Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Master slave hierarchy"

AbstractFemale slaves in VOC-controlled Southeast Asia did not fare well under a legal code which erected a firm partition between free and slave status. This codification imposed a rigid dichotomy for what had been fluid, abstract conceptions of social hierarchy, in effect silting up the flow of underclass mobility. At the same time, conventional relationships between master and slave shifted in the context of a changing economic climate. This article closely narrates the lives of several eighteenth-century female slaves who, left with increasingly fewer options in this new order, resorted to running away.

Drawing on thirty freedom suits from nineteenth-century eastern Cuba, this article explores how some slaves redefined slaveholders' oral promises of manumissions by grace from philanthropic acts into contracts providing a deferred wage payout. Manumissions by grace tended to reward affective labor (loyalty, affection) and to be granted to domestic slaves. Across Cuba, as in other slave societies of Spanish America, through self-purchase, slaves made sustained efforts to monetize the labor that they did by virtue of their ascribed status. The monetization of affective work stands out amongst such efforts. Freedom litigants involved in conflicts over manumissions by grace emphasized the market logics in domestic slavery, revealing that slavery was a fundamentally economic institution even in such instances where it appeared to be intertwined with kinship and domesticity. Through this move, they challenged the assumption that slaves toiled loyally for masters out of a natural commitment to an unchanging master-slave hierarchy. By the 1880s, through court litigation and extra-judicial violence, slave litigants and insurgents would turn oral promises of manumission by grace into a blueprint for general emancipation. Through their legal actions, enslaved people, especially women, revealed the significance and transactional nature of care work, a notion familiar to us today.

The nodes in WSNs are densely deployed and lots of redundancy exists during the data gathering and sending perceived data straightforwardly to the base station, which leading to consumption of energy in nodes. Existing Clustering algorithms in WSN selects just one group head in the each cluster, where it devours more energy at Cluster head(CH) quickly and which condenses lifetime of the network incredibly. The paper proposes the Advanced and Energy Efficient Master/Slave algorithm to solve this problem. The algorithm reduces the energy consumption of each node by minimizing the direct communication of the nodes with the Base station or CHs by changing the hierarchy in WSN. The moto of the algorithm is to select one master Cluster Head and remaining slave CHs. The algorithm will select Master Cluster Head based on more residual energy, distance, and low packet drop; the remaining become Slave Cluster Heads. The simulation results prove that the Advanced and Energy Efficient Master/Slave algorithm improves throughput and packet delivery ratio(PDR) by decreasing the energy consumption.

�Adventures of Huckleberry Finn� is a great novel written in the nineteenth century by Mark Twain, the pen name of Samuel Langhorne Clemens. According to critics, this novel was written to criticise practices of slavery in the United States during his time, especially in states along the Mississippi river banks. This research aimed at explaining the hierarchy of needs of Jim and the motivations of his escape. The method used in this research was qualitative, with humans� hierarchy of needs by Abraham Maslow employed. The analysis showed that the needs of Jim were divided into three phases, i.e., the phase of Jim as a slave, the phase of Jim as a runaway slave, and the phase of Jim as a free man. The results showed that there were four reasons why Jim decided to escape from Mrs. Watson, his master, i.e., 1) the master�s anger at Jim, 2) Jim�s conscience about himself as the object for capital gain, 3) his freedom as a human, and 4) his own happiness. It is concluded from the research that as a slave, Jim feels that his life needs cannot be fulfilled even when he is already free as long as he can never be reunited with his wife and children, who he thinks will give happiness to him. Based on the theory of Maslow�s hierarchy of needs, Jim�s higher level of need is love-and-belonging need.�

Female sex determination in the germ line of Drosophila melanogaster is regulated by genes functioning in the soma as well as genes that function within the germ line. Genes known or suspected to be involved in germ-line sex determination in Drosophila melanogaster have been examined to determine if they are required upstream or downstream of Sex-lethal+, a known germ-line sex determination gene. Seven genes required for female-specific splicing of germ-line Sex-lethal+ pre-mRNA are identified. These results together with information about the tissues in which these genes function and whether they control sex determination and viability or just sex determination in the germ line have been used to deduce the genetic hierarchy regulating female germ-line sex determination. This hierarchy includes the somatic sex determination genes transformer+, transformer-2+ and doublesex+ (and by inference Sex-lethal+), which control a somatic signal required for female germ-line sex determination, and the germ-line ovarian tumor genes fused+, ovarian tumor+, ovo+, sans fille+, and Sex-lethal+, which are involved in either the reception or interpretation of this somatic sex determination signal. The fused+, ovarian tumor+, ovo+ and sans fille+ genes function upstream of Sex-lethal+ in the germ line.

