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1
Fang, Tony, Josephine Schaumburg, and Daniella Fjellström. "International business negotiations in Brazil." Journal of Business & Industrial Marketing 32, no. 4 (May 2, 2017): 591–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jbim-11-2016-0257.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose The purpose of this study was to explore an innovative strategy for studying the Brazilian negotiator’s unique and paradoxical characteristics from a cultural point of view to acquire a better understanding of the nature of international business negotiations in Brazil. Design/methodology/approach The study is of a qualitative nature, using a multiple-case study design at three levels (small-, medium- and large-scale negotiations). Interviews were conducted with Brazilian and German managers to capture the emic–etic view of the Brazilian negotiator. The Strategic Trinity Model was developed to assess the behavior of the Brazilian negotiator in agreement with three metaphors: “African Capoeirista”, “Portuguese Bureaucrat” and “Indigenous Warrior”. Findings The three roles “African Capoeirista”, “Portuguese Bureaucrat” and “Indigenous Warrior” comprised similar as well as contradicting characteristics. The Brazilian negotiator chose naturally and even paradoxically from these role features, effectively negotiating any given situation, context and time. During the pre- and post-negotiation phases, traits of the “African Capoeirista” and “Indigenous Warrior” were the most salient. During the formal negotiation phase, however, the characteristics of the “African Capoeirista” and “Portuguese Bureaucrat” dominated. Research limitations/implications International business negotiations in Brazil call for an in-depth comprehension of the paradoxical roles that local negotiators take on to achieve better negotiation outcomes. Originality/value The present study unveiled the contradicting Brazilian negotiating style in international business negotiations, thus acquiring a better understanding of the negotiation process in the Brazilian market.
2
Hailu, Raiye, and Takayuki Ito. "Efficient Deal Identification by Constraint Relaxation for Collaborative Decision Making Using Negotiation." Journal of Advanced Computational Intelligence and Intelligent Informatics 18, no. 4 (July 20, 2014): 608–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20965/jaciii.2014.p0608.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Negotiation is one means for making decision collaboratively. We propose efficient protocols for identifying deals in such negotiations. Specifically we focus on situations in which the negotiators must agree upon one option from among many. This work proposes solutions to problems faced when automating negotiations over multiple and interdependent issues. When negotiations are over issues that are interdependent, previous and future decisions concerning other issues affect how one decides the current issue. Therefore generally we must deal with all of the issues at the same time. To identify deals for negotiations over multiple and interdependent issues previous work has proposed a bidding based protocol that works well only when there is a high probability that agents in the negotiation have local maxima at similar positions in the contract space. This happens only when the contract space is small and the number of agents in the negotiation is low. Otherwise the protocol fails to identify deals. We propose a multi round bidding approach in which agents submit supersets of their bids from earlier rounds. A superset of a bid is created by relaxing the constraints that it satisfies. We will use the same concept of negotiation using relaxed constraints to extend a Hill Climbing (HC) protocol. HC has a linear execution time cost. Ordinarily it can not be used for complex negotiations. But we modify it so that it is used optimally and efficiently for such negotiations.
3
Pinto, Tiago, Mohammad Fotouhi Ghazvini, Joao Soares, Ricardo Faia, Juan Corchado, Rui Castro, and Zita Vale. "Decision Support for Negotiations among Microgrids Using a Multiagent Architecture." Energies 11, no. 10 (September 21, 2018): 2526. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en11102526.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper presents a decision support model for negotiation portfolio optimization considering the participation of players in local markets (at the microgrid level) and in external markets, namely in regional markets, wholesale negotiations and negotiations of bilateral agreements. A local internal market model for microgrids is defined, and the connection between interconnected microgrids is based on nodal pricing to enable negotiations between nearby microgrids. The market environment considering the local market setting and the interaction between integrated microgrids is modeled using a multi-agent approach. Several multi-agent systems are used to model the electricity market environment, the interaction between small players at a microgrid scale, and to accommodate the decision support features. The integration of the proposed models in this multi-agent society and interaction between these distinct specific multi-agent systems enables modeling the system as a whole and thus testing and validating the impact of the method in the outcomes of the involved players. Results show that considering the several negotiation opportunities as complementary and making use of the most appropriate markets depending on the expected prices at each moment allows players to achieve more profitable results.
4
Kew, Darren, and Anthony Wanis-St. John. "Civil Society and Peace Negotiations: Confronting Exclusion." International Negotiation 13, no. 1 (2008): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138234008x297896.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThe fact that civil society groups play important roles in post-conflict peacebuilding has entered the mainstream of international conflict resolution dogma. Rarely do local civil society groups get a seat at the negotiation table for peace accords. Although the exclusion of civil society from peace negotiations may streamline the process, the absence of civil society voices and interests at the negotiating table can negatively impact the sustainability of a peace agreement during peacebuilding. Surveying a wide variety of different peace processes, a strong correlation was found between active civil society participation in peace negotiations and the durability of peace during the peacebuilding phase. Cases in which civil society groups actively engaged in peace negotiations seemed to enjoy more sustained peace in the peacebuilding phase. This holds true also for cases in which civil society groups did not have a direct seat at the table, but did exercise significant influence with the negotiators because they were democratic actors. War resumed in many cases not characterized by direct or indirect civil society involvement in the peace negotiations. No claim of causality is made; the sustainability of peace surely rests on causes as complex and dynamic as the initiation of war does. However, these findings do call attention to the need for further research to understand the special impact that civil society inclusion at the peace table may have.
