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1

Thị Hồng Khuyên, Lê, and Trần Thị Mai Phương. "Teaching political Marxist-Leninist economy theory of Marxist – Leninist to enhance practical learning." Journal of Science, Educational Science 61, no. 6B (2016): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1075.2016-0102.

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2

Juviler, Peter H., and Walker Connor. "The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy." Political Science Quarterly 100, no. 4 (1985): 701. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151557.

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3

Shmatova, Elena S. "The Marxist-Leninist Doctrine in State Cognition: Legal Science Fundamentals and Novelties." History of state and law 2 (February 11, 2021): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3805-2021-2-19-25.

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The article deals with the origin and development of the state on the basis of Marxist-Leninist theory. It is proved that in matters of understanding the state, a special role is played by the question of the versatility of the essence of the state and its typology. Attention is focused on the features of the formation of the socialist state from the position of the formation approach in the typology of the state. The author emphasizes the evolution of the provisions of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine in modern legal science, as well as their relevance in the context of political and legal pluralism.
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4

El Guabli, Brahim. "Reading for theory in the Moroccan Marxist-Leninist testimonial literature." African Identities 18, no. 1-2 (April 2, 2020): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2020.1773243.

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5

Soboleva, Maja. "Bakhtin’s Influence on the Late-Soviet Philosophy." Dostoevsky Journal 17, no. 1 (November 14, 2016): 106–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23752122-01701008.

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Abstract The paper is focused on the reception of Bakhtin’s philosophy in Soviet Russia in the 1970s. I argue that the application of Bakhtin’s ideas promoted the transformation of Soviet philosophy and the overcoming of Marxist-Leninist dialectical and historical materialism, which had been the official doctrine over 50 years. To prove my claim, I analyse the theories of Vladimir S. Bibler, Genrich S. Batishchev and Yurij M. Lotman. The case studies of theories of Bibler and Batishchev demonstrate that the reference to Bakhtin’s works propelled the transformation of Marxist-Leninist historical materialism towards a general theory of culture. With reference to Yurij Lotman’s works, it is also possible to show that Bakhtin’s ideas promoted the development of structural semiotics in the ussr.
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6

Dinh, Xuan Thanh. "The interest in learning Marxist - Leninist Philosophy of Hanoi University of Science and Technology non-politics majored students: situation and solutions." Vietnam Journal of Education 4, no. 2 (September 30, 2020): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.52296/vje.2020.21.

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The course of Marxist-Leninist Philosophy, compulsory to all Vietnamese students, not only equips students with scientific knowledge but also a world view, humanity and thinking methodology. However, there is an considerable lack of interest in this subject among HUST students. Many students do not focus on lectures in class, nor do they read the course materials beforehand. Some of them even use the class meetings for other purposes. In this study, on the basis of studying the theory of factors affecting students’ learning motivation, the author conducts a survey to assess the current level of interest in learning Marxist-Leninist philosophy of HUST students, analyzes causes, thereby proposes some solutions to develop the learning interest in this subject to achieve the goal of the course in a sustainable way.
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7

Kozhevnikov, Vladimir Valentinovich. "Status of the Modern General Theory of the State and Law in the System of the Legal Sciences." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 2 (May 8, 2020): 738–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v3i2.885.

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This scientific article deals with the problem of the hierarchy of the modern legal sciences. The main purpose of the work is to justify the principle that modern general theory of the state retains the status of the fundamental, methodological legal science. There are following tasks of the achieving of the purpose in the article: 1) to analyse the positions of the legal scientists who doubt on the high status of the general theory of the state and the law; 2) to characterize Marxist-Leninist general theory of state and law, which had class, party character; 3) to justify the position that certain provisions of Marxism-Leninism have not lost relevance yet; 4) to display the similarity of Marxist-Leninist general theory of the state and law and modern theory of state and law in terms of methodological foundations. Result. Not agreeing that the theory of the state and law has the function of the serving of the official ideology currently, there is a suggestion in the article that the general theory of the state and law at all stages of the development of the society, not excluding the modern science, is the fundamental, methodological science in the system of other legal sciences, despite the attacks at both theoretical and practical levels.
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8

Taylor, Moe. "A New Kind of Vanguard: Cuban−North Korean Discourse on Revolutionary Strategy for the Global South in the 1960s." Journal of Latin American Studies 53, no. 4 (November 2021): 667–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x21000754.

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AbstractDuring the 1960s, the Cuban government attempted to play a leadership role within the Latin American Left. In the process Cuban leaders departed from Marxist−Leninist orthodoxy, garnering harsh criticism from their Soviet and Chinese allies. Yet Cuba found a steadfast supporter of its controversial positions in North Korea. This support can in large part be explained by the parallels between Cuban and North Korean ideas about revolution in the developing nations of the Global South. Most significantly, both parties embraced a radical reconceptualisation of the role of the Marxist−Leninist vanguard party. This new doctrine appealed primarily to younger Latin American militants frustrated with the established leftist parties and party politics in general. The Cuban/North Korean theory of the party had a tangible influence in Colombia, Peru, Brazil, Puerto Rico, El Salvador, Mexico, Bolivia and Nicaragua, as revolutionary groups in these societies took up arms in the 1960s and 1970s.
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9

Xie, Jerry. "Cages and Class Struggle: A Leninist Inquiry into the Caricature of Marxism in Fenggang Yang’s ‘Soul Searching’." Critical Sociology 44, no. 1 (August 4, 2016): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920516654556.

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The sociologist of religion Fenggang Yang has recently extended his ‘markets of religion’ framework to the spiritual ‘soul searching’ in contemporary literature. In his epilogue to Angelica Duran and Yuhan Huang’s Mo Yan in Context (2014), an anthology of interdisciplinary interpretations of Mo Yan’s ‘hallucinatory realist’ fiction, Yang claims that ‘Chinese souls’ have been ‘caged’ by, among other things, ‘Marxist-Leninist-Maoist atheism’. He refers to the Marxist theory of religion as merely ‘the Marxist adage’ that religion is ‘the opiate of the people’. This essay analyzes Yang’s ‘cage’ concept, to ‘work against it both from without and within’, as Lenin says. In doing so, I argue that Yang’s ‘soul searching’ epilogue is a highly concentrated text of bourgeois ideological mystification and is, therefore, a productive site for Marxist oppositional pedagogy which contests the imagism of ‘cages’ with the materialist dialectics of class struggle.
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10

Gilgen, Albert R. "Common Prescriptions for Psychology Derived from Dialectical Materialism and Chaos Theory." Psychological Reports 86, no. 2 (April 2000): 487–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.2000.86.2.487.

