Статті в журналах з теми "Malaysia-Singapore relations"

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1

Nathan, K. S. "Malaysia–Singapore Relations: Retrospect and Prospect." Contemporary Southeast Asia 24, no. 2 (August 2002): 385–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs24-2i.

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2

Ganesan, N. "Malaysia-Singapore Relations: Some Recent Developments." Asian Affairs: An American Review 25, no. 1 (March 1998): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927678.1998.10771181.

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3

Lin, Chang Li. "Singapore´s Troubled Relations with Malaysia: A Singapore Perspective." Southeast Asian Affairs 2003 2003, no. 1 (June 2003): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa03p.

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4

Makarchuk, K. O., N. V. Nepriadkina, and O. S. Shynkarenko. "The Current State of Foreign Trade Relations of Singapore, the Republic of Indonesia and Malaysia." Business Inform 5, no. 532 (2022): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-4459-2022-5-17-26.

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Анотація:
The article is aimed at determining the current state of foreign trade relations between Singapore, the Republic of Indonesia and Malaysia. The modern development of trade in Southeast Asia, namely in Singapore, the Republic of Indonesia and Malaysia, allowed them to take an important place in world-wide trade. The government’s policy of openness of the economy of Singapore, the Republic of Indonesia and Malaysia, resulted in an active development of foreign trade of countries that joined the World Trade Organization, which had a positive influence on the development of their own trade. In recent years, these countries have achieved a high level of macroeconomic indicators. There was an increase in GDP, GDP per capita, etc. Significant fluctuations in economic development were associated with the global COVID-19 pandemic, which led to a decrease in the main indicators of Singapore, the Republic of Indonesia and Malaysia and a significant increase in the unemployment rate in the countries under study. The article defines that the main partners of Singapore, the Republic of Indonesia and Malaysia for export-import operations are Asian countries, which is due to close geographical location, close cooperation within the framework of the АСЕАН association and historically formed ties. The commodity structure of exports and imports of Singapore, the Republic of Indonesia and Malaysia in 2020 is analyzed. It is noted that the main export items of these countries are: electric machines and related equipment, mineral fuel, mineral oils and their distillation products, etc. The place of Singapore, the Republic of Indonesia and Malaysia in international rankings is analyzed. Thus, in the Competitiveness Ranking and Economic Freedom Ranking, Singapore ranks first and is the country with the freest economy among the countries of the Asia-Pacific region. The Republic of Indonesia and Malaysia need to continue reforming their sectors of the national economy to improve their place in the rankings.
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5

Long, Joey. "Desecuritizing the Water Issue in Singapore—Malaysia Relations." Contemporary Southeast Asia 23, no. 3 (December 2001): 504–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs23-3f.

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6

Purba, Martin Luter, and Demak Sinta Buulolo. "MODEL GRAVITASI INTERAKSI PERDAGANGAN INDONESIA DENGAN MALAYSIA DAN SINGAPURA." Journal of Economics and Business 1, no. 2 (April 29, 2020): 01–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.36655/jeb.v1i2.147.

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This study aims to look at the impact of interactions (gravity method) in explaining the trade relations between two countries. This study uses a different test, a dummy variable regression and VAR models to see the response of the shocks to the interaction of the gravity method. The data used starts from 2010 to 2018. The results show the gravity method can explain the trade relationship between Indonesia and Malaysia and Singapore. Indonesian exports to Malaysia respond negatively to interaction shocks while to Singapore to interaction shocks respond positively. Besides interactions, the AEC which began in 2016 also influenced the volume of Indonesian exports to Malaysia and Singapore.
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7

Azilah Mohamad, Ayu Nor, Wayu Nor Asikin Mohamad, Abdul Razak Salleh, and Mohamed Ali Haniffa. "The Impact of the Formation of Malaysia 16 September 1963: A Historical Highlight." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 1, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v1i2.42.