5
RHODES, R. A. W. "CORPORATISM, PAY NEGOTIATIONS AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT." Public Administration 63, no. 3 (September 1985): 287–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1985.tb00906.x.
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Mayekiso, Mzwanele. "Civil society and local government negotiations." Urban Forum 3, no. 2 (June 1992): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03036754.
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Murphree, David W., Stuart A. Wright, and Helen Rose Ebaugh. "Toxic Waste Siting and Community Resistance: How Cooptation of Local Citizen Opposition Failed." Sociological Perspectives 39, no. 4 (December 1996): 447–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389417.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Cooptation is used as a conceptual framework for analyzing a case of environmental conflict over a proposed toxic waste site that ended with allegations of betrayal aimed at community leaders who participated in structured negotiations with a waste disposal company. Though the negotiations committee challenging the waste company's proposal was stacked with veteran environmental activists, evidence suggests that they were effectively coopted. However, cooptation eventually failed when local activists not on the committee lost confidence in the negotiating process and accused committee members of “selling out” to the waste company and compromising the interests of the community. As a result of protests and citizen awareness campaigns, the opposition forces successfully convinced the regulatory agency to deny the company's permit. We find that cooptation theory helps to explain the short-lived success of corporate efforts during the early stages of negotiations, as well as the dynamics of failure in the long run. Three major components of cooptation are identified and discussed: (a) channeling, (b) inclusion/participation, and (c) salience control. The eventual failure of the siting process is linked to the latent demise of salience control.
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Cunningham, Kathleen Gallagher, and Katherine Sawyer. "Conflict negotiations and rebel leader selection." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 5 (April 15, 2019): 619–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319829689.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The international community often calls for negotiations in civil wars. Yet, we have limited understanding of when and why specific rebels enter into negotiations. The emergence of a new leader in a rebel group can provide an opportunity for the state seeking to end war, but this is conditional on how leaders take power. Rebel leaders who come to power through a local selection process (such as an election) provide information to the state about the likely cohesion of the rebel group. This affects state perceptions of the viability of a rebel group as a bargaining partner in civil war negotiations. Using original data on rebel leaders in civil wars, we show that new leaders coming to power through a local selection process are more likely to get to the negotiating table than leaders coming to power in other ways. We find that the election of a rebel group leader has a particularly strong and positive effect on the chance of getting to the table. Rebel leaders that founded their own group or brought together disparate rebels to create a single group are less likely to get to the negotiating table. This article advances our understanding of conflict dynamics by offering a novel argument of rebel leader ascension and its impact on conflict bargaining and has critical implications for parties external to the conflict interested in conflict resolution. External actors seeking to facilitate lasting peace may benefit from observing patterns of rebel leadership.
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Saragi, Martuama, Tjahya Supriatna, Sampara Lukman, and Dety Mulyanti. "MODEL NEGOSIASI POLITIK ANGGARAN DALAM PROSES PENETAPAN APBD PROVINSI SUMATERA UTARA." PAPATUNG: Jurnal Ilmu Administrasi Publik, Pemerintahan dan Politik 2, no. 3 (December 23, 2019): 152–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/japp.v2i3.26.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstrak
Tujuan penelitian ini adalah menemukan model baru negosiasi politik anggaran dalam proses penetapan APBD Provinsi Sumatera Utara. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif. Informan penelitian ini terdiri dari 13 orang yang ditentukan dengan snow ball sampling technique. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui studi kepustakaan, wawancara dan observasi. Analisis data penelitian menggunakan triangulasi. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan model baru dalam negoisasi politik anggaran yang disebut model negoisasi politik anggaran bernuansa positif. Model negoisasi politik anggaran bernuansa positif yaitu pola komunikasi pemerintahan yang berlangsung dalam perumusan, pembahasan dan penetapan kebijakan anggaran yang sepenuhnya untuk kepentingan publik dan anti korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme yang terungkap dari motif negoisasi, dalil negoisasi dan konsekuensi negoisasi yang bernuansa positif. Hal ini mencakup tiga dimensi negoisasi politik anggaran, yaitu dimensi motif negoisasi anggaran bernuansa positif, dimensi dalil negoisasi anggaran bernuansa positif, dan dimensi konsekuensi negoisasi anggaran bernuansa positif.
Kata Kunci: Model Baru, Interaksi Politik, Politik Anggaran, Pemerintahan Daerah.
