Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Mah Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi"

<p>Upacara <em>Nilapati</em> diartikan sebagai proses penyucian serta peningkatan roh leluhur tahapan terakhir dari rangkaian upacara <em>Pitra Yajña</em>. Upacara <em>Nilapati</em> dilaksanakan setelah melalui rangkaian upacara <em>Ngaben</em>, <em>Ngerorasin</em>, dan <em>Mendak Nuntun</em> serta sebelum melakukan upacara <em>Ngelinggihang Bhatara Hyang Guru </em>di<em> Sanggah Kamulan</em>.</p><p>Adapun rumusan masalahnya sebagai berikut: (1) Bagimanakah prosesi pelaksanaan upacara <em>Nilapati</em> bagi warga <em>Maha Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi</em> di Banjar Roban, Desa Tulikup, Kecamatan Gianyar, Kabupaten Gianyar?, (2) Apakah fungsi upacara <em>Nilapati</em> bagi warga <em>Maha Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi</em> di Banjar Roban, Desa Tulikup, Kecamatan Gianyar, Kabupaten Gianyar?, (3) Nilai-nilai pendidikan agama Hindu apakah yang terkandung dalam pelaksanaan upacara <em>Nilapati</em> bagi warga <em>Maha Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi</em> di Banjar Roban, Desa Tulikup, Kecamatan Gianyar, Kabupaten Gianyar?. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah: (1) Untuk mengetahui prosesi pelaksanaan upacara <em>Nilapati</em> bagi warga <em>Maha Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi</em> di Banjar Roban, Desa Tulikup, Kecamatan Gianyar, Kabupaten Gianyar, (2) Untuk mengetahui fungsi dari pelaksanaan upacara <em>Nilapati</em> bagi warga <em>Maha Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi</em> di Banjar Roban, Desa Tulikup, Kecamatan Gianyar, Kabupaten Gianyar, (3) Untuk mengetahui nilai-nilai pendidikan agama Hindu yang terkandung dalam pelaksanaan upacara<em> Nilapati</em> bagi warga <em>Maha Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi</em> di Banjar Roban, Desa Tulikup, Kecamatan Gianyar, Kabupaten Gianyar.</p><p>Teori yang digunakan untuk menganalisis rumusan masalah yaitu; Teori Religi, Teori Fungsional Struktural, dan Teori Nilai. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode observasi, wawancara, kepustakaan, serta metode dokumentasi. Data di analisis dengan teknik deskriptif kualitatif dengan langkah-langkah reduksi, penyajian data, dan menyimpulkan. Hasil penelitian ini adalah (1) Prosesi pelaksanaan upacara <em>Nilapati</em> di Banjar Roban merupakan tahap dalam meningkatkan kesucian roh leluhur, (2) Fungsi upacara <em>Nilapati</em> di Banjar Roban yakni: Fungsi rasa <em>bhakti</em> untuk menyucikan roh leluhur, Fungsi meningkatkan status sebutan <em>Dewa Hyang</em> menjadi <em>Bhatara Hyang Guru</em> atau <em>Siwa Guru</em> dan Fungsi Sosial, (3) Nilai-nilai pendidikan agama Hindu yang terkandung dalam upacara <em>Nilapati</em> yakni : Nilai <em>Tattwa </em>, Nilai <em>Etika</em> dan Nilai <em>Yajña</em>.</p>

<p><em>Generally from Balinese point of view Diksa is a process to be Sulinggih. In more specific definition, Diksa is a purification to reach the level of Dwijati. Diksa among of MGPSSR's are significantly different from other Balinese clans that exists in Bali. Diksa in MGPSSR's it self has a very tight stage and must be obeyed. The stage are kind of an interesting educational pattern to be studied in depth or details.</em></p><p><em>The formulation of the problem under study : 1. How's the Diksanisasi process of Maha Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi clan in Denpasar? 