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This article discusses the impact of Malaysia's formation on September 16, 1963. The establishment of Malaysia involves Malaya, Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore. Planning at the early stage includes Brunei but the State withdrew at the end of Malaysia's formation. Singapore also dropped out from the Malaysia Formation two years later in 1965. The formation of Malaysia has affected Malaysia to this day. The objective of the study is to discuss the benefits of politics, socialization and racial relations in Malaysia. Among the things discussed in this article are the benefits of the platform of socialisation and racial relations in Malaysia as well as the political aspects. Both of these were examined using historical approaches and library research. The findings show that Malaysia's establishment has made Malaysia a unique nation with racial diversity. This includes the establishment of many political parties based on their respective race or tribe, especially in Sabah and Sarawak. All Malaysians enjoy the benefits of Malaysia’s establishment for harmony and peace.
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8

Dewi, Ni Putu Sintya, and Ni Putu Wiwin Setyari,. "Financial Depending and Economic Relations in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore." Media Trend 17, no. 1 (March 27, 2022): 236–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/mediatrend.v17i1.9694.

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9

Rahim, Lily Zubaidah. "Singapore-Malaysia relations: Deep-seated tensions and self-fulfilling prophecies." Journal of Contemporary Asia 29, no. 1 (January 1999): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472339980000031.

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10

Tan, Khee Giap, Hui Yin Chuah, and Nguyen Trieu Duong Luu. "A case study on Malaysia and Singapore." Competitiveness Review: An International Business Journal 28, no. 2 (March 19, 2018): 172–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cr-09-2017-0062.

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Анотація:
Purpose Malaysia and Singapore had parted more than five decades ago. Much of the existing literature concerned about the bilateral ties between two economies focusing on the political economy perspective. This paper aims to provide insights on the economic development and prospects of Malaysia and Singapore at the national level. In addition, this paper also makes a pioneering attempt at conducting a comprehensive comparative analysis between Malaysia and Singapore at the city level. Design/methodology/approach This paper offers a case study of Malaysia and Singapore by assessing their national economic competitiveness, urban standards of living and quality of life. The paper leverages on a series of indices such as the competitiveness index for ASEAN-10, the cost of living, wages and purchasing power of ordinary residents, as well as the liveable cities index to perform the analysis. Findings In terms of national competitiveness, the analysis shows that Singapore and Malaysia have been leading the ASEAN region from 2000 onwards, being the top- and second-ranked, respectively. Malaysia still lags Singapore in several aspects such as attractiveness to foreign investors and standard of living, education and social stability despite insignificant differences in the ranking. City-level analysis shows that the cost of living in Singapore is almost double of that in Kuala Lumpur, although living in Singapore is more affordable owing to the higher wage rate received by the ordinary citizens. Originality/value This paper contributes to the literature in several ways. First, this paper assesses economic development in Singapore and Malaysia instead of focusing on cross-straits relations. Second, the study reflects the view that the improvement of standards of living and quality of life for ordinary residents is paramount to economic development. The competitiveness index and city-level benchmarks used in the paper reflect the standards of living and the quality-of-life dimensions. Third, the focus on city-level analysis in addition to conventional national-level analysis helps to provide policymakers with practical policy implications against the backdrop of rapid urbanisation.
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11

SHARMA, BASU. "Union Growth in Malaysia and Singapore." Industrial Relations 28, no. 3 (September 1989): 446–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-232x.1989.tb00737.x.

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12

Rusli, Mohd Hazmi Bin Mohd, Ade Maman Suherman, Aryuni Yuliantiningsih, Wismaningsih Wismaningsih, and Noer Indriati. "The Straits of Malacca and Singapore: Maritime Conduits of Global Importance." Research in World Economy 12, no. 2 (January 11, 2021): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/rwe.v12n2p123.

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Анотація:
The Straits of Malacca and Singapore are two of the world’s most crucial maritime highways. Srivijaya and the Malacca Sultanate were among the regional formidable political entities that were successful in exerting their power and influence over the Straits. The pre-eminence of the local kingdoms were overshadowed by the arrival of the European imperialists as early as the 16th century, that changed the political dynamics in the region. The Straits of Malacca and Singapore remain important till today as it provides the shortest route linking petroleum producing-nations of West Asia and the oil consumers of East Asia. As such, the significance of the Straits of Malacca and Singapore global fulcrum of maritime trade is indisputable. Nevertheless, despite being the caretaker of these important Straits, Malaysia and Indonesia have a long way to go before they could be regarded as influential maritime States. This article concludes that both Malaysia and Indonesia should develop its oceans policy to go hand in hand with the global significance of the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. This has to be done in ensuring that both Malaysia and Indonesia could relive the glorious moments once enjoyed by both its predecessors – Srivijaya and Malacca.
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13

Efimova, L., and N. Khokhlova. "Conceptualisation of “Asian Values” in Malaysia and Singapore." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 1 (2020): 91–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-1-91-98.