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to find a new model of budget political negotiation in the process of establishing the North Sumatra Province APBD. This research is a qualitative research. The informants of this study consisted of 13 people who were determined by the snow ball sampling technique. Data collection is carried out through literature study, interviews and observations. Analysis of research data using triangulation. The results of this study found a new model in budget political negotiations called the positive nuanced budget politics negotiation model. A positive nuanced budget politics negotiation model is a pattern of government communication that takes place in the formulation, discussion and determination of budget policies that are fully in the public interest and anti-corruption, collusion and nepotism that are revealed from the negotiation motives, the propositions of negotiations and the consequences of positive negotiations. This includes three dimensions of budget politics negotiation, namely the dimensions of the motives for positive nuanced budget negotiations, the dimensions of the proposition of positive nuanced budget negotiations, and the consequence dimensions of positive nuanced budget negotiations.
Keywords: New Model, Political Interaction, Budget Politics, Local Government.
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Kincaid, John, Roger Richman, Orion F. White, and Michaux H. Wilkinson. "Intergovernmental Mediation: Negotiations in Local Government Disputes." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 17, no. 1 (1987): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330032.
Повний текст джерела
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Bragg, Sara, and David Buckingham. "Global concerns, local negotiations and moral selves:." Feminist Media Studies 13, no. 4 (September 2013): 643–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2012.700523.
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Amaral, Joana. "Do peace negotiations shape settlement referendums? The Annan Plan and Good Friday Agreement experiences compared." Cooperation and Conflict 53, no. 3 (February 23, 2018): 356–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717737569.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Peace negotiations have traditionally aimed at reaching a negotiated settlement between political representatives in conflict settings. However, these settlements have seldom been rejected in referendums. This article uncovers whether the way peace negotiations are conducted influences peace settlement referendum outcomes in order to determine if and how they can better foster public support for peace settlements. It analyses and compares if and how specific characteristics of the Annan Plan and the Good Friday Agreement negotiations influenced the rejection of the former in 2004, and the acceptance of the latter in 1998, in their respective referendums in Cyprus and Northern Ireland. Through the qualitative analysis of elite interviews and documental data, it demonstrates that political inclusivity, civil society engagement and the public exposure of the negotiations shaped the opposing outcomes of the two cases, as well as differences in the support given by the local communities. It argues that peace settlement referendums require less secretive and more inclusive negotiation processes, which can better foster political support and civic mobilisation, and inform and engage the wider communities at earlier stages of the peace process.
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Kimani, James. "PRAGMATIC ANALYSIS OF MARRIAGE DOWRY NEGOTIATIONS IN LOCAL COMMUNITIES AFRICA." European Journal of Historical Research 1, no. 1 (September 28, 2021): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.47672/ejhr.796.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose: Kenya’s foreign policy has largely rested with the presidency as has been shown by the analysis of the Uhuru Kenyatta Regimes. The general objective of the study was to examine pragmatic analysis of marriage dowry negotiations in local communities Africa.
Methodology: The paper used a desk study review methodology where relevant empirical literature was reviewed to identify main themes and to extract knowledge gaps.
Findings: The study concludes that for good negotiations to take place, interpersonal relationship has to be realized and this was done by using relevant lexical items. The lexical items that showed interpersonal relationships created a good environment for the negotiators to speak their minds. Some lexical items which are used in marriage negotiations are also in daily usage but their meanings differed according to the context of use. Several lexical items were used in marriage negotiations but five lexical items were used both in the marriage negotiations and also appeared in everyday usage but their meanings varied. The lexical items were analysed using Lexical Narrowing. Lexical Narrowing increases implications and the hearer is entitled to narrow the interpretation that satisfies his expectation.
Recommendations: The study found that marriage negotiations involved the use of sayings and proverbs especially from the bridal side. The study, therefore, recommends that further research can be done in those areas and also on the symbols that every form of dowry entail in Africa local communities and other communities abroad
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Gallagher, Daniel G., and Kurt W. Wetzel. "Local Employer and Union Perceptions of Two-Tier Bargaining." Articles 39, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 486–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050053ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study examines local union and employer views of the concept and operation of a two-tier bargaining structure for teacher contract negotiations in Saskatchewan. The results are based on a survey of 138 local union and trustee representatives' views of collective bargaining under a centralized multiemployer arrangement with supplementary local negotiations.
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Sidabalok, Febrita, and Kyohei Yamada. "The effect of negotiations frequency on the vehicles price in public sector in Indonesia." Kajian Ekonomi dan Keuangan 4, no. 2 (August 31, 2020): 116–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31685/kek.v4i2.494.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
E-Purchasing systems allow buyers and sellers to communicate directly and to negotiate. A relatively recent addition to public procurement practice in Indonesia, this research investigates how negotiation affects transacted price, particularly in the vehicle commodity. More than 40,000 transactions were examined; transactions consisted of central government purchasing organizations and also at the local government level. Statistical analysis involved Ordinary Least Square (OLS) and Multinomial Logit regression. Findings reveal that more frequent negotiations lead to a lower final price and that some government buyer organizations experience greater impact of negotiation than others. We discuss implications for Indonesian government policies, and for future research.
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Baldwin, Fred D. "Lieberman on Contract Negotiations: A Local School Board Perspective." Journal of School Choice 8, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 296–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15582159.2014.907691.