2. How's the pattern of ethnopedagogi education on the Diksanisasi process of Maha Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi clan in Denpasar? 3. What is the implications on Diksanisasi of Maha Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi clan in Denpasar?</em></p><p><em>The theory used to dissect the problem are: 1. Religious theori from E. Durkheim to dissect the Diksanisasi process. 2. Thorndike Behaviorism theory is used to explore the pattern of ethnopedagogi in Diksanisasi process. 3. Theory from Edward Spranger to trace the implications in the Diksanisasi process. While for data collection method used in this research is participative observation, in-depth interview, documentation and literature study. Technique of data analysis in this research is descriptive qualitative interpretative.</em></p><p><em>The results showed: (1) The Diksanisasi process consist of three stages, which is: (a) Pre-Diksa, where the person who will be Diksita should do the Ekajati process or become Pinandita, proceed to the next stage become Bhavati. (b) Diksa is the culmination of Diksanisasi activity for one full day with procession of 33 process. (c) Post Diksa with procession Ngelinggihang Veda and Apulang Lingga, Ngaturang Jauman, Meajar-Ajar and Munggah Nabe. (2) The pattern or etnopedagogi education on Diksanisasi is: (a) Guru-Sisya that is pattern of relationship between Nabe with sisya. (b) Guru Bhakti is the manner of a sisya in studied. (c) Aguron-guron are study line systems or can be expressed as an organised educational institution. (3) Implications on Diksanisasi is: (a) The implications for strengthening the attitude of sraddha and bhakti, which is the belief on basic of Pasek's implementing Diksa. It's because Pasek's believes if Bhisama from their ancestors teaches that their offspring can impose Diksa. (b) The implications for the reinforcement of Hindu ethical attitudes is focus on the Tri Kaya Parisudha consisting of manacika, wacika and kayika. (c) Implications for the strengthening of social awareness, which is the task of Pandita as guidance of the people and Diksanisasi as an tools to increase the sense of solidarity among the Pasek's </em></p>

Melaksanakan upacara ngaben di krematorium merupakan fenomena relatif baru di Bali, dipelopori oleh Maha Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi, yang membangun Krematorium Santhayana tahun 2008. Jumlah jenazah yang diaben di Krematorium Santhayana meningkat setiap tahun. Alasan yang paling umum melakukan upacara ngaben di Krematorium Santhayana adalah nilai praktis dan efisiensi, di samping alasan biaya yang lebih murah dan komunikasi yang kurang intensif dengan fihak desa adat, khususnya bagi warga desa yang merantau ke luar daerah. Dengan menggunakan observasi-partisipasi, wawancara mendalam, dan analisis secara kualitatif-interpretatif, penelitian ini mengkonfirmasi teori Strukturasi Giddens, bahwa sebagai suatu dualitas, struktur menjadi hambatan sekaligus memberdayakan aktor untuk bertindak, dan tindakan aktor yang berpola dalam waktu yang lama akan membentuk struktur baru. Yang khas dalam kasus ngaben di krematorium di Bali adalah adanya transformasi menuju modernitas, tetapi dengan argumentasi kembali ke tradisi, yaitu menggunakan basis ajaran leluhur yang tertulis dalam pustaka lontar, khususnya Lontar Yama Purana Tattwa.