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During the entire Soviet period (1917–1991), Russian psychologists labored to create a psychology which would be consonant with Marxist-Leninist assumptions derived from dialectical materialism. Some of their early prescriptions, in particular those put forward by Konstantin N. Kornilov in the 1920s and early 1930s, are identical to strategies being advanced by contemporary American psychologists who propose that chaos theory and nonlinear metamodeling techniques in general, given advances in computer and television technologies, can be designed for research capable of dealing with the complexities, nonlinearities, self-organizational processes, and abrupt transformations characteristic of human psychological functioning.
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11

Owen, Catherine. "A Genealogy of Kontrol’ in Russia: From Leninist to Neoliberal Governance." Slavic Review 75, no. 2 (2016): 331–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.75.2.331.

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AbstractThis article examines the emergence of the concept obshchestvennyi kontrol’ in Russian state discourse, the practices to which it has been attached and the legitimating narrative employed to justify them. It traces the concept of kontrol’ from Leninist conceptions olrabochyi kontrol’, through post-Stalinist discourses of narodnyi kontrol ‘, demonstrating that contemporary state-driven articulations of obshchestvennyi kontrol’ exhibit a substantial amount of continuity in the conceptualisation of the role of the citizen as assisting the state in its pre-determined goals. However, in contrast to rabochyi and narodnyi kontrol’, which were legitimated by various aspects of Marxist-Leninist theory, contemporary mechanisms of obshchestvennyi kontrol’ are accompanied by a rhetoric of increasing international competitiveness, thereby allowing the Kremlin to respond to international norms of a ‘small state’, outsourcing and civic participation.
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12

Ludanyi, Andrew. "Soviet Nationality Policy and East Central Europe: An Overview." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 437–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408458.

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The Sovietization of East Central Europe between 1945 and 1948 led to a complete reformulation of the “nationalities question” on the basis of Marxist-Leninist theory and the practical experience of the USSR. The changed political and ideological context provided the expanded camp of peoples' democracies with new guidelines for the treatment of their minorities. From this time onward, the ethnic/national minorities of these states were guaranteed an existence which was “national in form,” but “socialist in content.”
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13

BURNETT, COLIN. "The “Albert Maltz Affair” and the Debate over Para-Marxist Formalism in New Masses, 1945–1946." Journal of American Studies 48, no. 1 (May 14, 2013): 223–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813000728.

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This article reexamines the “Albert Maltz affair” in light of debates about art and literature in the journal New Masses (1926–48), as well as in international Marxist aesthetics. I argue for a reexamination of the “para-Marxist” theory of art he developed to clarify the role of leftist criticism and the “citizen writer.” The controversy stirred by the publication of Maltz's “What Shall We Ask of Writers?” (New Masses, 12 February 1946) is only fully appreciated through the aesthetic implications that many historians of the Hollywood Ten have overlooked. The immediate attacks on Maltz by critics like Mike Gold were motivated primarily by the view that a properly Marxist aesthetics must follow the Leninist–Zhdanovite theory of “art as a weapon.” More importantly, the support that Maltz and like-minded authors earned from New Masses readers for expressing the “Engelian” thesis that left-wing critics should evaluate art for dialectical tensions of form (and not solely for proletarian messages) suggests that this episode might be read as a beacon of salutary developments in international Marxist aesthetics rather than as an omen of American communist repression caused by the HUAC trials.
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14

Haddour, Azzedine. "Fanon, the French Liberal Left and the Colonial Consensus." Nottingham French Studies 54, no. 1 (March 2015): 72–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2015.0107.

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This article focuses on a murky period in French history when nationalism cemented a consensus between left and right. It demonstrates how nationalism came to underlie racial antagonism, engaging with Jean-François Lyotard's analysis in La Guerre des Algériens and situating Fanon's unorthodox Marxist views in relation to the PCF's ‘assimilationist’ politics which shaped such consensus and ultimately offered fertile ground for the emergence of colonial fascism in the 1950s. Fanon's journalistic writings show that he upheld the Republican – and more specifically Dreyfusard – tradition which was jettisoned by the left at the height of the Algerian crisis. His reworking of Marxist theory helps us understand how the colonial issue was overshadowed by the PCF's (inter)nationalist rhetoric. The article demonstrates that Les Damnés de la terre as a revolutionary anthem draws its significance from the Internationale at the same time as it rethinks the Marxist-Leninist doctrine that acted in complicity with colonialism.
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15

CERVERA-MARZAL, MANUEL. "Thinking about Conflict with, or without, Karl Marx? The Academic “Feud” in Contemporary French Political Philosophy." Australian Journal of French Studies: Volume 59, Issue 2 59, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 118–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ajfs.2022.10.

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The philosophical and political advantages tied to a break with Marxist thinking have been notable. With such a break with Marxism, economic and scientific determinism have been discounted—and it is in this sort of determinism that a classic critique of Marxism finds a reason for discrediting the Marxist-Leninist project. However, it seems that the cost of totally abandoning Marxist thinking has not been sufficiently examined. This article proposes a comparative study of two philosophers’ conceptions of conflict: Chantal Mouffe’s perspective will be examined and compared to Cornelius Castoriadis’s view of radical democracy and its treatment of conflict. The article seeks to show that a full break with Karl Marx weakens political radicalism. In other words, by opting for a perspective on conflict that fully renounces the Marxist view, Mouffe is doing away with the idea of direct democracy and/or that of a revolutionary project. Her approach differs from that of Castoriadis who seeks, in some sense, to remain faithful to the emancipatory aspects of Marxian thought.
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16

Howe, Adam E. "To co-opt or coerce? State capacity, regime strategy, and organized religion in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 6, no. 4 (October 18, 2021): 389–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20578911211046063.

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This article explores the dynamic relationship between states, authoritarian regimes, and organized religion in the ostensibly Marxist-Leninist states of Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. Despite espousing an initial shared ideological commitment toward curbing the influence of domestic religion, actual regime policies toward these groups have varied considerably over time. I argue that the explanation for this difference can be found in unpacking the strength of each regime’s state apparatus. This article introduces a new typological theory for understanding how state capacity has shaped the divergent strategies Cambodian, Lao and Vietnamese regimes have employed to manage organized religion during the post-Vietnam War era (1975 to present). In brief, I argue that regime elites in Vietnam have successfully co-opted organized religion through the state bureaucracy. Conversely, Marxist-inspired regimes in Cambodia and Laos have oscillated between policies of coercive violence and strategic accommodation to dilute the power of domestic religious groups.
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17

Arabadzhyan, Alexandra. "Evolution of political and ideological foundations of Cuban socialism and its reflection in the Constitutions of the country." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 11 (2021): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0017111-1.