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14

Travkin, Pavel, and Elizaveta Marutina. "Brunei-Chinese Relations in the 21st Century." South East Asia Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (52) (2021): 190–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-3-3-52-190-202.

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Анотація:
In the 21st century China is intensively penetrating the region. Beijing promotes its geopolitical agenda in the region through various methods – military, political, and economic methods. In the region, in addition to large states such as Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia and the Philippines, there are also small states like Singapore, Brunei, and East Timor. They are also greatly influenced by China, but they cannot resist China to the same extent as their larger neighbors do. Therefore, these countries are trying to seek mutual benefit in cooperation with China. If Singapore successfully builds its mutual cooperation with Beijing, while East Timor has long been a puppet of PRC. This article aims to analyze Brunei-China relations and answer the question: "Is Brunei a partner for the Celestial Empire or a new conductor of China's interests in the region."
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15

Sykes, Jim. "Towards a Malayan Indian sonic geography: Sound and social relations in colonial Singapore." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 46, no. 3 (September 14, 2015): 485–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463415000351.

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From the mid-1920s, Indian music scenes developed in Singapore that were not just about the construction of regional and religious forms of Indian diasporic belonging. Drawing upon European, Chinese and Malay influences (musical and otherwise), and performing in contexts that were uncommon in India, Singaporean Indian musicians contributed to non-Indian musics, while incorporating non-Indian influences into Indian genres. Such musical–communal interactions functioned in colonial Singapore to locate the island as a hub for the constitution of a ‘Malayan Indian sonic geography’. By encouraging links between various Indian and other communities throughout the peninsula via radio, films, recordings, touring networks, and performances at hotels and amusement parks, music became a means for Indian communication and integration in colonial Malaya — a sonic geography that would be significantly transformed, though not eliminated, after Singapore and Malaysia parted ways in 1965.
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16

Maulana, Akbar, Taufiq Carnegie Dawood, and Teuku Zulham. "Asymmetrical Exchange Rates Effect on Indonesia's Trade Balance in Tourism." JEJAK 14, no. 1 (March 28, 2021): 102–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jejak.v14i1.27234.

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The main objective of this research is to analyze the effect of depreciation and real exchange rate appreciation on Indonesia's tourism trade balance bilaterally against Australia, China, Japan, Malaysia, and Singapore. Such analysis on bilateral relations have never been studied for developing markets countries, namely Indonesia. This study uses a linear ARDL approach and a nonlinear ARDL approach with the dependent variable on the tourism trade balance and the real exchange rate as independent variables. Income, foreign direct investment (FDI), and natural disasters as control variables. The empirical results show that Chinese and Japanese tourists respond positively to the depreciation in the real currency rate of exchange, thereby increasing Indonesia's tourism trade balance. Nonlinear ARDL shows that the relation concerning the real rate of exchange plus the balance of trade is non-symmetrical with respect to China and Japan, while Australia, Malaysia, and Singapore are symmetrical. These results suggest that the government should formulate policies to increase tourist visits from China and Japan. Further empirical results also found a J-curve pattern in Indonesia-China and Indonesia-Japan.
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17

Iqbal Khadaroo, M. "Business reporting on the internet in Malaysia and Singapore." Corporate Communications: An International Journal 10, no. 1 (March 2005): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13563280510578204.

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18

Zagoria, Donald S., and Richard Clutterbuck. "Conflict and Violence in Singapore and Malaysia, 1945-1983." Foreign Affairs 63, no. 5 (1985): 1132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042447.

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19

Ward, Colleen, and Miles Hewstone. "Ethnicity, language and intergroup relations in Malaysia and Singapore: A social psychological analysis." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 6, no. 3-4 (January 1985): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.1985.9994207.