This thesis examines warga or 'origin groups' in contemporary Bali and considers the negotiations over hierarchy and equality in which they are socially engaged. The study focuses on Warga Pasek Sapta Rsi and its formal organisation, the Maha Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi (MGPSSR). This warga is the largest origin group and one of the most progressive in the struggle for equality. The study was carried out throughout Bali, since there is no 'average village' which can represent 'Balinese society'; variation in socio-cultural practices in Bali is unbelievably wide ranging according to village or region. Moreover, the nature of the warga, which crosscuts administrative boundaries, compelled me to wander from one village to another, from one kabupaten to the next. I even followed members of this warga to Solo (Central Java), as this warga has discovered one of its presumed ancestors there and has constructed a petilasan (tomb-shrine), where annual celebrations are conducted. To start with, I describe the 'multiple identities' of the Balinese, since all Balinese are inevitably members of more than one organisation, ie. desa adat (customary village) and banjar (customary hamlet), desa dinas (administrative village), subak (organisations for irrigation farmers), subak abian (organisations for upland farmers), pamaksan (temple congregations), seka (functional groups), and warga (kin-based origin networks). All of these organisations are egalitarian in nature, in the sense that all members are more or less equal, regardless of their other social roles, and no member holds special privileges. Once they enter the sphere of these organisations, they are 'one,' as 'brothers' (semeton). The theory of four-castes provides an inappropriate concept to understand Balinese society because it oversimplifies the complexity of Balinese social relations and daily interactions. As an alternative, I suggest that the concept of origin group or warga is more useful, since the warga has more religious and sociological significance than caste. Nonetheless, I maintain the terms Triwangsa and Jaba, the first being those who bear honorific initial names and the latter those who do not. Despite the honorific initial name they bear, the Triwangsa people have no special privilege in present-day Bali. The establishment of modern-style organisations for warga has been inspired by an ideology of equality that challenges the hierarchical ordering of these warga. The sense of being different from others with a distinct identity is clear in the emergence of warga organisations. They emphasise the concept of 'difference,' as opposed to 'hierarchy.' According to the concept of difference, no warga is higher or lower, and the various symbols used by different warga are merely differences. This search for difference is obvious in warga of the Jaba, notably Warga Pande, Bhujangga Waisnawa, and Pasek Sapta Rsi. The search for difference, in practice, means a search for enhanced status. However, the search for status here is not carried out by claiming honorific initial names (as is frequently reported), but by each warga's attempt to enhance its status as a whole while ignoring the hierarchical order of the warga. The search for difference also means a search for identity. To establish their difference and, at the same time, assert a prestigious self-identity, a warga invariably chooses a certain figure as its originator. The chosen originator must be popular, extraordinary in some way, and prestigious. In order to maintain its distinctiveness, this originator must not have been claimed by another warga. The role of babad (a traditional chronicle) is important in the (re )construction of the warga. Babad, particularly the part called the bisama (ancestral instruction), has been very effective in establishing the attitude of warga in general, particularly toward the maintenance of origin temples (pura kawitan), the conduct of ritual ceremonies in such temples, and reinvention of a symbolic identity for the warga. Babad and bisama thus become a charter, the neglect of which is an offence against the ancestors, which will result in punishment. Leadership patterns of most warga organisations, including the MGPSSR, have shifted from traditional leaders, who are leaders of dadya or dadya agung, to new-elite leaders, ie. those who hold power in the government bureaucracy, intellectuals, or businessmen, who are not necessarily influential in their own warga temples. This has produced a psychological divide between these leaders and their grassroots supporters, ie. members of dadya throughout Bali. Some problems faced by the MGPSSR in implementing its programs have been associated with this psychological divide. The temple system of the warga is clearly an arena where the warga try to consolidate their strength. Temples are the building blocks of warga organisations. The success or failure of the MGPSSR is clearly determined by its ability in controlling its temple system. The formal acknowledgment by Parisada (the Indonesian Hindu Council), that all twice-born priests (sulinggih) are equal in status, has been effectively used by some warga in Bali to channel their struggle for status. At present, the priesthood is a battle field between the ideology of homo-hierarchicus and homo-aequalis. In order to be able to use their priests to spread their ideology, the MGPSSR tries to produce priests of high quality. This is partly achieved through the rules of a 'priesthood ladder,' according to which an ordinary member from Warga Pasek Sapta Rsi cannot directly perform a consecration ceremony (dwijati) without first becoming a pemangku and then a jero-gede (both are lower-level priests). Another means to ensure quality is through an oral examination (diksa pariksa) for the candidate, administered by a special team from the MGPSSR. Aside from the effort to achieve quality, several practices found in the consecration of a priest from Warga Pasek Sapta Rsi are also meant to mark their identity by marking 'differences.' Other factors of great help for the MGPSSR in the struggle for equality are the introduction of the Pancasila, the Indonesian state ideology, which acknowledges that human beings are equal; the better access to Hindu teachings from Vedic sources, not merely Balinese sources; the movement to purify Balinese Hindu religion or 'return to the Veda'; and the contemporary global concern with social justice and human rights. In legitimising its claim of equality, the MGPSSR has developed a discourse based on global issues, on the Indonesian nation-state ideology of equality, and on traditional sources.