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The paper investigates contemporary political and ideological shifts of Cuban socialism paying specific attention to the period of actualization of Cuban socio-economic model of development implemented since the VI Congress of the Communist party of Cuba. The analysis is based on the different variants of Cuban Constitutions and proposes three historical models of Cuban socialism (Marxist-Leninist, the model of transition and the actualization period model). Comparing the texts of the Constitutions, the study sheds light on several key aspects: the role and functions of the State and the Party, ideological problems of socialism, communism and Marxism, the evolution of the exploitation and oppression concepts, issues of equity and equality, and appeal to the figure of J. Marti. Using historical method, comparative analysis and Marxist theory, as the latter has been the base for the first model of Cuban socialism under investigation, the paper reveals the role of Marxism within the three models. The study uncovers the contradiction between postulating a significant role of Marxism within the actualization model and revision of several core Marxist principles as well as the turn towards national issues in the contemporary Cuban socialism.
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18

Kosolapov, N., A. Aleshin, A. Davydov, and S. Kislitsyn. "About an Attempt to Create a Theory of International Relations in IMEMO in the 1970s." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 4 (2021): 80–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-80-91.

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Received 11.12.2020. The article is dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the Academician N. N. Inozemtsev. The article provides an overview of the unpublished collective monograph “Foundations of the Theory of International Relations” – the fundamental work of a group of the IMEMO researchers, devised in the 1970s in the USSR. The process of creating a monograph is considered in the context of domestic and foreign policy conjuncture of that historical period, as well as the history of IMEMO. Among factors that slowed down the publication of this work were ideological transformations in the USSR, the divergence of political elite groups’ interests. The main provisions of the monograph, based on a systematic approach and works by representatives of Marxism and Marxism-Leninism, are given. Particular attention is paid to comparison with the American and Western European international relations theory concepts of that period. Self-sufficiency of the monograph as a full-fledged theoretical concept within the framework of the Marxist-Leninist theory of international relations is substantiated. The authors of the article prove the relevance of the monograph both as a historical source and as a milestone for modern scientific Marxist thought. Owing to the collapse of the world socialist system, the Marxist paradigm received an opportunity to reach its own realism, separated from ideology and based on the central idea of Marxism – the position of development as an objective quality of the socio-historical process. The publication of the collective monograph “Fundamentals of the Theory of International Relations” is planned for the end of 2021.
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19

Villanueva, Ricardo. "The Marxian influence on Leonard Woolf’s theory of imperialism." International Relations 33, no. 3 (April 15, 2019): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117819842309.

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In his own time, Leonard Woolf was one of the most prolific and respected experts on international affairs. Yet, his paramount place in the field fell rapidly, partly because he was a writer whose ideas have been labelled as utopian. This article employs Woolf to challenge the orthodox narrative of the discipline of International Relations (IR) that oversimplifies the early stages of the field as a dichotomy between idealism and realism. While this has already been done cogently by Peter Wilson, this article discloses a Marxist dimension in Woolf’s thought and writings. This is particularly important given that Marxism has regained significance in recent IR debates. Through a contextualist approach, this article demonstrates that Woolf represents a considerable challenge to conventional IR historiography and reveals the significance of Marxian-based understandings in the early stages of the discipline as an alternative to idealism and realism. In addition, this article shows some of the distinctiveness in Woolf’s Marxian writings on imperialism as an alternative to Leninist understandings.
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20

Toscano, Alberto. "Partisan Thought." Historical Materialism 17, no. 3 (2009): 175–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146544609x12469428108583.

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AbstractWhat is the relationship between materialism and partisanship today? Starting with an outline of the elements of Lenin's understanding of the partisan character of truth, this intervention outlines some of the challenges posed to a Marxist understanding of partisanship by the influential positions of Michel Foucault and Carl Schmitt, as well as by the recent turn to vitalism and complexity in social theory. On the basis of the confrontation between a Leninist conception of materialist partisanship and its contemporary challengers, the article considers Alain Badiou's recent attempt to revive a 'materialist dialectic' in order to think through the present conditions for formulating a partisan and universalist conception of political truth that would not collapse into mere partiality or outright dogmatism.
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21

Fisher, Pamela. "Post-Communist Feminism in Germany: Equality and Difference in the Party of Democratic Socialism." German Politics and Society 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385525.

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In December 1989, the ruling communist party of East Germany,the Socialist Unity Party (SED), was reconstituted when it adopted thename Socialist Unity Party-Party of Democratic Socialism (SED-PDS),which was simplified on 4 February 1990 to the Party of DemocraticSocialism.1 The brand of Marxism-Leninism that had prevailed in theGerman Democratic Republic (GDR) appeared to be irredeemablydiscredited, and the new leadership of this successor party wasobliged to create an alternative vision of socialism and to redefinetheir political goals. The PDS program of 1990,2 with its clear adoptionof a feminist agenda, constituted a breach with the party’s politicalpast. Whereas the Marxist-Leninist theory underpinning SEDpolicy had been based on the principle that inequality is economicallydetermined, the new PDS program acknowledged patriarchyas a separate issue.
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22

Flegontov, NIKITA ANDREEVICH. "The influence of the Marxist-Leninist theory of international relations on the Soviet foreign policy during late Stalinism." Клио, no. 6 (2022): 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.51676/2070-9773_2022_06_108.

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23

Kirschbaum, Stanislav. "The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and StrategyWalker Connor Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984, pp. xvii, 614." Canadian Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (March 1985): 211–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900029589.

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24

Jackson, W. K. "Walker Connor The National Question in Marxist Leninist Theory and Strategy. (Princeton University Press, 1984) 614 pp. & 62.00." Political Science 37, no. 2 (December 1985): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231878503700207.

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25

McAdams, A. James. "The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy by Walker Connor (Princeton University Press; 614 pp.; $47.50/$14.50)." Worldview 28, no. 5 (May 1985): 29–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046325.

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26

Goncharov, Vitaly Viktorovich, Nurgun V. Afanasev, Elena A. Sverdlikova, Tatiana N. Mikhaleva, Grigory A. Vasilevich, and Jacek Zalesny. "The use of the dialectical method as a theory for understanding social change in the philosophy of global constitutionalism." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-A (May 10, 2021): 385–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-a827p.385-394.