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20

Ullah, AKM Ahsan. "Skill drain from ASEAN countries: can sending countries afford?" International Journal of Development Issues 17, no. 2 (July 2, 2018): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijdi-12-2017-0210.

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Purpose Migration of skilled workers to other countries remains a highly contentious issue. Skill drain does not take place based on skill surplus and deficient equation. Skilled migrants can make their choice to migrate on their own with minimal control of the Government. This paper aims to argue that sending countries lose skill which cannot be offset or justified by the remittances inflow. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on a research conducted on skill migration from the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. In this study, skilled migrants are engineers, medical doctors, nurses and academics. The author interviewed 12 engineers (four from the Philippines; two from Malaysia; four from Singapore and two from Thailand); nine medical doctors (four from the Philippines; three from Singapore, one from Malaysia and one from Thailand); eight nurses (six from the Philippines and two from Thailand); and 14 academics (six from the Philippines; five from Singapore and three from Malaysia) who were working abroad. Findings Skill migration continues to grow because of the growing demand, wage differentials, glorifications of the contribution of remittances to development and failure of the origin countries to retain them. The question remains whether the respective sending country is producing more of them so that they can send after their own demand is met. This paper investigates whether the sending end can afford exporting such skills. Originality/value This is an important contribution to the scholarship.
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21

Bilqis, Nisrina. "Analisis Dampak Kasus Kebakaran Hutan di Indonesia terhadap Hubungan Diplomatik Indonesia dengan Malaysia dan Singapura." Gorontalo Journal of Government and Political Studies 3, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 055. http://dx.doi.org/10.32662/gjgops.v3i2.1123.

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This research aims to analyse the impact arising from Karhutla (forest and land fires) in Indonesia to Indonesia's diplomatic relations with Malaysia and Singapore. This is due to the case of Karhutla that occur in Indonesia to make a detrimental impact not only for Indonesia, but the smoke of the appeal raises losses for the other country, especially for Malaysia and Singapore. Losses are inflicted not only in terms of health, but in other aspects make the economic activity disturbed. This led to protests from the Malaysian and Singaporean governments, which assumed that the Indonesian Government was unable to resolve the Karhutla case which occurred almost annually. Conditions were considered increasingly complicated, when the Indonesian Government refused assistance from the Malaysian and Singaporean governments. In this study, the concept used was about diplomatic relations, in which Indonesia tends to do diplomacy by implementing Disaster Diplomacy as an effort to minimize the conflict arising from karhutla cases that have occurred since long time ago. Research methods are implemented using qualitative research methods using secondary data sources. The results show that Karhutla had an impact on the economic and social sectors, but had no effect on diplomatic relations. Although Karhutla increased the debate between Indonesia and Malaysia and Indonesia with Singapore which considered that Indonesia could not handle the karhutla case so that from protests posed by the Malaysian and Singaporean governments influenced Indonesia's image of international view as it was considered weak in handling Karhutla in Indonesia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dampak yang timbul dari kasus karhutla (Kebakaran Hutan dan Lahan) di Indonesia terhadap hubungan diplomatik Indonesia dengan Malaysia dan Singapura. Hal ini didasari kasus karhutla yang terjadi di Indonesia memberikan dampak yang merugikan bukan hanya bagi Indonesia saja, tetapi asap kabutnya menimbulkan kerugian bagi negara tetangga, khususnya bagi Malaysia dan Singapura. Kerugian yang ditimbulkan bukan hanya dalam hal kesehatan, tetapi dalam aspek lain membuat kegiatan perekonomian terganggu. Hal tersebut menimbulkan protes dari pemerintah Malaysia dan Singapura, yang menganggap bahwa pemerintah Indonesia tidak mampu menyelesaikan kasus karhutla yang terjadi hampir tiap tahunnya. Kondisi dianggap semakin rumit, ketika pemerintah Indonesia menolak bantuan dari pemerintah Malaysia dan Singapura. Dalam penelitian ini, konsep yang digunakan adalah mengenai hubungan diplomatik, dimana Indonesia cenderung melakukan diplomasi dengan menerapkan Disaster Diplomacy sebagai upaya meminimalisir konflik yang ditimbulkan dari kasus karhutla yang sudah terjadi sejak lama. Adapun metode penelitian yang diterapkan adalah dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan sumber data sekunder. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan meskipun Karhutla berdampak pada sektor ekonomi dan sosial, akan tetapi tidak berpengaruh ke hubungan diplomatiknya. Meskipun begitu Karhutla menimbulkan perdebatan antara Indonesia dengan Malaysia dan Indonesia dengan Singapura yang menganggap Indonesia tidak mampu dalam menangani kasus karhutla sehingga dari protes yang dilayangkan oleh pemerintah Malaysia dan Singapura tersebut mempengaruhi citra Indonesia di mata Internasional karena dianggap lemah dalam menangani karhutla di Indonesia
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22

