Статті в журналах: "Memsahibs"

1

Clarke, I. F. "Memsahibs on the move." Tourism Management 9, no. 4 (December 1988): 341–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-5177(88)90011-8.

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2

Siddiqui, Safia, and Muhammad Ayub Jajja. "White Women’s Burden: A Postcolonial Study of Paul Scott’s Memsahib in The Tower of Silence." Global Language Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glr.2020(v-iv).02.

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The Raj literature is mostly dominated by male characters with few negative stereotype women characters featuring in them. The Tower of Silence (1971/2005) by Paul Scott is one such novel which breaks the rule as it is women-centric, dominated by women characters of all ages. Unlike the common notion that Scott is critical of the Raj machinery, this paper will investigate the white women's burden a special technique used by Scott to displays the irrevocable British superiority of race, culture and moral obligations. The Tower of Silence (1971/2005) has a vast array of Memsahibs, and this novel connects the story of the previous two novels of the Quartet through these female characters, and it is almost devoid of any native female characters. This paper will study the glorification of the white women’s burden to display the vital role played by these Memsahib's in the propagation of the Empire.

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3

Roye, Susmita. "Memsahibs’ Writings: Colonial Narratives on Indian Women." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 37, no. 3 (September 2009): 511–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530903157821.

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4

CAPLAN, LIONEL. "Iconographies of Anglo-Indian Women: Gender Constructs and Contrasts in a Changing Society." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 4 (October 2000): 863–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003784.

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Of late, increasing attention has focused on (mainly male) constructions of women in colonial India. On the one side, it has been noted how European women were frequently held responsible and disparaged for upsetting the comparatively relaxed relationships existing between British (especially males) and Indians (especially females) up to the late eighteenth century. Seen as the staunchest upholders (if not the keenest advocates) of racial distinctions which evolved in the course of the nineteenth century, European women were vilified for elaborating (if not actually creating) social and cultural hierarchies which led to a widening of the distance between colonizer and colonized. At the same time, they were stereotyped as frivolous, vain, snobbish and selfish (Barr 1976: 197; 1989: 1; Brownfoot 1984: 186). Indeed, Gartrell suggests that ‘few women have been described so negatively as the British memsahibs’ (1984: 165). In drawing attention to these portrayals, a number of writers have recently pointed out, in mitigation, that the memsahibs were simply reproducing official British attitudes, were themselves proud symbols of British power, and subjects of a strict patriarchal culture within European circles (see Barr 1989: 5; Bharucha 1994: 88–9).

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5

Chaudhuri, Nupur. "Memsahibs and their servants in nineteenth-century India[1]." Women's History Review 3, no. 4 (December 1994): 549–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029400200071.

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6

Purcell, Susan. "The law of Hobson-Jobson." English Today 25, no. 1 (March 2009): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078409000108.

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ABSTRACTYule and Burnell's 1886 Anglo-Indian dictionary still fascinates and informs today. It is not the finest of Salman Rushdie's writings, but this is the first paragraph of his essay Hobson-Jobson (italics in original):“The British Empire, many pundits now agree, descended like a juggernaut upon the barbicans of the East, in search of loot. The moguls of the raj went in palanquins, smoking cheroots, to sup toddy or sherbet on the verandahs of the gymkhana club, while the memsahibs fretted about the thugs in bandannas and dungarees who roamed the night like pariahs, plotting ghoulish deeds.” (Rushdie, 1992:81)Rushdie points out that the italicised words all appear in the celebrated dictionary Hobson-Jobson: a glossary of colloquial Anglo-Indian words and phrases, and of kindred terms, etymological, historical, geographical and discursive by Henry Yule & A.C. Burnell, first published in 1886.This gem of a dictionary gives definitions and origins of words in common use by the British in colonial India in the late nineteenth century. Some of the entries won't be a surprise to readers – we all know that raj, mogul and memsahib are Indian words. But there are many words with their origins in Hindustani, Bengali, Sanskrit or other Indian or Eastern languages, whose origin is perhaps not quite so well known.

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7

Sen, Sucharita. "Memsahibs and ayahs during the Mutiny: In English memoirs and fiction." Studies in People's History 7, no. 2 (December 2020): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448920951520.