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This article is devoted to the conceptual analysis of the dialectical method for understanding social change in the philosophy of global constitutionalism. The purpose of the research: from the position of socio-philosophical methods of cognition of social reality and ideas reflecting it, to analyze the dialectic model in the doctrine of social changes in the philosophy of global constitutionalism. An analysis of the dialectical method as a theory for understanding social change in the philosophical concept of global constitutionalism has shown that: in the process of its formation, the Hegelian concept of dialectical development and the dialectical materialism of the Marxist-Leninist type, including its basic laws; it is aimed at developing a system of arguments to justify the natural evolutionary nature of the origin of the world capitalist system; the process of removing the qualitatively heterogeneous opposites accumulated in the process of social development is also subordinate to the general logic of the development of the world capitalist system.
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27

Espejo, Lance. "The Place of Literary Criticism in the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Praxis of the Philippine National Democratic Movement." Kritika Kultura, no. 39 (September 20, 2022): 576–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.13185/kk2022.003926.

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28

Gasparov, M. L., and Michael Wachtel. "On Bakhtin, Philosophy, and Philology: Two Essays." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 130, no. 1 (January 2015): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2015.130.1.129.

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Mikhail Leonovich Gasparov (1935-2005) was one of the greatest and most prolific russian literary scholars of the twentieth century.Though associated with the Moscow-Tartu school of semiotics, Gasparov's writings were so diverse and multifaceted—and his scholarly personality so distinct—as to elude categorization.Gasparov's accomplishments are all the more remarkable when measured against the rigid Marxist-Leninist paradigms that ruled humanities education and scholarship in the Soviet Union. A philologist with a special interest in verse form, he managed to sidestep the procrustean bed of Soviet ideology, building instead on the barely tolerated work of the Russian formalists and structuralists. He embraced and developed their goal of turning literary study into an exact science by applying statistical analysis and probability theory to poetics. Gasparov's scholarship was based on unprecedented amounts of data, which he painstakingly compiled in the precomputer era. However, he was never satisfied with the data as such; he used them to reach profound and unexpected conclusions.
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29

Sériot, Patrick. "Is language a system of signs? Lenin, Saussure and the theory of hieroglyphics." Sign Systems Studies 50, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sss.2022.50.1.08.

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This paper strives to pursue two goals at the same time: how can one get to know in depth the intellectual life of the USSR in the 1930s–1950s; and, what can the virulent anti-Saussurean criticism in Russia at that time tell us about the specificity of the Marxist-Leninist theory of signs? We propose the following angle of attack: the recurring theme of this criticism, namely that Saussure’s Cours presents a “theory of hieroglyphics”, therefore a type of “bourgeois idealist” theory that Lenin assailed in his 1909 book Materialism and Empiriocriticism about Ernst Mach. Yet thinking about hieroglyphics is based on much older controversies, dating back to the 17th century and concerning the deciphering of Egyptian writing. The issue which arises here is semiotic in nature: it is the scalar opposition between transparency and opacity of the sign that is at stake. Does the sign hide or reveal? The Soviet discourse on language and signs in the 1930s–1950s seems to be based on an interrogation of the sign/referent, language/ thought, form/content relationship. A part of the history of semiotics can thus be discovered from the critique of the “hieroglyphic theory”, a little-known episode in a debate on the interpretation of Saussurism.
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Yarmolitska, Nataliia, and Katherine Gan. "SOCIO-POLITICAL AND SOCIO-CULTURAL PRECONDITIONS, THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL TOOLS OF THE PROCESS OF CHINAIZATION OF MARXISM IN THE SOVIET PERIOD RESEARCHES." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, no. 6 (2022): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2022/6-12/13.

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The article examines the socio-political and socio-cultural prerequisites of the Chineseization of Marxism in the studies of the Soviet period. The authors analyzed the main concepts, ideas, and approaches in the context in which the research data were carried out. An analysis of the main features of the research of Soviet scientists, who, from the standpoint of orthodox Marxist-Leninist philosophy, highlighted the process of building socialism in China, is given. Emphasis is placed on the worldview and methodological foundations of the philosophical system of Chineseized Marxism, as well as on the socio-political doctrine of "socialism with Chinese characteristics". The conclusions reached by the authors allow us to assert that in the studies of the Soviet period, the theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics was recognized as the conceptual basis of China's development, the basis of which was Chineseized Marxism, which was carried out through a practical combination of China's modernization and Marxism.
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Marcelo Duarte Porto, Luciano Alves de Almeida, and Zenaide Dias Teixeira. "Socio-cultural theory and the "New Man": from post-revolutionary Russia of 1917 to the challenges of contemporary times." International Journal of Innovation Education and Research 7, no. 3 (March 31, 2019): 172–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31686/ijier.vol7.iss3.1378.

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The aim of this article is to present the influences that the Soviet historical context of the Russian post-revolution of 1917 had on the construction of cultural historical theory, mainly in the perspective of the creation of a new society and a new man.. The predominance of the Marxist-Leninist vision inspired the thoughts of Lev Vygotsky, Alexander Luria and Alexei Leontiev on human development and learning. We also discuss some applications to the process of teaching learning that historical cultural theory, elaborated in the Soviet historical context, has managed to achieve. For example, the importance of mediation for the learning teaching process; the development of defectology and its influence on inclusive education and the contributions to the neurosciences that had repercussions in the school education. The methodology used was the bibliographic review. We conclude that understanding the context in which this theory emerges can bring significant contributions to the understanding of the cultural historical approach in our day, such as its potential, its limitations, its challenges and perspectives. The thesis on the importance of speech in social interaction as a promoter of development and the prospective approach of man as a come to be with the mediation of the other, opens a hopeful path for the education of present and future generations.
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32

Rasmussen, Mikkel Bolt. "An Affirmation That Is Entirely Other." South Atlantic Quarterly 122, no. 1 (January 1, 2023): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-10242616.

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The aim of this article is to juxtapose the notion of refusal in Maurice Blanchot, Herbert Marcuse, and the Invisible Committee. The article opens by considering Blanchot's 1958 notion of a radical refusal and then turns to Marcuse's idea of a “great refusal” against one-dimensional society. It then concludes with a consideration of the Invisible Committee's theory of destitution, which aims to rethink revolution in light of an analysis of the contemporary cycle of insurrections. Although Blanchot's and Marcuse's notions of the refusal might appear dated, trapped within the agitated political climate of the 1950s and 1960s, in their time they each signaled a conscious rupture with a certain Marxist-Leninist theory of revolution that could not imagine the transformation of social relations except through the seizure of state power. For both thinkers, the proto-revolutionary gesture of refusal sought to respond to a historical conjuncture in which the integration of the working class into the circuitry of capital was a fait accompli. For Blanchot, refusal was a withdrawal from, and abandonment of, politics and representation, whereas for Marcuse it involved a transformation both of one's immediate social relations and of social relations more broadly. It is these aspects of refusal that anticipate and overlap with more recent theories of destituent power emerging from the new cycles of protests. Over the last decade, the notion of destitution has come to prominence as one of the most important reformulations of radical political action. In response to a new insurrectionary wave, characterized by new forms of action, destitution signals an attempt to reimagine the emergence of a new revolutionary force in the wake of the disappearance of Marxist dialectics and the established working-class movement.
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33

Sokolov, E. G. "Sublime Theology of the Decline of the Soviet Empire. Akat K. Belykh." Discourse 6, no. 6 (January 15, 2021): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2020-6-6-20-36.