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Sands, Gary, Pierre Filion, and Laura A. Reese. "Techs and the Cities: A New Economic Development Paradigm?" Urban Planning 5, no. 3 (September 29, 2020): 392–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v5i3.2986.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Large technology firms pose new challenges for local economic development in the 21st century. They are attractive targets for local economic developers because they have the potential of providing permanent, well-paying jobs. This article examines two mega-economic development deals. Amazon’s proposed second headquarters in Queens and Sidewalk Labs’ Quayside proposal for the Toronto waterfront pit large and prosperous Big Tech firms against local governments with healthy economies. Amazon abandoned the New York City site it had chosen, rather than open new negotiations with local officials and citizens. Sidewalk Labs withdrew from the Quayside proposal after two and a half years of negotiation focusing mostly on the size of the proposed development. Although the potential benefits may be substantial, incentivizing Big Tech’s location decisions may be well beyond the means of most cities, especially those with distressed economies.
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de Jong, Edwin, and Argo Twikromo. "Friction within harmony: Everyday dynamics and the negotiation of diversity in Yogyakarta, Indonesia." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 48, no. 1 (January 26, 2017): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463416000485.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Most studies on diversity in Southeast Asia focus on the nation-state, with much less attention given to everyday encounters and the negotiation of diversity in local contexts. This article investigates the discourses and practices of various actors in the historically tolerant, generally peaceful, and diverse city and special region of Yogyakarta, Indonesia. This study examines this ethnic, religious and cultural diversity and illustrates the negotiations among various interest groups and actors that strive to maintain this balance, or sometimes to strategically disrupt it. As such, the findings offer a different way to understand and interrogate the challenges confronting present-day diversity both on a local level in Yogyakarta, and also for Indonesia and Southeast Asia at large.
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Hjort, Mattias. "Who should be governed to reduce deforestation and how? Multiple governmentalities at the REDD+ negotiations." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 38, no. 1 (April 5, 2019): 134–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654419837298.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Drawing on recent multiple governmentality literature, this article analyses the REDD+ negotiations to interrogate who the scheme is likely to govern and how. Two arguments are advanced. First, REDD+ is likely to target local forest users at the expense of both corporate and international drivers of deforestation. This will reduce the effectiveness of the scheme and invite leakage issues. In elucidating the ultimately rejected strategies for addressing international drivers now hidden in neat negotiation outcomes, this article opens a space for considering how the scheme could move beyond a predominant focus on local forest users. Second, targeted forest users are likely to be governed by a combination of neoliberal and disciplinary technologies. REDD+ will seek to ‘improve’ their conduct through a three-staged process involving education, self-reflection and rewards for carbon sequestration. An alternative governmentality associated with local forest users’ claims to decide on REDD+ implementation and governance, on the other hand, met with resistance and ultimately received no protection in the adopted REDD+ safeguards. Moreover, the formulation of the safeguards could undermine legitimacy and forest stewardship in REDD+ projects. By linking the possibility of such issues to the negotiation outcomes, this article demonstrates necessary changes to the scheme.
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Joshi, Tikeshwari, Eszter K. Kovacs, and Kaustuv Raj Neupane. "Incentives for Securing Water in a Himalayan town: A case from Dhulikhel, Nepal." New Angle: Nepal journal of social science and public policy 6, no. 1 (October 21, 2019): 66–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.53037/na.v6i1.5.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper explores the negotiations and the emerging socio-political relationships and alliances that were formed to reach a series of water-sharing agreements between upstream and downstream communities, in order to secure water required for continued urbanisation of the downstream town. The research focused on the socio-political actors and users of the Dhulikhel drinking water supply system of Nepal. Primary data was collected through key informant interviews, focus group discussions and stakeholder workshops to explore the development of the negotiation process and the agreement, and the role of different actors. The qualitative data was analysed through narrative and discourse analyses. During the negotiation process, political leaders from both communities were involved in the formation and acceptance of the agreement. The long-term negotiation that started during the 1980s culminated in a series of agreements, the last of which formally introduced cash incentives to the upstream community in 2011. The downstream urban community has been paying NPR one million per annum to the upstream community for their continued role in the sustainable management of the water catchment. The paper provides insights into the shifting power relations between local rural and urban socio-political actors who play a vital role in water access negotiations, and fundamentally influence the potentials and effectiveness of incentive-based mechanisms to secure water needs.
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Doubleday, Kalli F. "Human-Tiger (Re)Negotiations." Society & Animals 26, no. 2 (May 31, 2018): 148–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341498.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This case study explores the reintroduction of tigers to Sariska Tiger Reserve in Rajasthan, India, highlighting how the (re)negotiation between people and tigers is a struggle rooted in place and territory, with boundaries co-constructed by human and nonhuman actors. While the reintroduction came only three years after the official admission of complete species loss, tigers as a dominant force on the landscape were absent for more than a decade in some places. Accordingly, the people of Sariska see the reintroduced tigers as foreigners without place-knowledge and as disturbers of the interspecies boundaries created by the interactions of Sariska’s original tigers and many generations of local people. This study speaks to conservation sciences and animal geography to contribute to the scientific knowledge of the human dimensions of rewilding, still a nascent area of restoration ecology specifically in the case of apex predators in the global south.