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Drawing upon the personal accounts of British women who lived through the Mutiny (1857–58), this article argues that these accounts, being characterised by diversity, both supported and contradicted the official discourse of the British Raj. While the domestic spaces in the household were shaken by the storm of the Mutiny, interpersonal relations sometimes transcended the animosity which the Mutiny had garnered. By bringing the contemporary British fiction into the spectrum of analysis, this article argues that the Mutiny fiction and personal accounts have a common chord in their portrayal of the loyalty of the native servants in the hour of crises for their employers. These relationships, however, also implied the status of white superiority over coloured subordination as also the memsahib’s special preserve of idleness.

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8

Sen, Indrani. "Memsahibs and Health in Colonial Medical Writings, c. 1840 to c. 1930." South Asia Research 30, no. 3 (November 2010): 253–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272801003000303.

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9

Chatterjee, Arup K. "Doonstruck Diaries of Victorian Memsahibs: Between the Journal and Jhampaun in Mussoorie and Landour." Lectora: revista de dones i textualitat, no. 27 (October 27, 2021): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/lectora2021.27.9.

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Established as colonial hill stations in Indian's Doon Valley, in the 1820s, Mussoorie and Landour emerged in Victorian literary imagination with the journals of Emily Eden, Fanny Parks, and the Wallace-Dunlop sisters. This paper argues that the Doon's female imperial architextures invented new prospects of grafting Anglo-Saxon aesthetics on the Himalayan terra nullius, diminishing, miniaturizing, and depopulating aspects of the hazardous, the alien, and the local. A thread of archetypes —jhampauns (Himalayan loco-armchairs) and Himalayan vistas— link the aesthetic arcs in the journals of Eden, Parks, and the Wallace-Dunlops. Although the architexture was ostensibly apolitical, it imbued the Doon's representational spaces with a reproducible English character, rendering its terra incognita into terra familiaris in imperial psyche, while carving a distinct imperial subjectivity for Memsahibs.

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10

Gowans, Georgina. "Imperial geographies of home: Memsahibs and Miss-Sahibs in India and Britain, 1915-1947." Cultural Geographies 10, no. 4 (October 1, 2003): 424–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/1474474003eu283oa.

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11

Saha, Ranjana. "Milk, ‘Race’ and Nation: Medical Advice on Breastfeeding in Colonial Bengal." South Asia Research 37, no. 2 (June 13, 2017): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728017700186.

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This article analyses medical opinion about nursing of infants by memsahibs and dais as well as the Bengali-Hindu bhadramahila as the ‘immature’ child-mother and the ‘mature’, ‘goddess-like’ mother in the tropical environment of nineteenth and early twentieth century Bengal. It shows how the nature of lactation, breast milk and breastfeeding are socially constructed and become central to medical advice on motherhood and childcare aimed at regenerating community, ‘racial’ and/or national health, including manly vigour for imperial, colonial and nationalist purposes. In colonial Bengal, the topic of breastfeeding surfaces as crucial to understanding colonial and nationalist, medical and medico-legal representations of maternal and child health constituted by gendered, racialised, classed and caste-ridden, biological/cultural and pure/polluting traits, often considered transferable through milk and blood.

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12

Malhotra, Ashok. "The English “Self” under Siege." Nineteenth-Century Literature 72, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2017.72.1.1.

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Ashok Malhotra, “The English ‘Self’ under Siege: A Comparison of a Memsahib’s Private Journals and her Novel The History of George Desmond” (pp. 1–34) This paper examines Mary Sherwood’s The History of George Desmond (1821) alongside and against the author’s private journals to demonstrate the ways in which the novel both aligned with and veered away from Sherwood’s own personal experiences as a memsahib living in colonial India. It argues that while the novel reflects her awareness of the agency of colonized Indians and the precarious predicament of the colonizer in the subcontinent, its deployment of Gothic literary modes had the effect of accentuating racism and disorientation in the contact zone. This essay argues that while the memsahib’s private journals allowed space for moments when racial and class distinctions were temporarily eroded, the novel’s prescriptive genre constraints did not allow for such occurrences. It further argues that the novel’s admonitory function and use of Gothic literary tropes led Sherwood to raise problematic questions about the colonial endeavor, which are left unanswered by the narrative.

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13

Dohmen, Renate. "MEMSAHIBS AND THE “SUNNY EAST”: REPRESENTATIONS OF BRITISH INDIA BY MILLICENT DOUGLAS PILKINGTON AND BERYL WHITE." Victorian Literature and Culture 40, no. 1 (March 2012): 153–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150311000295.