Rhoda, the slave maid (παιδισκη) in Acts 12.13–16, has been seen as a classic example of a touch of realism that lends authenticity to Luke's narrative: the vivid and precise detail of her flighty joy presents such a candid snapshot of her individuality and eccentric Christian faith that it could only come from a historical source, perhaps the eyewitness reminiscence of Rhoda herself. While less willing than earlier commentators to accept the description in its final form as factual, more recent scholars still perpetuate the goal of discerning the historical core behind the account and continue to read it as a piece of realistic drama. Many, to be sure, have detected in the scene the presence of other elements, such as comedy and extraordinary suspense, but this idea is downplayed or subordinated as further evidence of realism; a few discount the idea as a modern reading. Nonetheless, a consensus emerges: Rhoda's dramatic function in the narrative is to heighten realism. Some scholars then discover a further theological theme of liberation: Rhoda's genuine, assertive behaviour to speak her mind ‘breaks down’ the oppressive hierarchy between master and slave – revealing Luke's so-called subversion of slavery as a social institution – and the subsequent vindication of Rhoda's speech as trustworthy authenticates and uplifts the Christian witness of women (cf. Gal 3.28).

This article focuses on the role of Dr B. R. Ambedkar in the empowerment of women through mobilization of the womenfolk against the subjugation meted out to them by the caste and gender hierarchy in order to maintain the existing caste structures. Ambedkar realized the need for women to become the torchbearers of the new reformed society which is both casteless and classless in nature. He therefore advocated a companionate relationship between men and women as opposed to the master–slave relationship that Manu propagated in Manusmriti. In order to achieve such a feat, the need of the hour was to free women from the bounds imposed upon them by the existing Brahmanical social order which treated them as subservient to men and wholly dependent on their male counterparts. Manu’s idea of a woman was of a subhuman being in need of stringent control by her male relations. This article seeks to answer the question—why it was imperative to control women thus? Women, owing to their reproductive potential, have the ability to dismantle the caste purity by reproducing outside of their castes. Hence, their ideological suppression becomes essential to the enterprise of maintaining caste purity. For this purpose, several ritualistic tools had to be put in place to extinguish the threat of women’s sexuality.

Abstract This essay argues that the “slave community” paradigm obfuscates alternative lived experiences for enslaved men and women, especially those living in the urban areas of the early modern Atlantic world, and uses eighteenth-century Boston as a case study. A bustling Atlantic port city where slaves comprised between ten and fifteen percent of the population, Boston provides an important counterpoint. Slaves were a minority of residents, lived in households with few other people of African descent, worked with laborers from across the socio-economic spectrum, and had near constant interaction with their masters. Moreover, slavery in Boston reached its zenith before the American Revolution, meaning older, pre-revolutionary and early modern notions of social order—hierarchy, deference, and dependence—structured their society and everyday lives. These factors imbricated enslaved Bostonians in the broader society. Boston’s slaves inhabited multiple “social worlds” where they fostered a rich tapestry of relations and forms of resistance.

A lapidary reconstruction of the boundaries of human freedom is underway in Hegel's state theory. It is argued that the three forms of coexistence of the individual and the common are identified: the common society, the state, and civil society - exist in both consistent, historical, time, and organic unity, here and now, complement each other. In each of these forms, freedom has its own autonomous horizons, which depend on tradition, human consciousness, acquired external or internal boundaries of freedom. In combining these spheres into a single community, the limits of freedom depend on the synthesis of the social foundations and reasonable practices of owners and citizens, the moral strength of civil society, the norms of state law, and the level of personal reasonableness of those in power. But a key role in ensuring the freedom and consolidation of individuals, corporations and the general should be played by an ethical state, in the bosom of which every person is fully self-fulfilling, since it focuses on "the spirit of the people – customs, laws – which is the dominant source. Here, a person is recognized and treated as a rational being, as a person, ... in a state, a citizen receives due honor by his position, by the profession he has and by his other work activity ”[19, p. 243]. However, all the opportunities and autonomous horizons of freedom a citizen can gain only by realizing himself to be a slave of a state that is the master of absolute freedom. Thus, through law and bureaucratic levers, the Hegel State guarantees a certain level of freedom and guarantees a new order of the general. In fact, individual freedom does not extend to the political plane and does not guarantee democratic rights. The state provides and supports only private and economic freedom, the freedom of corporations to decide social rights, and exists separately - in the plane of a bureaucratic hierarchy headed by a monarch. In the process of resolving the outlined question, Hegel gives the essential rational features of the state and the ideal principles of its existence. These signs are a contradictory synthesis of liberalconservative ideas and metaphysical-utilitarian positions. So the state is: 1) totally deified, the moral community of the people - the manifestation of its essence in history. This perception of the state gives it true sovereignty – the state of the most powerful lord or God on earth, which is the highest manifestation of the freedom of the objective spirit; 2) a universal-rational idea – a common goal that gives meaning to life and direction of development both general and individual; 3) the nation-state, because in its historical course it absorbs the customs, traditions, social foundations and the level of reason of the people, that is, it embodies the self-determination of the universal will; 4) morally reasonable substance. This principle is necessary in the sense of E. Weil notes that "neither is the law of the stronger nor the law of benevolence, the" natural nobility ", but the law of reason in which any intelligent being can learn of his own reasonable will" [20, p. . 93]; 5) legal substance, which is "the mind that has taken the form of law, not a mystical and transcendental law, but its law, its general rule of private action, is a mindset that has devoted itself to the pure development of the principles of free existence" [20, p. 96] and free self-development of man, and therefore must form specific legal spaces of all possible forms of freedom (formal, external, internal, etc.); 6) the public sphere for affirmation of an open level of freedom, which encourages individuals to achieve full political identity with the state, to attain a higher public position, namely a patriot; 7) the guarantor of security, protection of private property and growth of economic power in all areas of the general.

