remember, especially as activists sickened by the devaluing of black humanity assemble in the summer of 2020. Although protesters peacefully demonstrate, critics often characterize them as agents of lawlessness. Critics elide the history of black resistance in their denunciations and distract from a sober assessment of activists’ demands for justice.
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Malka, Adam. "The Rights of Men." In Men of Mobtown, 189–216. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469636290.003.0007.
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This chapter moves the argument into the post-emancipation period. In particular, it chronicles the story of the legal code’s deracialization during the years following the state’s 1864 emancipation decree. Many different groups, friends and foes of the freedmen alike, defined freedom as self-sufficiency and self-reliance, and it would be these liberal ideals that shaped the legal terms of emancipation. As federal agents worked to enforce black men’s wage contracts and ratify their marriage contracts, as formerly enslaved black men eagerly asserted their rights to possess both, and as an interracial coalition of activists confronted stubborn employers and an apprentice system still indebted to slavery, a fully realized property rights regime emerged. Through real work – through hard work – slavery died during the 1860s, and a seemingly color-blind legal order predicated upon male rights to wages and household autonomy arose in its place. In liberal terms, emancipation looked like a success.
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Miller, Robin Lin, and George Ayala. "The Small and Mighty." In Breaking Barriers, 49–67. Oxford University PressNew York, 2025. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197647684.003.0004.
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Abstract Building on the prior chapters, Chapter 3 describes the events that led to the creation of Project ACT, a transnational advocacy effort that brought together activists from eight sexual and gender minority community-led organizations and their local allies. The chapter describes the challenges of funding the initiative. Chapter 3 outlines how the project’s basic advocacy concept evolved and drew from the activists’ priorities. The chapter also introduces readers to the project’s transnational partners in Burundi, Cameroon, Côte D’Ivoire, Ghana, Jamaica, República Dominicana, Zimbabwe, and its US-based implementing partner, MPact Global Action for Gay Men’s Health and Rights (MPact).
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Barylo, William. "Making Muslims Great Again." In British Muslims in the Neoliberal Empire, 70–92. Oxford University PressOxford, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1093/9780198924975.003.0004.
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Abstract The alt-bros are a heterogeneous movement of Muslims openly against women’s rights, vocal against social justice movements, Black people, and, for some, supporting the far-right and embracing white supremacist language. With an allusion to the Red Pill symbol appropriated by men’s right activists and the alt-right, they fear the decline of Islam in Euro-America not because of racism and islamophobia but because of feminism, liberalism, and the LGBTQ. They revendicate an exclusionary form of Muslimness and masculinity, excommunicating anyone who does not abide by their standards. However, what if societal pressures and dominant expectations made these potential community champions turn sour? And what if, reading their story from the perspective of affect, one could see them like bell hooks, as ‘comrades in struggle’?
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Bebout, Lee. "Weaponizing Victimhood." In News on the Right, 64–83. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190913540.003.0004.
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This chapter analyzes a rhetoric of “weaponized victimhood” and its crucial role in uniting disparate factions of the contemporary American Right. Weaponized victimhood speaks to a felt sense of loss of power and esteem among social groups facing challenges to their traditionally privileged status positions. This expression of grievance takes on a hyperbolic form through assertions that groups such as whites, men, and Christians face great social oppression. These groups are portrayed as victims of such projected threats as a “War on Christmas” and “feminazi” activists. Such victimization narratives circulate across various types of conservative news and right-wing media—from Fox News to alt-right and men’s rights websites. A common rhetoric of victimization cultivates a shared affective sensibility among groups ranging from avowed white supremacists to anti-feminists to others reacting against a perceived challenge to their social power and standing.
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Thuma, Emily L. "Printing Abolition." In All Our Trials, 88–122. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042331.003.0004.
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Chapter 3 analyzes women’s prison newsletters as a feminist counterpublic that enabled incarcerated women to communicate with one another and with anticarceral feminist activists in the “free world.” Two newsletters, Through the Looking Glass and No More Cages, which were produced by lesbian feminist collectives from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s, document prisoners’ resistance and collective action against gendered and racialized violence. Addressing the chasm between a prisoners’ rights movement focused on men’s institutions and a feminist antiviolence movement increasingly enmeshed with the carceral state, these newsletters created solidarity between criminalized women and those outside the walls.