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Millicent Pilkington, the daughter of a Lancashire industrialist in her early twenties, arrived in India in December 1893 and returned to England December 1894. We know about her trip, or her Year's Frivol in the Sunny East as she calls it, from the sumptuous album orné or commonplace book she compiled filling it with water colour sketches, photographs, autographs, dinner invitations, newspaper clippings, etc. The material is carefully arranged over forty-five album pages, is often framed by elaborate, hand-painted decorative borders, many of them in an Indian style. We know of the album because it was deposited in the Centre for South Asian Studies at Cambridge University by a descendant.

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14

Ghosh, Durba. "Book Review: In so Many Words: Women’s Life Experiences from Western and Eastern India and Memsahibs’ Writings: Colonial Narratives on Indian Women." Indian Economic & Social History Review 48, no. 4 (December 2011): 595–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946461104800406.

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15

Liebeskind, Claudia. "Memsahibs Abroad. Writings by Women Travellers in Nineteenth Century India. By Indira Ghose, pp. xvii, 298, 11 illus. Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1998." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 11, no. 2 (July 2001): 302–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186301430264.

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16

Mckay, A. C. "INDIRA GHOSE (ed.): Memsahibs abroad: writings by women travellers in nineteenth-century India. xvii, 298 pp. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998. Rs. 645." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 64, no. 2 (June 2001): 268–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0139016x.

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17

Riedi, Eliza. "Options for an Imperialist Woman: The Case of Violet Markham, 1899-1914." Albion 32, no. 1 (2000): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000064218.

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Recent years have seen growing interest both in the influence of the British Empire on metropolitan culture—what John M. MacKenzie described as “the centripetal effects of Empire”—and in the relationships between gender and imperialism. Early studies of European women and imperialism described the activities of women as “memsahibs,” travellers and colonists in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, challenged the notion that “women lost us the Empire,” and began to analyze the roles of white women in the “man’s world” of imperial rule. More recently attention has been drawn by Vron Ware, Barbara Ramusack and Antoinette Burton to the complex relationships between British and colonized women and, by Burton especially, to the ambiguities of “imperial feminism.” Nevertheless, apart from the well-documented female emigration societies, and the isolated study of Flora Shaw, colonial editor of The Times, by Helen Callaway and Dorothy O. Helly, the considerable activities of women as imperial propagandists have received little attention. This article traces the imperial activism of Violet Markham, the daughter of a Northern industrialist and sister of a Liberal M.P. who, roused from the aimless existence of Victorian young ladyhood by the Boer War, spent much of the Edwardian era promoting the cause of the British Empire. Through a study of her imperial career it explores the options available to an imperialist woman in an era when women were barred from formal politics, and when imperial politics in particular were considered a “masculine” preserve, and considers the obstacles—practical, ideological and psychological—which confronted her.

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18

Kennedy, Dane. "The Compassionate Memsahibs: Welfare Activities of British Women in India, 1900–1947. By Mary Ann Lind. Contributions in Women's Studies, no 90. New York: Greenwood Press, 1988. 136 pp. $36.00." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (November 1990): 975–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058314.

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19

Kapuria, Radha. "Book review: Susmita Roye (Ed), Flora Annie Steel: A Critical Study of an Unconventional Memsahib." South Asia Research 40, no. 3 (October 16, 2020): 446–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728020944769.

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20

Roye, Susmita. "Lady Missionary in the Memsahib's Depiction." English Studies 92, no. 2 (April 2011): 193–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2010.537049.

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21

Perwez Alam. "Relationship, Workload: A Study in Mickey and the Memsahib." Creative Launcher 5, no. 4 (October 30, 2020): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2020.5.4.15.

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Good relationship is an essence for happy and peaceful life as water is necessary for existence of living beings. Extensive workloads and lust for huge earnings compel many professionals, private and government employees to be stuck with their duties for extra hours in the cosmopolitan cities; aloof from their family, relatives and friends; with them they should spend some time to sustain good relationship but they have no time to do so. Contrary, confusion and doubt has penetrate in their minds that disturb many people and force human beings to stay in perturbed circumstances though proper discussion restore their relationship with family particularly. They should spare time at home to share their ups and downs with wife, mother, sisters, brothers and other relatives in the high-tech cities and towns. Therefore, an appreciable relationship has taken a resentful situation when Professor and Memsahib become incompetent and careless to maintain their life-bonding relationship in the Marathi play Mickey and the Memsahib that is written by Satish Alekar (1949-). Professor has been doing research on the mouse named Mickey; so he has a hectic life of taking care of the mouse, scrutinizing research papers that are generally submitted by his research scholars, preparing lectures in the university, maintaining official works because he has been playing role of HOD for years. Memsahib is an Associate Professor who is always busy in her works. They do not negotiate nor give sufficient time to each other that results loneliness, sadness and dilemma.