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Papatzani, Eva (Evangelia), and Lena Knappers. "Negotiations of Socio-Spatial Coexistence through Everyday Encounters in Central Athens, Greece." Urban Planning 5, no. 3 (July 28, 2020): 150–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v5i3.2882.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Over the past decades, Athens has emerged as both a destination and gateway city for diverse migrant populations. Athenian urban development interrelated with migrants’ settlement dynamics has resulted in a super-diverse and mixed urban environment. This article focuses on the western part of Omonia, in central Athens, Greece, and investigates sociospatial trajectories of migrants’ habitation, entrepreneurship, and appropriation of (semi-)public spaces. It draws on scholarship about everyday encounters where negotiations of difference and interethnic coexistence take place at the very local level. It explores encounters between migrants, as well as between migrants and locals, that are created due to their everyday survival and social needs. The article argues that these ‘place-specific’ and ‘needs-specific’ encounters emerge as ‘micropublics’ that are open to negotiation, manage to disrupt pre-existing social boundaries, and epitomise processes of belonging in the city. The article draws from ethnographic fieldwork and qualitative semi-structured interviews carried out from 2013 to 2014 and from 2018 to 2019.
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Wirman, Eka Putra, Muhammad Ilham, and Refinaldi. "ARAT SABULUNGAN : STRATEGI DAN NEGOSIASI KULTURAL MINORITAS MUSLIM DI KEPULAUAN MENTAWAI." Tabuah 25, no. 2 (January 3, 2022): 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37108/tabuah.v25i2.630.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article will describe the recruitment strategy for the younger generation segment and the cultural negotiation strategy of the Mentawai Muslim minority in the midst of local traditions. Practically, this paper contributes to friendly and negotiable models of Islamic cultural studies with local values. The research was conducted with a qualitative approach. Data were collected through observation, documentation, and interview techniques. Data analysis was carried out with reference to technical analysts Miles and Huberman. Arat Sabulungan as a local belief for the original Mentawai people, is an elementary value for the Mentawai people. The historical-political factors of the New Order era, sociologically, made the consistency of religious beliefs not smooth. In addition, this is also caused by cultural negotiations which in the Islamic concept are more "difficult" compared to non-Islamic ones. The practice of Arat Sabulungan is a variable that contributes to the difficulty of the cultural negotiation. The strategy used by Islamic preachers which has been considered successful so far is by way of syncretic da'wah and education. The younger generation is a “guarded group”.
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Takhnaeva, Patimat I. "AKHULGO: ON THE ISSUE OF THE FAILED “PEACE NEGOTIATIONS” ACCORDING TO LOCAL CHRONICLES AND OFFICIAL RUSSIAN SOURCES (JUNE-AUGUST OF 1839)." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 16, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch16185-103.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Battle for Akhulgo was one the largest military operations of the Caucasian War, carried out in Dagestan by the Chechen detachment of the Caucasian army under the command of Lieutenant General P.H. Grabbe from June, 12 to August, 29, 1839. It is known that the parties made numerous attempts to end this bloody confrontation by negotiations: according to Russian sources – the negotiations on surrender, according to local ones – on peace agreement.The paper presents the points of view of the both parties, dynamics and subject of the negotiating process, its connection to different stages of the siege. The author introduces a new source, an official document, a detailed chronicle of the siege of Akhulgo – military journals of the detachment from June 12 to August 30, 1839, which was filled daily by the commander of the expeditionary detachment Lieutenant General P.H. Grabbe. The negotiations, which were carried out in the second half of August, according to local and Russian sources, ended ambiguously – with the release of the imam’s son as a hostage (“amanate”) and the siege of Akhulgo. The parties accused each other of violating their obligations or failure to fulfill them.According to official Russian sources, the solution of the tasks of “suppressing Dagestan” in 1839, set by Emperor Nicholas I before the Caucasian command, implied “the destruction of the fortified home of Shamil on the Akhulgo Rock” and “the elimination of Shamil”. The ultimate goal of solving these problems excluded the conclusion of peace agreements with the mountaineers. Nevertheless, according to local sources (Muhammad-Tahir al-Karakhi, Abdurahman al-Gazigumuki, Haji Ali, H. Genichutlinsky) the "failed peace talks" were remembered as a story of "deception and break of the Russian promises".
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Ashadi, Andri. "Negotiation of Tradition, Islam, and Modernity in The Movement of The Kaum Mudo Islamic Reform in Minangkabau." TEOSOFI: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 30–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/teosofi.2019.9.1.30-59.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At the beginning of the 20th century when the modernism of Islam in Minangkabau was strengthened, many academics saw the Kaum Mudo Islamic movement in a paradoxical perspective. On the one hand, the movement is considered to be progress-oriented by negotiating and accommodating with adat and hence they are referred to as reformers. On the other hand, the movement is seen as opposing and eliminating the integration of the elements of local cultures (adat) and modern ideas into Islam. Therefore, they are also referred to as puritans. Employing Stella Ting-Toomeys’s identity negotiation theory, which refers to ethnic (traditional) and religious identities as primary identities, this article concludes that the Islamic Movement for the Kaum Mudo in Minangkabau is a reform movement rooted in Islamic customs and traditions and not a purification movement. It can be observed, among others, in the following cases: (1) the existing social groups contest each other and fight for their mutual influence; (2) the ethnic background of each character at that time required an attitude which gives room for negotiations; (3) the existing madrasa reform model negotiated between the traditional surau system and the modern Dutch school; and (4) there has been a synthesis of adat with Islam and modernity in Minangkabau which are also negotiating each other.