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Introduction. Socio-political disciplines are an important component of the Humanities of the Soviet period of Russian history. Scientific communism, introduced as a compulsory subject in all Higher education institutions of the USSR in the last 30 years of the state's existence, was considered as the final expression of all the theoretical propositions of Marxism-Leninism. The article attempts to consider Scientific communism as a speculative speculative construction that, on the one hand, reproduces the terminological, logical, semantic and operational regulations of classical philosophical systems, and on the other hand, is a privileged mechanism of discursive production. As a typical example of how and through what tools the doctrine is legitimized, the texts of the work of A. K. Belykh, who for almost 30 years headed the Department of the theory of scientific communism at the faculty of philosophy of LSU (now SPBU).Methodology and sources. Methodologically, the work is based on a philosophical analysis of texts representative of the epoch (D. de Tracy, grammar of Port Royal, Soviet Russian philosophers who worked in the Marxist-Leninist tradition, monographs by A. K. Belykh), included in the approved canonical corpus of Marxism-Leninism.Results and discussion. Scientific communism, now virtually removed from historical memory, was an interesting example of how social thought evolved during the Soviet period of Russian history. The corpus of socio-political disciplines, which included Marxist-Leninist philosophy (dialectical materialism and historical materialism), political economy, history of the Communist party of the Soviet Union, and scientific communism, was a single complex of speculative doctrine. All these disciplines, positioned as scientific knowledge, can be fully evaluated only in the context of the main trends in the development of social and philosophical knowledge of the New time, set by the Enlightenment era. Symbolic points of reference here can be considered projects of ”universal grammar” (Port Royal) and ”ideology” (Destute de Tracy).Conclusion. Scientific communism is not an accidental, but characteristic of Russian thought, intellectual construct. Collective, i. e. a large number of people are involved in its implementation, which means it can be considered as a well-formed direction of social thought. Among the historical analogs that use the same strategic and tactical Arsenal of means of expression and discursive fixation, it can be compared and likened to the wellknown speculative constructs of a theological nature: high scholasticism.
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Ventsel, Andreas. "The construction of the ‘we’-category: Political rhetoric in Soviet Estonia from June 1940 to July 1941." Sign Systems Studies 35, no. 1/2 (December 31, 2007): 249–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sss.2007.35.1-2.09.

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The article asks, how one of the basic notions of cultural-political identity — we — is constructed in mass media, viz. which kind of semiotic and linguistic facilities are used in constructing a political unity. The approach used in this article is based on Lotman’s semiotic theory of culture and on the analysis of pronouns in political texts, using Emil Benvenist’s theory of deixis. Our case study concentrates on the years 1940–1941 which mark one of the most crucial periods in Estonian nearest history. The source material of the analysis consists of speeches of new political elite in power, all of which were published in major daily newspapers at the time. In outline, first year of soviet power in Estonia can be divided in two periods. First period would be from June 21 to “July elections” in 1940. In political rhetoric, new political elite tried to create a monolithic subject, the unity between themselves and people (people’s will) by emphasizing activity and freedom of selfdetermination. Nevertheless, starting from “elections”, especially from the period after “accepting” Soviet Republic of Estonia as a full member of Soviet Union, a transition of we-concept from an active subject to mere passive recipient can be detected. From that time on, people’s will was envisaged as entirely determined by marxist-leninist ideology and “the Party”.
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35

Nevskaya, Tatiana, and Alla Kondrasheva. "Ideology and utopia: the national state structure of the USSR (presented on the example of the North Caucasus territories)." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 3 (October 5, 2021): 288–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i3.16.

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The model of the national-state and territorial structure of the USSR was implemented in strict accordance with the Marxist-Leninist theory of socioeconomic formations. According to this theory, every society goes through several stages of development: the primitive system, slavery, feudalism, capitalism, and communism. This is a naturally progressive process. Based on the works of Engels, Soviet scientists created a theory of the development of ethnic communities. Each formation had to correspond to a certain type of ethnic group. Guided by the "right of nations to self-determination," each nation was to receive its own statehood. This model existed before the collapse of the USSR. Since the 1980s it began to crumble, various ethnic groups, or rather their elites, were dissatisfied with their status. The autonomous regions of the North Caucasus began to transform into republics. The republics wanted to get the status of an ally. Administrative transformations did not improve the economy and living standards but on the contrary, led to increased bureaucratic growth. However, National Societies believed that the key was to appoint “their own” (a person with whom they had an established relationship and understanding) boss. Different peoples within the same autonomy often clashed. At the end of the twentieth-century tensions grew in the North Caucasus. It became obvious that the formation of territorial units along ethnic lines did not justify itself, however, this structure is preserved at the present time due to the fear of destabilization of the situation.
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DOLENKO, DMITRY, EVGENIA MAKSHAEVA, and STANISLAV MALCHENKOV. "THE PROBLEM OF THE HISTORICAL PATH OF RUSSIA IN THEORY AND POLITICS." Sociopolitical Sciences 11, no. 2 (April 28, 2021): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2021-11-2-13-18.

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Objective. The main goal of this work is to analyze the main conceptual approaches to the problem of the historical path of Russia both in the field of theory and in official politics. This problem has been central in the domestic political and socio-philosophical discourse for many centuries. In recent years, there has been a noticeable interest in this topic by foreign authors, including A. Lynch, С. Miller, K.J. Mjor, A. Segrillo. Conclusions. In domestic science, there are three main conceptual approaches to the problem of the historical path of Russia: A universal (main) path, a unique (distinctive) path and an integral path. All these approaches at different historical stages of the development of the Russian state to a certain extent influenced state policy. The strongest influence on politics was exerted by the Marxist-Leninist concept of the transition from capitalism to socialism, which was viewed as the path of human development. The radical political and economic reforms of the 1990s were accompanied by a change in the concept of the main path: The path to democracy and a market economy was considered as such. The new concept at the political level combined universal human values and Russian traditions. As a result, reforms aimed at the transition to democracy and a market economy were accompanied by a change in the concept of the main path of humanity and the recognition of the need for Russia to accept universal human values while preserving domestic traditions. Originality/value. The paper attempts to compare three possible ways of Russia's development and to trace the mechanisms of their implementation in practical politics.
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37

Williams, David L. "The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy. By Walker Connor. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984. Pp. xvii + 614. $47.50, cloth; $14.50, paper.)." American Political Science Review 79, no. 1 (March 1985): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956179.