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22

Hansen, Karen Tranberg. "White Women in Fiji, 1835-1930: The Ruin of Empire?. Claudia KnapmanWomen of the Raj. Margaret MacMillanThe Compassionate Memsahibs: Welfare Activities of British Women in India, 1900-1947. Mary Ann LindGender, Culture and Empire: European Women in Colonial Nigeria. Helen Callaway." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 14, no. 4 (July 1989): 930–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/494554.

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23

Shurmer-Smith, P. "Becoming a Memsahib: Working with the Indian Administrative Service." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 30, no. 12 (December 1998): 2163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a302163.

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24

Nayar, Pramod K. "The “Disorderly Memsahib”: Political Domesticity in Alice Perrin’s Empire Fiction." Brno Studies in English 38, no. 1 (2012): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/bse2012-1-8.

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25

Bulbeck, Chilla. "New Histories of the Memsahib and Missus: The Case of Papua New Guinea." Journal of Women's History 3, no. 2 (1991): 82–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2010.0115.

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26

Malhotra, Ashok. "Review: Flora Annie Steel: A Critical Study of an Unconventional Memsahib by Susmita Roye." Nineteenth-Century Literature 72, no. 4 (March 1, 2018): 550–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2018.72.4.550.

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27

김은혜 and 김지은. "The Little Memsahib and the Idealized Domestic Empire in Frances Hodgson Burnett’s A Little Princess." Feminist Studies in English Literature 23, no. 1 (April 2015): 103–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15796/fsel.2015.23.1.004.

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28

Rosen, George. "French Memsahib. By Taya Zinkin. Stoke Abbott, U.K.: Thomas Harmsworth Publishing, 1989. 204 pp. $12.95 or $25.00." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 2 (May 1990): 431–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2057361.

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29

Otsuki, Jennifer L. "The Memsahib and the Ends of Empire: Feminine Desire in Flora Annie Steel's On the Face of the Waters." Victorian Literature and Culture 24 (March 1996): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150300004332.

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30

Leong-Salobir, Cecilia. "MEM Y COOKIE: LA COCINA COLONIAL EN MALASIA Y SINGAPUR." Estudios de Asia y África 50, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 621. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v50i3.2042.