Ad'ha Aljunied, Syed Mohammed. "Malaysia. Across the causeway: A multi-dimensional study of Malaysia–Singapore relations. Edited by Takashi Shiraishi. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009. Pp. 265, Index." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 42, no. 1 (January 14, 2011): 179–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463410000664.

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23

Pereira, Alexius A., and Chee Kiong Tong. "Power and developmental regimes in Singapore, China and Malaysia." Global Economic Review 34, no. 1 (March 2005): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1226508042000328980.

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24

MURATSHINA, Ksenia G., and Еvgeniya A. BORODINA. "CHINA’S CULTURAL ACTIVITY IN ASEAN COUNTRIES DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(57) (2022): 231–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-57-231-240.

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Анотація:
This paper analyses, how the People’s Republic of China develops the cultural aspect of its contacts with the countries of Southeast Asia in the conditions, which are completely new for international diplomacy, – during the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors have studied China’s initiatives in its bilateral relations with Brunei, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, Philippines and Singapore in 2020, 2021 and partly in 2022.
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25

Kershaw, Roger. "Floating on a Malayan Breeze: Travels in Malaysia and Singapore." Asian Affairs 44, no. 3 (November 2013): 498–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.835133.

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26

Smith, Shannon L. D. "The Indonesia‐Malaysia‐Singapore growth triangle: A political and economic equation." Australian Journal of International Affairs 51, no. 3 (November 1997): 369–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719708445224.

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27

Chia, Joy. "Intercultural interpretations: making public relations education culturally relevant." Journal of University Teaching and Learning Practice 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.53761/1.6.1.5.

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Анотація:
Public relations educators delivering courses to international students find that each cohort of students interprets and understands public relations theory and its application to practice according to their respective cultures. The premise of this paper is to reflect on some of the interpretations and expectations of public relations students enrolled in postgraduate master classes from 2003 to 2007 in Singapore, Malaysia and Australia, at the University of South Australia. The Australian masters’ classes include cohorts of international students from diverse cultures. This paper suggests that public relations educators need to adapt their style of delivery and methods of assessment to facilitate optimum engagement of diverse groups of students taking account their varied political, religious and social backgrounds that shape their thinking and perception of public relations theory and practice.
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28

Rodan, Garry. "Do Markets Need Transparency? The Pivotal Cases of Singapore and Malaysia." New Political Economy 7, no. 1 (March 2002): 23–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563460120115507.

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29

Jha, Pankaj Kumar. "Indian Diaspora in Malaysia and Singapore: Changing Perceptions and Rising Expectations." Diaspora Studies 2, no. 1 (September 30, 2009): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/09763457-00201004.

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30

Scully, Eileen P. "Historical Wrongs and Human Rights in Sino-Foreign Relations: The Legacy of Extraterritoriality." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 1-2 (2000): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645967.

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AbstractIn the battle for universal human rights, it may be said that sovereignty has become “the last refuge of scoundrels.” Certainly, this is the prevailing verdict of Western liberal activists with regard to the invocations of absolute self-determination and noninterference by authoritarian regimes in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Indonesia, Myanmar, Malaysia, Singapore, and the Philippines. These Asia- Pacific governments have defended their heavy-handed response to internal dissent with the position that “State sovereignty is the basis for the realization of citizens’ human rights. If the sovereignty of a state is not safeguarded, the human rights of its citizens are out of the question.”
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31

Rahim, Lily Zubaidah. "In search of the ‘Asian way’: Cultural nationalism in Singapore and Malaysia." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 36, no. 3 (November 1998): 54–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662049808447775.