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Suh, Paik-Hyun. "Negotiation Measures to Minimize the Damage Caused by the US Inflation Reduction Act to Korean Electric Automobile Supply Chain." Korean Logistics Research Association 32, no. 6 (December 31, 2022): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17825/klr.2022.32.6.57.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The US Inflation Reduction Act is expected to cause significant damage to the electric vehicle industry in Korea and EU. This study focuses on negotiation measures between Korea and USA to minimize damages related to the supply chain of the automobile industry, which is expected from the implementation of the IRA. The IRA is ultimately intended to build a US-centered electric vehicle production ecosystem, and from the standpoint of the Korean automobile industry, it is necessary to move away from relying on China for major raw materials for batteries so far, and to restructure or significantly adjust the supply chain. Regarding the IRA, both the Korea-US negotiations and the Korea-China negotiations have important meaning considering the future growth engines of electric vehicles and batteries. In negotiations with the United States, it is desirable for Korea to recognize that the nature of the issue is derived from the multilateral economic hegemony of the United States, and to engage in negotiations based on principle, that is, a problem-solving attitude that excludes political and diplomatic relations with both the United States and China. For the US, it is desirable to pursue a strategy that maximizes the actual benefits that can be obtained from local foreign direct investment rather than focusing on the application of exceptions to the IRA Act. If Korea fully accepts the US position on the IRA and makes a decision against China’s interests, there may be a threat of retaliation from China, and we must prepare for this at various levels.
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Derong, Chen, and Guy Olivier Faure. "When Chinese Companies Negotiate with Their Government." Organization Studies 16, no. 1 (January 1995): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/017084069501600103.
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Drawing on case study material, this paper analyzes a complex negotiation between a Chinese company and local government. It highlights the main char acteristics of such a negotiation and describes the rationale and outcomes of the process. Observations made in a Chinese context may provide insights for negotiators working in other cultural contexts when they address the question of resolving universal difficulties in government-organization negotiations. Lessons are drawn on matters such as the logic implemented in order to deal with power within an asymmetric setting or some workable approaches used in conflict handling, especially in case of deadlock. Finally by emphasizing three cultural dimensions — national—ethnic, organizational and profes sional — this study analyzes some key features of negotiated management in the Chinese context.
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Encarnacion Tadem, Teresa S. "Philippine Civil Society and WTO Negotiations: Opportunities and Challenges." Philippine Political Science Journal 31, no. 1 (December 21, 2010): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-03101002.
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The essay discusses how civil society has found an opening in intervening in the decision-making process on the country’s negotiating position in the World Trade Organization (WTO). It particularly looks at political opportunity structures which made this possible including the following external and domestic factors: 1) the anti-globalization movement which has pressured states to be more transparent and accountable to the manner in which WTO policymaking is being undertaken, 2) the failure of the Uruguay Round to provide the economic benefits to the Philippines inducing the government to be more open to civil society intervention, 3) the effort of the Department of Agriculture (DA), the lead agency for the negotiations of the WTO’s Agreement on Agriculture (AoA), to bring in civil society players, which was exemplified by the DA’s establishment of the Task Force on the WTO (Re)Negotiations on the Agreement on Agriculture (TFWAR), and 4) the emergence of coalition-building in the WTO, particularly among developing countries. However, there are also challenges which civil society groups face such as the need for the active involvement of the legislators in the WTO negotiations; the institutionalization of civil society participation at the local and global levels; and the prioritization of civil society strategies on dealing with the WTO and their respective governments.
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Abrahams, Jessica, and Nicola Ingram. "The Chameleon Habitus: Exploring Local Students’ Negotiations of Multiple Fields." Sociological Research Online 18, no. 4 (November 2013): 213–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3189.
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This study utilises an innovative creative method of plasticine modelling to explore the identities of local students (those who live in their family home) at the University of Bristol and the University of the West of England. Students created models representing their identity, which were used as a springboard for in-depth discussion. Through drawing upon Bourdieusian theory this article attempts to shed new sociological light on the subject of local student experiences. In much of the literature this is presented as problematic and it is often argued that local students either ‘miss out’ on the conventional university experience or that they are stuck between two worlds. This paper, however, presents a more complex picture of local students’ experiences of inhabiting local and university spaces. The data is analysed through a Bourdieusian lens in which the university and local worlds are seen as fields of struggle, this allows for a nuanced understanding of how students conceptualise their positions and dispositions in relation to both fields. The findings indicate that living at home can be both problematic and of benefit to the working-class students in particular. Despite being immersed within two somewhat contradictory fields they can sometimes develop various strategies to enable them to overcome any internal conflict. In this article we draw uniquely upon Bhabha's concept of a third space to expand upon Bourdieusian theory, arguing that a ‘cleft habitus’ is not always negative and can be a resource for some in their attempts to negotiate new fields.