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38

Onuoha, Gerald Kelvin, and Ishmael U. Gwunireama. "Capitalist Critique of Karl Marx on Surplus Value." International Journal of Humanities and Innovation (IJHI) 5, no. 1 (March 28, 2022): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33750/ijhi.v5i1.143.

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Karl Marx (1818–1883) was an outstanding German philosopher of political economy. His disdain and displeasure for capitalism as an economic and political system logically stems from his claim that it is unjustifiably exploitative, dehumanizing, and alienating. He conceives of it as being characterised by wage labor, and this leads to industrial disharmony between the capitalists and the laborers. This paper examines Marx’s conception of surplus value, the nature and character of labour theory of value, and alienation, which are key issues in Marxist-Leninist political philosophy. It is, particularly, a reaction to the Marxian claim that surplus value is created in the course of production. It argues that profit and extra capital are the basis for the survival of many businesses. Therefore, it concludes that what Marx refers to as surplus value actually is a return on investment that the capitalist further puts back into the business to enable the equipment, payment of wages, salaries, and delivery of welfare packages/incentives to workers in order to make a business a going concern. As a result, there is no surplus value, and it is not a valid basis for industrial disharmony between capitalists and laborers as long as the parties are bound by the employment contract negotiated in accordance with the legal regime.
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39

Resis, Albert. "Stalin, the Politburo, and the Onset of the Cold War, 1945-1946." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 701 (January 1, 1988): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1988.32.

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The precise function that Marxist-Leninist ideology serves in the formation and conduct of Soviet foreign policy remains a highly contentious question among Western scholars. In the first postwar year, however, few senior officials or Soviet specialists in the West doubted that Communist ideology served as the constitutive element of Soviet foreign policy. Indeed, the militant revival of Marxism-Leninism after the Kremlin had downplayed it during 'The Great Patriotic War" proved to be an important factor in the complex of causes that led to the breakup of the Grand Alliance. Moscow's revival of that ideology in 1945 prompted numerous top-level Western leaders and observers to regard it as heralding a new wave of Soviet world-revolutionary messianism and expansionism. Many American and British officials were even alarmed by the claim, renewed, for example, in Moscow's official History of Diplomacy, that Soviet diplomacy possessed a "scientific theory," a "weapon" possessed by none of its rivals or opponents. This "weapon," Marxism-Leninism, Moscow ominously boasted, enabled Soviet leaders to comprehend, foresee, and master the course of international affairs, smoothing the way for Soviet diplomacy to make exceptional gains since 1917. Now, in the postwar period, Stalinist diplomacy opened before the Soviet Union "boundlesshorizons and the most majestic prospects."
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Ngọc, Nguyen Thi Bich, and Marina A. SHPAKOVSKAYA. "HO CHI MINH'S WORLDVIEW AND VIETNAM'S FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE RENEWAL PERIOD." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(57) (2022): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-57-281-300.

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The article discusses the process of formation of the worldview of Ho Chi Minh, the leader of the liberation movement of the Vietnamese people, the first president of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The authors draw attention to the fact that the main provisions of Ho Chi Minh's worldview were formed during more than half a century of his activity, in the conditions of a complex and lengthy struggle for the independence of Vietnam. Living and working for thirty years in various European countries, as well as in Soviet Russia, Ho Chi Minh got acquainted with various teachings of contemporary international relations and world politics. The article emphasizes that the formation of his ideology was determined by his acquaintance with the Marxist-Leninist theory, first of all, with the ideas of V.I. Lenin on national and colonial issues at the second congress of the Comintern in 1920, which laid the theoretical foundation for the development of the concept of the liberation movement in Vietnam. The worldview of Ho Chi Minh was embodied in the foreign policy of Vietnam not only in the era of the struggle for independence and reunification of the country, but also in modern Vietnamese diplomacy and went down in history as the "ideology of Ho Chi Minh."
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Kania, Rafał. "Socjalistyczny nihilizm prawny w Polsce Ludowej i drogi przezwyciężania tej koncepcji." Studia Iuridica Lublinensia 30, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/sil.2021.30.2.205-231.

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<p>After World War 2 in Poland, the process of building a new order began. Marxism, as interpreted by Lenin and Stalin, was adopted as the foundation. The creation of a system consistent with the official ideology required the implementation of abstract ideas in practice. One of the main tools used by the communists was law. It was an example of the practical implementation of legal nihilism, accompanying the construction of a totalitarian state. After 1956, a process began in Poland, aimed at overcoming the forcefully imposed order covering many areas of culture and science. The article provides the presentation of selected ideas from the field of law theory in communist Poland, the development of which reduced the influence of Marxism-Leninism in law. The main thesis of the article assumes that the process of de-Stalinization of Polish legal sciences had progressed gradually since 1956. The research objective of the article is to verify the hypothesis that the changes in Polish legal sciences related to overcoming the tenets of the Marxist-Leninist ideology took place in a manner similar to other areas of cultural and academic life. The issue has not yet been addressed in the way presented in the article, so the study can provide a useful material for research on the period of the Polish People’s Republic.</p>
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42

Pleshkevich, E. A. "K. I. Abramov’s contribution to the development of the methodology of library history: historical reconstruction." Bibliosphere, no. 2 (July 21, 2020): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20913/1815-3186-2020-2-3-13.

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The article is devoted to the contribution of the famous Russian specialist in library science K. I. Abramov to the methodology of library history, the author of almost 340 publications, of which two-thirds are devoted to history. The importance of his contribution to the development of source studies, historiography, archeography, and library history is emphasized. Based on the principle of historicism and methods of structural analysis, the historical reconstruction of the formation and development of his methodological views was carried out. The external conditions of his formation as a historian are analyzed. It is noted that the formation took place in difficult socio-political conditions. The main conclusions are as follows. The methodological views of K. I. Abramov were based on the relying on archival material, striving to improve the scientific character of historical research, overcoming the desire to reduce research to a superficial presentation and commentary on certain Leninist positions. With his participation, Lenin and Krupskaya’s works on library science were collected and published. At the same time, his worldview was characterized by a dogmatic attitude to Marxism and its methodology, an unconditional adherence to the leading quote, and a non-critical attitude to the statements of the classics of Marxism-Leninism. The Marxist-Leninist doctrine of culture and the library heritage of Lenin and Krupskaya served as a theory in Abramov’s works; the dominance of historical and pedagogical research, which is characterized by following the official interpretation of certain events, simplified presentation of historical processes and events, unambiguity of author’s judgments and assessments, avoiding halftones, exalting achievements while concealing mistakes and failures.The analysis also showed that in the 1990s, under the influence of socio-political changes and rejection of Marxism-Leninism, Abramov revised his attitude to the history of Soviet library construction. He began to focus on the theory of democracy, in the context of which libraries were seen as a vehicle for democracy, and the leading role in library construction was given to the public library movement. He puts forward the concept of democratic library science, which was formed in the period between the February and October revolutions and was rejected by the Bolsheviks.The significance of this study is associated with the generalization of Abramov’s methodological heritage aimed at developing the positive aspects of his methodology, as well as overcoming methodologically incorrect judgments about the history of Soviet library construction.
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Azrael, Jeremy R. "The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy. By Walker Connor. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984. xvii, 614 pp. Maps. Tables. $47.50, cloth. $14.50, paper." Slavic Review 44, no. 2 (1985): 334–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2497771.