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32

Weiss, Meredith L. "Of inequality and irritation: new agendas and activism in Malaysia and Singapore." Democratization 21, no. 5 (June 25, 2014): 867–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2014.910764.

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33

Keane, Adrian N. "Evidence in Malaysia and Singapore: Cases, Materials and Commentary. By Rafiah Salim. [Singapore: Butterworths. 1989. xxxiv + 385 pp. £46 hard-cover]." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 39, no. 4 (October 1990): 978–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/39.4.978.

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34

Abdul Rahman, Noor Naemah, Mohd Akram Dato’ Dahaman@Dahlan, and Muhammad Najib Abdullah. "Pengaruh Perbezaan Realiti Ekonomi, Politik, Demografi dan Perundangan Terhadap Penetapan Fatwa di Malaysia dan Singapura." Journal of Fatwa Management and Research 3, no. 1 (October 23, 2018): 45–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/jfatwa.vol3no1.109.

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Humans always face several elements of change and differences in their lives. These elements involve time, place and circumstance, comprising every aspect of life whether in economics, politics, social relations or culture, all of which are structurally related to the function of the worldview and the resulting individual/societal attitudes. Each of these elements has it role and impact on human social lives. They affect the process in producing fatwas as a medium of explaining the Islamic provisions in order to solve the problems of society. The differences that exist between Malaysia and Singapore especially involving Muslims are the factors of socio-economic, socio-politics and socio-demographic are seen as contributable factors which can impact the process of producing fatwa in both states. Keywords: Change, Difference, Social, Fatwa, Malaysia, Singapore. Abstrak Manusia sentiasa berhadapan dengan unsur-unsur perubahan dan perbezaan merentasi masa, tempat dan keadaan. Unsur-unsur ini meliputi pelbagai aspek kehidupan sama ada ekonomi, politik, sosial, budaya dan lain-lain yang melibatkan struktur, fungsi, lembaga, pandangan hidup dan sikap manusia dalam masyarakat. Setiap unsur-unsur ini mempunyai pengaruh yang memberi kesan terhadap kehidupan sosial masyarakat manusia. Kesan ini turut melibatkan proses penetapan fatwa sebagai medium pemakluman hukum Islam terhadap permasalahan yang dihadapi oleh masyarakat. Perbezaan yang wujud di antara Malaysia dan Singapura terutama yang menyentuh faktor sosio-ekonomi, sosio-politik, sosio-demografi dan sosio-perundangan yang melatari kehidupan masyarakat Islam dilihat cukup berpengaruh dan memberi kesan kepada penetapan fatwa di kedua-dua negara. Kata kunci: Perubahan, Perbezaan, Sosial, Fatwa, Malaysia, Singapura.
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35

Kuruvilla, Sarosh. "Linkages between Industrialization Strategies and Industrial Relations/Human Resource Policies: Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, and India." ILR Review 49, no. 4 (July 1996): 635–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399604900404.

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The case studies of Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, and India presented in this paper support the author's contention that a country's industrialization strategy for economic development profoundly influences its industrial relations (IR) and human resources (HR) policy goals. The author finds that import substitution industrialization was associated with IR/HR policy goals of pluralism and stability, while a low-cost export-oriented industrialization strategy was associated with IR/HR policy goals of cost containment and union suppression. In countries that moved from a low-cost export-oriented strategy to a higher value added export-oriented strategy, the focus of IR/HR policy goals shifted from cost containment to work force flexibility and skills development. The four countries diverged, however, in the specific institutions and arrangements they adopted to meet national IR/HR policy goals, due to different political choices made by dominant actors and different institutional industrial relations histories.
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36

Yangyue, Liu. "Crafting a Democratic Enclave on the Cyberspace: Case Studies of Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 4 (December 2011): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000402.