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Chatháin, Siobhán Ní. "Transnational Migrants' Negotiations of Formal and Cultural Citizenship." Irish Journal of Sociology 19, no. 2 (November 2011): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.19.2.3.
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This article highlights the substantial role of Irish state governmentalities in structuring migrants' ‘possible fields of action’ (Foucault 1982: 790), while taking account of the agency of migrant subjects, albeit constrained, in negotiating Irish immigration regulation. It is based on data gathered from eighteen migrant mothers of Irish citizens and argues that it is important to recognise the political agency of migrants in generating new transnational modes of belonging despite the ways in which the state circumscribes their capacities to engage in transnational practices and maintain transnational relationships. This group of migrants simultaneously endeavoured to maintain transnational practices and relationships while cultivating local identifications. Although they had complex and contradictory attitudes to citizenship, the unifying theme was that social and spatial mobility are not inimical to local belonging. However, their local and transnational practices were impeded by prevailing discourses and regulations drawing on exclusionary configurations of citizenship which combined racialised notions of Irishness with neoliberalised concepts of the ideal citizen.
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Lis, Piotr. "Negotiations, expropriation and compensation for establishing cemeteries in Poland an overview of the subject matter." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica, no. 35 (March 30, 2019): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1508-1117.35.03.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The subject matter of this work is the functioning of a specific market of undeveloped real estate intended for cemeteries. There is a need in Poland not only to expand the existing cemeteries but also to establish new ones. However, such investments are successfully made only in a few gminas, not to mention big cities, where they seem even harder to be carried out. The aim of this article is to outline the issues of negotiations, expropriation and compensation in the process of investment implementation in Poland. In the negotiation process between a gmina (commune) and a private entity, carried out for the purchase of land intended for cemeteries, it has been proved that the gmina must assume the cost of the investment at approximately 55% of the purchase price of land intended for single-family housing on a given local market. Additionally, the author indicates the limitations associated with the location of investments in local spatial development plans as well as the limitations in terms of conducting effective negotiations for purchasing land intended for cemeteries by means of an agreement. The main problem indicated in the work is the location damage (suffered or not), which has largely contributed to blocking the contractual purchase of land and substantially complicates and delays termination of the expropriation procedure.
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Tohari, Amin. "From Confrontation to Collaboration: Peasant Negotiations in the Arena of Decentralization." Indonesian Journal of Political Studies (IJPS) 1, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 172–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ijps.2021.1.2.172-187.
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Decentralization and local democracy are two inseparable elements of post-New Order Indonesia development politics. Furthermore, the quality of decentralization to a certain extent is influenced by the depth and quality of local democratic practices. This study reveals that decentralization is not only an arena of competition between local elites in possession of capital through local democratic institutions, but also an arena in which grassroots groups (peasants) could fight for their land rights. This study observes that local democratic procedures and institutions that are practiced in unison with decentralization are not utilized by the lower classes in the struggle for their rights. This shows the failure of local democratic institutions from taking root in the marginal groups. The success of peasant movements in the struggle for their rights and the practice of local elite domination of the decentralization arena does not come out of the blue, but is related to the history of the formation of the agrarian structure and social class. This study concludes that on one side, local elites trust democratic institutions and procedures to achieve their goals, while on the other side the grassroots have their own logic on how local democracy should have been practiced, namely by not separating practice of local democracy from the missions of justice and social welfare for the common good.
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Palieieva, Yuliia S. "GENESIS OF THE CONCEPT OF DIPLOMACY." Bulletin of Alfred Nobel University Series "Law" 2, no. 3 (December 2021): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2709-6408-2021-2-3-13.
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The article is devoted to the history of diplomacy that that dates back to antiquity. But today its role is the most important compared to previous years. The dynamic process of development of relations in the international arena brings to the fore the process of rethinking diplomacy in accordance with the conditions of rapid changes in modern times. It had been determined that a single definition of diplomacy has not yet been developed. Over the past century, scientists, thinkers, politicians, lawyers have sought to master the concepts of diplomacy. They tried to understand the nature of diplomacy. The existing definitions of diplomacy were analyzed in the article. Most believe that diplomacy is the activity of high-ranking officials in the implementation of foreign policy. Another view is that diplomacy is the art of negotiation. Consider a few examples. Diplomacy is the application of reason and tact to official relations between the governments of independent states. Besides, diplomacy is the science of foreign relations, the science of mutual interests of states, the science of relations between different states based on their mutual interests, the principle of international law and treaty obligations, the art of negotiation, the science of the art of representing and negotiating. Moreover, diplomacy is one of the most important means of implementing foreign policy. Diplomacy is the art of resolving international disputes by peaceful means. Also, diplomacy is the conduct of international relations through negotiations; the method by which these relations are regulated and maintained by ambassadors and envoys; the work or art of a diplomat. A qualitatively different definition is given by Western sources. Diplomacy is an established method of influencing the decisions and behavior of foreign governments and peoples through dialogue, negotiation and other measures than war or violence. Globalization and regionalization (localization) affect the international order and cooperation, contributing to these new developments in diplomacy. Diplomacy permeates relations at various levels from local to global. It had been determined, in recent years, approaches to defining diplomacy have changed. If earlier it was a question of diplomacy in the context of negotiations between the states and establishment of friendly relations with them. Also, diplomacy was used as a synonym for foreign policy. Today, its content has become much more complex. The point of view on the possible cessation of the phenomenon of professional diplomacy has been studied. The author provided a critical analysis of this position. The author has thoroughly proved that this does not apply to diplomacy at all. In the modern world, diplomacy is used not only in the external relations of states, but also in all spheres of public life, especially in business. Therefore, knowledge of the basics and nature of diplomacy is necessary and useful for successful negotiations, contacts and relations at all levels.