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Este trabajo examina el surgimiento de una cocina colonial distintiva en las colonias británicas de Malasia y Singapur desde finales del siglo xix. La cocina colonial evolucionó con el tiempo y fue una combinación de prácticas culinarias derivadas de costumbres alimentarias europeas y asiáticas, muchas de las cuales llegaron de la India colonial. Al igual que en India, esta aculturación se desarrolló debido a la dependencia de los colonizadores de sus sirvientes domésticos para la preparación de la comida. Aunque los sirvientes domésticos (como los cocineros, localmente conocidos como cookie) eran generalmente representados en las narrativas coloniales como sucios, deshonestos y faltos de inteligencia, fueron ellos los responsables de la preparación de los alimentos para la familia. El papel de los cocineros asiáticos en el hogar colonial fue más crucial de lo que deja ver la imagen negativa transmitida por los colonizadores británicos y otros historiadores. Aunque la mem (abreviación de memsahib, que significa señora de la casa) se reservó el rol de supervisar el manejo de la casa, fue la contribución física de los sirvientes domésticos lo que la posibilitó para cumplir esa función. El gran número de sirvientes empleados le permitió a la mem administrar sin problemas el hogar colonial como el dominio privado y, a la vez, como el lugar oficial para las tareas del imperio. La mem, como señora de la casa, decidió sobre los rituales y las tareas que definieron el espacio colonial como el hogar y como el bastión del imperialismo blanco. En contraste, fue el conocimiento local de los cocineros lo que procuró los alimentos. La mayoría de las cocinas estuvieron diseñadas de acuerdo con los requerimientos de los sirvientes, y los cocineros se encargaron de toda la preparación y cocinaron usualmente platillos locales. El argumento es que si no fuera por la contribución de los sirvientes, las mems habrían tenido que trabajar más arduamente. En efecto, el quehacer de los sirvientes no sólo eximió a los blancos del trabajo, sino que además ayudó a modelar la cultura colonial, a pesar de los esfuerzos de los británicos por mantenerse socialmente distintos. La cocina colonial no se habría desarrollado con dichas características distintivas sin las habilidades y el conocimiento local de los cocineros asiáticos.En este artículo se emplea una variedad de fuentes primarias para investigar las funciones y la representación de la mem y de los cocineros locales. Se utilizan libros de cocina y manuales domésticos de los siglos xix y xx, tanto de Gran Bretaña como de las colonias, para investigar la representación de la relación memsahib-sirviente. Estas publicaciones no sólo catalogaron a los sirvientes nativos como indignos, sino que además intentaron enseñar a los colonizadores cómo no comportarse de maneras que podrían ser vistas como inapropiadas. La imagen peyorativa de los sirvientes en el hogar colonial y el grado en el que los europeos dependían de su servicio fueron características de las contradicciones de la vida colonial. La evidencia de los libros de cocina y de las guías domésticas indica que la cocina colonial incluía platillos híbridos de curry, mulligatawny, kedgeree, trozos de pollo, pish pash y el inimitable almuerzo de tiffin. Los periódicos coloniales publicados en las colonias también han sido utilizados para analizar la vida social de los colonizadores, especialmente en las cenas formales, donde los cocineros locales preparaban banquetes en clubes coloniales. Los diarios y los documentales sobre reminiscencias fueron herramientas para articular la identidad de la buena esposa colonial y perpetuaron prejuicios raciales contra los sirvientes. Finalmente, también fueron analizadas para este trabajo las respuestas a cuestionarios enviados a los británicos que residían en las colonias.

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31

Llewellyn-Jones, Rosie. "Memsahibs: British Women in Colonial India." Asian Affairs, October 13, 2022, 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2022.2131129.

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32

Sharma, Sangeeta. "Colonial Gaze as Reflected in the Narratives of Memsahibs." History and Sociology of South Asia, May 24, 2022, 223080752210982. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22308075221098266.

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The article seeks to explore the dimensions of ‘otherness’ in the attitudes of the Memsahibs, that is, how these women who accompanied British men to India perceived the ‘other’ in terms of the physical, cultural and moral attributes of the Indians and more significantly how they negotiate the ‘other’ in terms of language, climate, food, and so on. Do these women strive hard to bridge the gap between the ‘self’ and the ‘other’ or continue to isolate themselves in their white enclaves? Did they try to reach out to the Indians or they deliberately tried to limit the contact zones with Indians? Whether their construction of Indians and Indian society is disparaging, sympathetic or appreciative? The three narratives have been perused to provide insights into these issues. The objective of the article is to deny the meta-narrative and instead present mini-narratives that reflect their plural and diverse experiences.

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33

"The compassionate memsahibs: Welfare activities of British women in India, 1900–1947." Women's Studies International Forum 13, no. 4 (January 1990): 407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(90)90041-u.

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34

Roy, Tapti. "The Absence of the Female in Medical Discourses of 19th century Bengal." Rupkatha Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities 12, no. 5 (October 17, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v12n5.rioc1s8n3.

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The 19th century also witnessed a plethora of innovations in medicine that led to the rejection of the theory of miasma giving rise to a new perspective on human body and the diseases thereof which facilitated substantial study on tropical medicine and diseases by the imperial administration. Few contemporary novels bear testimony to this advancement of medicine and the advent of natives in the military and civil medical services. The paper, in question, will utilise one such novel that is, Banaphool’s Agniswar as an entrepot to question the absence of women in the evolving 19th century colonial medical discourse as active beneficiaries. It would seek to establish that women suffered worse than their male counterparts as their diseases were considered to be private affairs to be dealt exclusively within the confines of the household. The paper will commence by classifying contemporary females under three heads that is Memsahibs, Bhadramahilas, and the rest followed by studying them on the basis of Edward John Tilt’s Health in India for British Women, the case of Queen Empress vs Hurree Mohun Mythee, 26th July, 1890, and finally Ranajit Guha’s Chandra’s Death. To sum up, the female bodies will be studied as homogenous, dehumanized, and malleable, spaces appropriated by the males both native and colonial, to serve as sites of performative resistance against polluting mutual influences. Additionally, as female bodies they were intended to be ideologically consumable objects embodying the discourses of purity of the respective civilizations. Protecting the female body, claiming ownership, and control followed by the apathy of the colonial administration will be demonstrated as a reflection of medicine and public health in colonial India as a selective enterprise seeking to maximize economic and political gains.