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As an antithesis of “authoritarian enclave” which has been well-established in the comparative politics literature, “democratic enclave” points to the institution of a state or the unambiguous regulatory space in society “where the authoritarian regime's writ is substantively limited and is replaced by an adherence to recognizably democratic norms and procedures” (Gilley 2010). In this sense, the Internet space, embodied by information and communication technologies, has great potential to play such a role, since its “inherited” properties of decentralization and anonymity would inevitably breach the authoritarian rules. However, a closer look at three Southeast Asian states, Malaysia, Singapore and the “New Order” Indonesia whose regimes were characterized by authoritarianism when Internet was initially developed, reveals different trajectories. In the “New Order” Indonesia and Malaysia, the governments consciously left the Internet space uncontrolled; the online media developed independently, vibrantly, and professionally, especially in the Malaysian case; and there were strong connections between online and offline contentious politics. These elements made the Internet space in Indonesia and Malaysia a successful case of democratic enclave. Based on these criteria, however, the Internet space in Singapore has not achieved similar status. This paper analyses the different outcomes of enclave creation on the cyberspace among these countries. It argues that elite conflict and the strength of civil society are the two major factors that shape the differences. In this sense, the political contexts are of great importance for the understanding of Internet's political impacts.
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37

Kuruvilla, Sarosh. "Linkages between Industrialization Strategies and Industrial Relations/Human Resource Policies: Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, and India." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 49, no. 4 (July 1996): 635. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2524514.

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38

Wong, Koi Nyen, Tuck Cheong Tang, and Dietrich K. Fausten. "Foreign Direct Investment and Services Trade: Evidence from Malaysia and Singapore." Global Economic Review 38, no. 3 (September 2009): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265080903157318.

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39

Ikhsan, Dr Mohammad Fajar, Norsyuhada Azwin Aziz, and Emil Mahyudin. "CASE STUDY ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF GOODS AND SERVICES TAX (GST) IN MALAYSIA AND SINGAPORE." Journal of International Studies 18 (October 16, 2022): 159–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2022.18.6.

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Goods and Services Tax or GST is one of the most controversial taxes, causing dissatisfaction among the people. The distribution of justice and the implementation and effectiveness of GST policies tend to be the most frequently debated issues. The objective of this study is to examine the implementation, impacts, effectiveness, and challenges of GST policy in Southeast Asian countries, particularly Malaysia and Singapore. By employing a critical analysis perspective such as from Marxism’s lens of view, it is expected that this article will provide a new perspective in analysing GST policy implementation in the region. A descriptive qualitative analysis approach was used in this study, emphasising the content analysis method and the data obtained from official sources and literature studies. The study found that GST contributed to Singapore and Malaysia’s economy and revenue. Nevertheless, the GST impact affected the citizens of Singapore and Malaysia, especially the lower-income earners. The study argued that there is a dilemma in the GST tax policy implementation. It can be assumed through the findings that the GST policy did not meet the conscience of the Marxist perspective as it is regressive. Thus, in several parts of GST implementation, it has both advantages to the country’s production and productivity. On the other hand, it disadvantages society, particularly the lower- and middle-class groups.
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40

Perret, Daniel. "ASIA TENGGARA MARITIM DALAM DUNIA SAINS SOSIAL DI PERANCIS: SEBUAH PENGENALAN RINGKAS." SEJARAH 26, no. 2 (December 21, 2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol26no2.1.

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This article presents a brief introduction on the history of social sciences research focused on Maritime Southeast Asia conducted in France. Maritime Southeast Asia in this context includes Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei, Philippines, Timor-Leste, and the southern part of Thailand. The first part describes the early stages of relations between France and Maritime Southeast Asia beginning in the sixteenth century. Then the author introduces books in Archaeology, Epigraphy, History, Philology, and Literature published by scholars working in French scientific institutions or researchers associated with these institutions.
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41

Huynh, Chuong Ngoc, and Trong Thanh Nguyen. "Advantages and export trend of Vietnam in trade relations with ASEAN." Science & Technology Development Journal - Economics - Law and Management 1, Q2 (November 30, 2017): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjelm.v1iq2.437.

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This study identifies commodities that Vietnam has comparative advantage based on RCA index, growth determinants and export trend of Vietnam into the ASEAN market via growth-component analysis and Spearman’s rank correlation test. Using data of UNComtrade, we find that Vietnam has 91 commodities with comparative advantage in 2000 – 2015. Increased export of Vietnam into ASEAN is thanks to a strong demand in the ASEAN market, suitable industry structure and especially comparative advantage which can be seen clearly in 2007 – 2015. Vietnam has the most favorable conditions in trading relations with Singapore, Brunei, and Malaysia and less favorable conditions with the remaining ASEAN countries, including Indonesia and Cambodia that are direct competitors of Vietnam. From the results, the paper provides policy suggestions to expand the Vietnam’s comparative advantage in trading with ASEAN.
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42

Ramlan, Shazny. "Implementing Islamic law to protect the environment: insights from Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia." Asia Pacific Journal of Environmental Law 23, no. 2 (December 10, 2020): 202–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/apjel.2020.02.05.