-Peter Hulme, Stephen Greenblatt, New World Encounters. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. xviii + 344 pp.-Nigel Rigby, Alan Riach ,The radical imagination: Lectures and talks by Wilson Harris. Liège: Department of English, University of Liège, xx + 126 pp., Mark Williams (eds)-Jonathan White, Rei Terada, Derek Walcott's poetry: American Mimicry. Boston: North-eastern University Press, 1992. ix + 260 pp.-Ray A. Kea, John Thornton, Africa and Africans in the making of the Atlantic world, 1400-1680. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. xxxviii + 309 pp.-B.W. Higman, Barbara L. Solow, Slavery and the rise of the Atlantic system. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. viii + 355 pp.-Sidney W. Mintz, Michael Mullin, Africa in America: Slave acculturation and resistance in the American South and the British Caribbean, 1736-1831. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 412 pp.-Karen Fog Olwig, Corinna Raddatz, Afrika in Amerika. Hamburg: Hamburgisches Museum für Völkerkunde, 1992. 264 pp.-Lee Haring, William Bascom, African folktales in the new world. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992. xxv + 243 pp.-Frank Jan van Dijk, Dale A. Bisnauth, History of religions in the Caribbean. Kingston: Kingston Publishers, 1989. 225 pp.-Gloria Wekker, Philomena Essed, Everyday racism: Reports from women of two cultures. Alameda CA: Hunter House, 1990. xiii + 288 pp.''Understanding everyday racism: An interdisciplinary theory. Newbury Park CA: Sage, 1991. x + 322 pp.-Deborah S. Rubin, Vron Ware, Beyond the Pale: White women, racism, and history. London: Verso, 1992. xviii + 263 pp.-Michael Hanchard, Peter Wade, Blackness and race mixture: The dynamics of racial identity in Colombia. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1993. xv + 415 pp.-Rosalie Schwartz, Louis A. Pérez, Jr., Slaves, sugar, & colonial society: Travel accounts of Cuba, 1801-1899. 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Montaigne’s turn to modern philosophy is the turn away from the contemplation of the Whole to the study of himself. He transforms Aristotelian contemplation into “sociable wisdom” by becoming a “new figure” of the philosopher, an “unpremeditated and accidental philosopher.” The new figure of the philosopher is the “social-Subject” (the counterpart of Machiavelli’s “political-Subject” and Descartes’s “epistemological-SSubject”). Montaigne’s invention of the essay is, at the same time, the invention of modern society, a new form of association that overcomes the ancient hierarchy of weak and strong, masters and slaves. The unpremeditated and accidental philosopher does not attain the good as his natural end; he produces the good as his own effect. Society, then, has a philosophical, not a natural, origin. Montaigne’s “originality” is to be this origin.