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35

Ghose, Indira. "Der Memsahib-Mythos: Frauen und Kolonialismus in Indien." Feministische Studien 13, no. 2 (January 1, 1995). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fs-1995-0205.

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36

Sathananthar, Arththi. "Flora Annie Steel: a critical study of an unconventional memsahib." Women's Writing, February 23, 2020, 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09699082.2020.1726028.

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Leong-Salobir, Cecilia. "Mem y cookie: la cocina colonial en Malasia y Singapur." Estudios de Asia y África, September 24, 2015, 621. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v0i0.2042.

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Este trabajo examina el surgimiento de una cocina colonial distintiva en las colonias británicas de Malasia y Singapur desde finales del siglo xix. La cocina colonial evolucionó con el tiempo y fue una combinación de prácticas culinarias derivadas de costumbres alimentarias europeas y asiáticas, muchas de las cuales llegaron de la India colonial. Al igual que en India, esta aculturación se desarrolló debido a la dependencia de los colonizadores de sus sirvientes domésticos para la preparación de la comida. Aunque los sirvientes domésticos (como los cocineros, localmente conocidos como cookie) eran generalmente representados en las narrativas coloniales como sucios, deshonestos y faltos de inteligencia, fueron ellos los responsables de la preparación de los alimentos para la familia. El papel de los cocineros asiáticos en el hogar colonial fue más crucial de lo que deja ver la imagen negativa transmitida por los colonizadores británicos y otros historiadores. Aunque la mem (abreviación de memsahib, que significa señora de la casa) se reservó el rol de supervisar el manejo de la casa, fue la contribución física de los sirvientes domésticos lo que la posibilitó para cumplir esa función. El gran número de sirvientes empleados le permitió a la mem administrar sin problemas el hogar colonial como el dominio privado y, a la vez, como el lugar oficial para las tareas del imperio. La mem, como señora de la casa, decidió sobre los rituales y las tareas que definieron el espacio colonial como el hogar y como el bastión del imperialismo blanco. En contraste, fue el conocimiento local de los cocineros lo que procuró los alimentos. La mayoría de las cocinas estuvieron diseñadas de acuerdo con los requerimientos de los sirvientes, y los cocineros se encargaron de toda la preparación y cocinaron usualmente platillos locales. El argumento es que si no fuera por la contribución de los sirvientes, las mems habrían tenido que trabajar más arduamente. En efecto, el quehacer de los sirvientes no sólo eximió a los blancos del trabajo, sino que además ayudó a modelar la cultura colonial, a pesar de los esfuerzos de los británicos por mantenerse socialmente distintos. La cocina colonial no se habría desarrollado con dichas características distintivas sin las habilidades y el conocimiento local de los cocineros asiáticos.En este artículo se emplea una variedad de fuentes primarias para investigar las funciones y la representación de la mem y de los cocineros locales. Se utilizan libros de cocina y manuales domésticos de los siglos xix y xx, tanto de Gran Bretaña como de las colonias, para investigar la representación de la relación memsahib-sirviente. Estas publicaciones no sólo catalogaron a los sirvientes nativos como indignos, sino que además intentaron enseñar a los colonizadores cómo no comportarse de maneras que podrían ser vistas como inapropiadas. La imagen peyorativa de los sirvientes en el hogar colonial y el grado en el que los europeos dependían de su servicio fueron características de las contradicciones de la vida colonial. La evidencia de los libros de cocina y de las guías domésticas indica que la cocina colonial incluía platillos híbridos de curry, mulligatawny, kedgeree, trozos de pollo, pish pash y el inimitable almuerzo de tiffin. Los periódicos coloniales publicados en las colonias también han sido utilizados para analizar la vida social de los colonizadores, especialmente en las cenas formales, donde los cocineros locales preparaban banquetes en clubes coloniales. Los diarios y los documentales sobre reminiscencias fueron herramientas para articular la identidad de la buena esposa colonial y perpetuaron prejuicios raciales contra los sirvientes. Finalmente, también fueron analizadas para este trabajo las respuestas a cuestionarios enviados a los británicos que residían en las colonias.

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