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44

Voitovich, V. Yu. "THEORETICAL IDEAS, LAW AND PRINCIPLES OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series Economics and Law 31, no. 3 (June 8, 2021): 528–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9593-2021-31-3-528-533.

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Today, more than ever, it is important to thoroughly study the experience of the structural organization and management of organizations, the experience of using electronic computing systems, the experience of accounting for the theory of systems, the use of technology in management, etc. All this is not only legitimate, but also vital, especially at the present time, in a democratic State governed by the rule of law. Therefore, we need to ask ourselves: have we studied, comprehended and generalized the socialist experience (meaning the experience of the USSR and the fraternal socialist countries) in the management and organization of production in a sufficiently deep and thorough way? Is there a sufficient number of specific studies of new forms and methods of government that are necessary for the successful implementation of the political objectives of the state established by Chapter 1 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, especially taking into account the amendments made? Undoubtedly, the Marxist-Leninist science of management is quite high in its social potential, in its scientific methodology, in its humanistic ideal, in solving the problems of the role of man in the management of society, the relationship of the subject to the managed object, on issues of discipline and labor organization, and many other issues related to the effectiveness of management. The more fully and deeply the positive elements of forms and methods of governance in different countries are studied, the more deeply the Russian experience will be understood.
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45

Ngeh, Dr Andrew T. "Power and Marginality in the Poetry of Nol Alembong and Emmanuel Fru Doh." World Journal of Social Science Research 3, no. 4 (September 23, 2016): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v3n4p463.

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<p><em>The political history of Anglophones in Cameroon in determining their evolution and growth as a people and community has been bedeviled by intrigues, fraud, manipulations, betrayals, double standards, abuse of power and the marginalization of Anglophones. Given the numerical disadvantage of the Anglophones who constitute only one fifth of Cameroon’s population, the Francophones who are in the majority use the political power they possess to oppress, subjugate and repress the Anglophones. The fundamental question that is raised in this article is: for what reason is power acquired in contemporary African politics? Against this backdrop, the poetic orientation of Anglophone Cameroonian poets sprouts from the close scrutiny and consideration of the past and present socio-political, historical, cultural and economic landscape.</em></p><p><em>Guided by the new historicist critical theory and the socialist realism of the Lukacsian and Leninist-Marxist paradigm in analyzing and evaluating Nol Alembong’s Forest Echoes (2012) and Emmanuel Fru Doh’s Not Yet Damascus (2007)</em><em>,</em><em> this paper argues that the poetic works of Alembong and Doh are a response to the social isolation, economic exploitation and political marginalisation of Anglophones in Cameroon. The paper proposes and recommends the culture of dialogue in order to express a response to life and create a harmonious society where peace is maintained and sustained and tension is defused</em><em>.</em></p>
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Derendyaeva, A. D., and Yu G. Chernyshov. "From Akmolinsk to Nur-Sultan: the Influence of the State Ideology on Developing the Official City Symbols." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 2(118) (June 4, 2021): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2021)2-06.

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The article studies the development processes of the official (city) symbols of the current capital of the Republic of Kazakhstan at different stages of the city's history. The influence of the state ideology on development of the symbolic space of Kazakhstani territories is analyzed by the example of this city. The authors show how heraldic symbols were created in various historical periods: during the time the Kazakh zhuzes were part of the Russian Empire, then during the period of the Kazakh SSR in the USSR and, finally, in the years after the emergence of the independent Republic of Kazakhstan. It is noted that the symbolic space of the city of Nur-Sultan changed at different stages of the city's existence and largely depended on the practice of spreading political ideology. Thus, the first stage is analyzed in terms of the influence of the Russian Empire ideology, including the theory of «official nationality», the second stage shows the role of the Soviet propaganda system of Marxist-Leninist ideology, the third stage is assessed in terms of the influence of ideology aimed at consolidating the multinational Kazakhstan people. When N.A. Nazarbayev had come to power the course of the country's long-term development was defined, it was aimed at strengthening the unity of society and creating a new national capital. This strategy was implemented including with the help of a symbolic space — the official city symbols (coat of arms, flag). The authors note that at this stage the symbolism begins to reflect to a greater extent the historical and cultural traditions of the country. At the same time, Nur-Sultan is positioned both as a «national capital» and as a city for all nations living in Kazakhstan.
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47

Branković, Tomislav. "THE LEAGUE OF COMMUNISTS OF YUGOSLAVIA AND RELIGION." RELIGION IN THE PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2007): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0102081b.

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The Communist Party based its attitude to religion on Marxism-Leninism as a scientific and theoretical framework. As a critical theory of the capitalist society Marxism examined the phenomenon of religion and religious feelings in civil society and designed a project of a future socialist society. One can say that Marxism looks at the phenomenon of religion from the angle of a class society, from a materialistic viewpoint and while using the historical research method. The source of religion is in man’s alienation first from himself, then from other people and, finally, from society itself. Marxism surpasses the criticisms of religion dating back to the Enlightenment as well as the vulgar-marxist criticisms that associated religion and religious feeling with human ignorance and delusion. Marxism places religion into the historical framework including the social and economic setting which is changing, developing and thus producing or bringing about changes in religious consciousness. In their practice, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia or what was later the League of Communists of Yugoslavia had an attitude to religion and the church that was a mixture of some original Marxism but also, in much larger measure, of dogmatic, Leninist-Marxist and most often administrative –pragmatic stands which suited the then balance of political power in the state or at lower administrative levels. This attitude was also conditioned by the situation in the party, the state, Yugoslavia’s international position, the situation in the church, etc. In this context, one can say that in the actual laws and regulations governing the legal status of the church and the issue of the religious rights and liberties of citizens the atheist approach predominated, i.e. the approach that was solely and exclusively determined in relation to God. This approach seems to have predominated due to the negative experience gained by the workers’ movement in Yugoslavia between the two World Wars as well as during the course of the Second World War when the majority of church activists adopted a negative attitude to the National Liberation Movement (NLM). The process of atheization which was launched immediately following the end of the Second World War, in addition to formally playing a major role in establishing and giving legitimacy to the new social system of government, was also ongoing, in terms of its attitude to the churches, on at least two levels: 1) depoliticization of all religious communities; and 2) supression of the idea that religious attributes should be identified as national attributes in the established and traditional churches and religious communities (Serbian Orthodox Church, Roman Catholic Church, Islamic Religious Community).
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48

Adygezalova, S. "The Development of gender studies in the World and in Azerbaijan." BULLETIN of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. HISTORICAL SCIENCES. PHILOSOPHY. RELIGION Series 130, no. 1 (2020): 94–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2020-130-1-94-106.