The chapter argues that the intellectual tradition that underlies medieval personification debate is Aristotelian and medieval logical teaching on ‘opposites’, the relationship by which opposed terms illuminate each other—available in Aristotle’s elementary logical works. This teaching has a special relevance to personification debate, where the heuristic drive is dramatized in speakers that represent opposed positions and phenomena, each of which is explored in the process of debate itself. This suggests why personification debate provides for over a thousand years one of the main tools with which allegory unpacks its structuring terms and reflects on its conflictual work. Aristotle’s teaching on opposites also enables us to query some aspects of the literary history of medieval debate literature; it suggests that a critical concern about resolution in debate, or its lack, fails to see where the real intellectual work of debate occurs. It also suggests that the critical distinction between supposedly open ‘horizontal’ debates and closed ‘vertical’ debates may be misguided. In fact, Aristotle’s subcategory of the ‘relative’ opposition (master and slave, artisan and tool) often involves a hierarchy. The chapter uses these materials to argue that personification debate can be formally unresolved and ‘vertical’, and yet also challenging and seriously investigative. This is illustrated with analyses of some debates, several hierarchical: ‘four daughters of God’, body and soul, Nature and Grace (Deguileville) and the Middle English Pearl.

The chapter begins by stating that a widely circulated picture of a white soldier and a Black Confederate soldier is actually a photograph of Andrew Chandler and his family slave, Silas. Slaves were sometimes allowed to purchase military uniforms or were provided them by their masters, which explains why there are photographs of Black men in Confederate uniforms. At the onset of the war, Confederates believed they could offset the disadvantage of having a smaller population and less war-making power than the Union by utilizing slave labor. The government impressed enslaved people to work on earthworks, railroads, and weapon production. They also performed various jobs in camps such as cooking, performing music, and assisting in hospitals. White soldiers often brought slaves from home to act as personal servants. At times, the presence of personal slaves created class tensions within camps. Enslaved people often took on various tasks in camps for payment. While the shared experience of war likely brought the enslaved and their enslavers closer together, the racial hierarchy was strictly, and often violently enforced by the enslavers. Enslavers’ belief that their slaves were loyal to them and the Confederate cause sometimes caused emotional distress when a slave would run away or defect to the Union.

The suicides of Antony and Cleopatra afforded the Renaissance dramatist various angles on what Shakespeare called ‘Greatness going off’. Renaissance Antony and Cleopatra tragedies in France and England pointedly thematised how the great failed to preserve the dignity of their rank and office in life, and how they fell short of securing personal posthumous renown in death. Antony and his Egyptian queen found themselves unexpectedly upstaged by social inferiors. Renaissance tragedians noted the irony of Antony’s incompetent imitation of his slave, Eros, who took his own life rather than his master’s in a ‘most noble acte’ of disobedience (Mary Sidney Herbert, Countess of Pembroke). Cleopatra’s death, meanwhile, is unceremoniously delayed by a rebel ‘serf’, her treasurer (Etienne Jodelle); it is then facilitated by a garrulous ‘clown’ and a pair of loyal maids, one of whom almost beats the queen out of ‘this vile world’ (Shakespeare). The incongruities are manifest: what is said about Antony’s magnanimity, or Cleopatra’s alluring charms, is noticeably at odds with what is shown of their remorse, clumsiness, even physical debility, as they struggle to prevent their greatness going off. Culturally, Renaissance Antony and Cleopatra tragedies were in tune with the political–religious crises of their day; but they also sounded deeper notes of an aristocracy in slow decline.

As an institution, the Catholic Church in the South did not challenge prevailing race relations in the United States until the second half of the twentieth century. The southern Catholic Church participated in slavery and defended the practice while urging masters to manage their slaves with compassion. When the South adopted segregation laws in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, southern prelates began establishing churches and schools for African Americans. Although the Vatican permitted these racially separate institutions, in the 1930s it exerted growing pressure on the southern Catholic hierarchy to address racial discrimination and foster black evangelism. The papacy also endorsed the doctrine of the Mystical Body of Christ, which heavily influenced American Catholic advocates of racial equality, including some active in the Catholic Committee of the South that focused on the region’s economic, social and political problems.

This chapter looks at a particular instance of the local production of Catholicism in Cameroon by focusing on the agency of a ritual specialist and promoter of inculturation, Father Hebga, a Jesuit charismatic priest, who negotiates the related contradictions through ambiguous processes of religious and cultural hybridization. The leading pastoral concern at the heart of his praxis is the satisfaction of the needs of the faithful searching for healing in the framework of the catholic charismatic renewal. As one of the pioneers of Catholic charismatic renewal in Sub-Saharan Africa, Hebga’s agency mediates between the institutional constraints of the church hierarchy and the religious needs of the masses. The wider ideological framework is the discourse of Inculturation which has dominated theological debates in Africa Catholicism since the 1970s. In this context we see how Father Hebga operates as a cultural broker of postcolonial discourses, vying to restore the dignity of Africans violated by symbolic violence associated with the slave trade, colonization and Christian missionization.