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Religious codes possess social control effects that can potentially change the behaviour of their adherents towards becoming pro-environment. In the case of Islam, Muslim-majority states since the time of the Prophet Muhammad have implemented Islamic environmental law to this effect. Unfortunately, accounts of its implementation today in the legal literature are scant, thereby requiring fresh insights that consider changes in the application of Islamic law in modern states. Generally, this article observes that the implementation of Islamic environmental law today takes two forms: first, implementation through constitutions; and, second, implementation through non-binding religio-legal instruments. Focusing on the second form, application in Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia is analysed and evaluated. In these three Southeast Asian states non-binding religious rulings (fatwa) and mosque sermons (khutbah) have been used to implement Islamic environmental law. There are two key factors which contribute to ensuring that these non-binding instruments achieve their social control objectives: first, local legal and political contexts shaped by religion-state relations that help their implementation and legitimation; and, second, the pursuit of post-fatwa/khutbah follow-up action by religious authorities to put Islamic environmental law into actual practice.
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43

Lathrop, Coalter G. "Sovereignty over Pedra Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh, Middle Rocks and South Ledge (Malaysia/Singapore)." American Journal of International Law 102, no. 4 (October 2008): 828–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20456682.

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44

Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (October 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.

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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.
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45

Tan, Lay Hong. "WILL ASEAN ECONOMIC INTEGRATION PROGRESS BEYOND A FREE TRADE AREA?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 53, no. 4 (October 2004): 935–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/53.4.935.

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The raison d'être of ASEAN was a political one,1 to secure the region's peace, stability, and development. Against all odds, the founding members, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand signed the ASEAN Declaration on 8 August 1967. Brunei was admitted in January 1984, Vietnam in 1995, which was followed closely by Laos and Myanmar in 1997. Thirty-two years later, on 30 April 1999, ASEAN formally encompassed all ten countries of South-East Asia by admitting Cambodia.2
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46

Schenk, Catherine R. "The Dissolution of a Monetary Union: The Case of Malaysia and Singapore 1963–1974." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 41, no. 3 (September 2013): 496–522. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2013.779110.

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47

Clammer, John. "Malaysia/Singapore - Bibliography on Ethnic Relations with Special Reference to Malaysia and Singapore. By Tan Chee-Beng. Kuala Lumpur: Institute of Advanced Studies, University of Malaya, 1992. Pp. x, 259. Author Index." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 26, no. 2 (September 1995): 455–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400007323.

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48

Debuque-Gonzales, Margarita, and Maria Socorro Gochoco-Bautista. "Financial Conditions Indexes and Monetary Policy in Asia." Asian Economic Papers 16, no. 2 (June 2017): 83–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00522.

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This paper constructs quarterly financial conditions indexes (FCIs) for eight Asian economies—namely, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand—using a common factor methodology based on Hatzius et al. ( 2010 ). A wide array of financial data is included in the indexes based on identified monetary transmission channels in the literature. Bank-related indicators, various measures of financial stress and risk, and credit surveys, where available, are incorporated to fully reflect the state of the financing environment. The FCIs for Asia successfully capture important episodes in each economy's financial history, but only the indexes of financially advanced economies Japan and Singapore have sufficient forecasting power to predict output growth and inflation. High co-movement of Asian FCIs suggests highly similar monetary policies in the region that are strongly linked with monetary policy in the United States.
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49

Ong, Elvin. "Electoral manipulation, opposition power, and institutional change: Contesting for electoral reform in Singapore, Malaysia, and Cambodia." Electoral Studies 54 (August 2018): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2018.05.006.

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50

Jones, Matthew. "Creating Malaysia: Singapore security, the Borneo territories, and the contours of British policy, 1961–63." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 28, no. 2 (May 2000): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530008583091.

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