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The large-scale development of gender research in the world took place in the 1960s. These studies in the post-Soviet space made serious changes in the world view, philosophy and social knowledge, which experienced a deep crisis after the collapse of the Marxist-Leninist methodology. In philosophy, a new era of postmodernism began, in which gender studies, along with synergy, ecology, a culture of peace and other non-classical directions, laid the foundations for the newest directions of knowledge. The development of the «second nature» - culture until today permanently carries out the process of segregation of women and men, establishing temporary norms of their behavior, consolidating certain values, in general worldviews of the two sexes, which differ significantly from each other, sometimes reaching a polar opposite. In this regard, gender relationships and roles often fit into the pattern of binary opposition, widely represented in historical types of knowledge, in different social and humanitarian sciences. In this context, it is possible to imagine an initial, somewhat simplified definition of gender, which should be understood as the scientific and philosophical direction of research into the totality and characteristics of the behaviour, roles and values of men and women in each particular society. The paper attempts to reconstruct the nodal moments of history, theory, methodology and practice of gender philosophy development in the world and Azerbaijan. The method of research in the article is selected historical and philosophical analysis. The scientific novelty consists in reconstruction of the stages of transformation of world feminism into gender research, summing up the results of the first stage of gender research development in Azerbaijan and determining the essential features of its second stage. The author believes that the first phase, which was educational and feminist, has now been completed. On the basis of the analysis undertaken, it is stated that the forthcoming second stage in Azerbaijan will involve a shift to a gender approach and a study of men ‘s issues, with a view to determining the necessary procedures for the establishment of true gender equality.
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Kulchytskyi, Vitalii Y. "HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE RESEARCH OF PATRIOTIC EDUCATION IN SCHOOLS OF UKRAINE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 20th – EARLY 21st CENTURY." Bulletin of Alfred Nobel University Series "Pedagogy and Psychology» 1, no. 23 (June 2022): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2522-4115-2022-1-23-1.

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The article analyzes scientific works devoted to the traditions of patriotic education in Ukrainian schools of the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries. The leading tendencies of this process are determined on the basis of studying the publications in the press of that time, manuals and monographs of scientists-teachers. The conducted logical-historical analysis of the scientific problem gave grounds to state that patriotic education in Ukrainian schools in the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries has not been the subject of a separate comprehensive research. Despite the interest of scientists in some issues of retrospective experience of patriotic education in the schools of Ukraine in the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries, in scientific research on this issue within these chronological limits either highlighted some aspects of organizational nature or conducted extensive research on the theory and practice of educational work. The analyzed scientific works on the traditions of patriotic education in Ukraine give grounds to conclude that there is no comprehensive systematic study of the theory and practice of patriotic education in Ukrainian schools during the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries. The analysis of these works suggests that the formation of a new man was considered by the classics of Marxism-Leninism as one of the main tasks of building a new society, and international and patriotic education was an important component of this process. It was found that the scientific works of the Soviet period, devoted to the educational process in general and patriotic education in particular, are important because they contain significant factual material and allow to characterize the socio-political and pedagogical contexts of the problem. At the same time, the expressed ideas are distinguished by bias, connection with Marxist-Leninist ideology, lack of objective assessment of pre-Soviet pedagogy and foreign pedagogical theory and practice, as well as the state and prospects of patriotic education in the Soviet state. The historiographical analysis made it possible to substantiate the theoretical and methodological principles of research (educational concepts, directions, types and principles of patriotic education, features of the organization and methods of its implementation in schools of Ukraine). It was found that the content, forms and methods of patriotic education of students have undergone transformations under the influence of socio-political, cultural and socio-pedagogical factors. The conducted research does not exhaust all aspects of the researched problem and testifies to the necessity of further elaboration of the issue of patriotic education of Ukrainian schoolchildren in the period of independence.
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Pavlova, Larisa V., Irina V. Romanova, and Evgeny V. Kazartsev. "The Language of “Overthrown Religion”: Tvardovsky about God." Vestnik NSU. Series: History, Philology 20, no. 9 (December 6, 2021): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-9-96-107.

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Purpose. In the literature about A. T. Tvardovsky, the theme of the writer's religiosity was rarely touched upon. The memoirs of contemporaries retained contradictory facts, by which it is difficult to judge Tvardovsky’s true convictions. This article presents the results of the study of the language of the writer. His poetry served as the material, and “Workbooks” were also involved. Results. Analysis of the poetic language showed that the life of the church, its language were familiar to a native of the Smolensk hinterland, as to every person of his time. Numerous References to various church realities are indicative – objects, buildings, people, sacraments, holidays. The subject of the research is the lexeme “God” and the peculiarities of its functioning in the poetic language of Tvardovsky, as well as, for comparison, in his documentary prose. For the early Tvardovsky, the rejection of the “old world” and its beliefs for the sake of Marxist-Leninist ideology is relevant. One of the vivid evidence of this refusal is the reduction of the constants of the religious thinking of the Russian person to sayings, idioms, and mentioning God in vain. The most categorical atheistic statements are put into the mouths of the heroes of the poems, for example, Nikita Morgunok and Terkin. The word God in idiomatic expressions is usually desemantized. Leaders, political and cultural idols are most often compared with God. Later, Tvardovsky significantly softens his atheistic positions, showing signs of spontaneous faith. He writes the penitential poem “By the Right of Memory”, becomes more careful and selective in expressions. Prose speech is enriched by a more conscious mention of God, mainly in contexts of supreme judgment, repentance and miraculous help. Tvardovsky opposes aggressive ideological policies that rudely try to replace one religion with another. In this process, he sees a metaphysical transition to the side of Evil. Conclusion. Tvardovsky experienced a spiritual evolution from militant autheism to a spontaneous faith, in which he was most worried about the problems of Higher Judgment and repentance. The highest value for him continued to be a person.
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