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Amaral, Filomena, and João Simão. "People’s Voices on the Sustainable Forest Reform in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 9, no. 1 (October 1, 2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v9i1.299.
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Since the early 2000s, the Democratic Republic of Congo has been conducting a reform of its forestry sector with the publication of The Forest Code (2002). The implementation of this law, which aims to assure the participation of all stakeholders, has been evolving slowly since then. The present research aims to evaluate the knowledge local communities and indigenous people detain over the ongoing reform, and the expectations they created when negotiations over the implementation of industrial harvesting activities in their traditional territories began. By interviewing local people, we came to understand that insufficient knowledge regardin the law gathers with a lack of concern towards ecological or environmental matters and with the need of seeing basic needs satisfied; all this in a context in which different stakeholders’ responsibilities and negotiational terms are often misunderstood.
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Barnawi, Osman Z. "The Effect of Negotiating Pedagogies in Saudi College EFL Writing Classrooms." Language and Literacy 18, no. 1 (April 3, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20360/g2dw2x.
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Studies on the application of centre applied linguistics circles’ writing pedagogies in EFL settings have placed great emphasis on the agency and innovativeness of local teachers. Local teachers often exercise absolute power over students’ learning processes by transplanting Western approaches to writing into their local contexts. However, the active roles of student-writers in negotiating, constructing and transforming these pedagogical imports to suit their needs have been overlooked in the literature. This study examined how my students’ negotiations with writing pedagogies that I imported from the USA helped them to move from writing to display knowledge to writing in order to construct and transform knowledge, at levels such as self, content and form. It was found that these pedagogies helped me critically reflect upon my position as an EFL writing tutor as well as scaffold my students’ learning accordingly. They also helped my students to assume active roles in writing classes.
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Ubink, Janine M. "Negotiated or Negated? The Rhetoric and Reality of Customary Tenure in an Ashanti Village in Ghana." Africa 78, no. 2 (May 2008): 264–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000168.
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Customary land tenure is seen as a field in which social and political relationships are diverse, overlapping and competing. Property regimes are, therefore, often analysed in terms of processes of negotiation, with people's social and political identities as central elements. This article studies the negotiability of customary tenure in peri-urban Ghana where land is at the centre of intense and unequal competition and closely tied up with struggles over authority. It focuses on one village to provide a grassroots view of processes of contestation of customary rights to land. The analysis of how and to what extent local actors in this village deal with, negotiate and struggle for rights to land confirms that contestants for land never operate on a level playing field. Postulating the social inequalities of local communities, the article analyses whether it is useful to place all local land dealings under the term ‘negotiations’, or whether such a characterization stretches the boundaries of the term too far and risks undermining the significance of local stratification and ignoring the winners and losers in a contest with uncertain rules.
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Zeager, Lester A. "Negotiations for Refugee Repatriation or Local Settlement: A Game-Theoretic Analysis." International Studies Quarterly 42, no. 2 (June 1998): 367–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2478.00086.
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Kaplan, Louise, and Marie-Annette Brown. "State and Local APN Salary Data: The Best Evidence for Negotiations." Journal for Nurse Practitioners 5, no. 2 (February 2009): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.nurpra.2008.08.002.
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Goheen, Mitzi. "Chiefs, subchiefs and local control: negotiations over land, struggles over meaning." Africa 62, no. 3 (July 1992): 389–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1159749.
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AbstractControl over and access to land in Nso, Cameroon, has always depended on social identity. Control over land is a central symbol of leadership, both historically and today. Since the mid-1970s the Cameroonian state has instituted land ordinances and stressed privatisation and land titling, while Nso ideology has continued to emphasise access to land as a right of Nso citizenship. The contradictions set up by these two differing views are exacerbated by disputes between the Fon Nso and his sub-chiefs, in this case the Fon Nseh, over the right to control access to land. This prerogative, represented by the licence to collect taxes for the people farming on the land, is further complicated by the relationship of the two rulers and their constituents to the national state. Each Fon reinvents tradition by reinterpreting a series of historical events to buttress his claim, the Fon Nso stressing rights in people and the Fon Nseh stressing rights in territory by virtue of his ritual obligation to the ancestors residing there. This article examines the complex relationships and the distribution of power among these traditional rulers, the new elites and the national state.RésuméLe contrôle et l'accession à la terre à Nso, au Cameroun, a toujours dépendu de l'identité sociale. Le controle de la terre symbolise l'idée de chef, à la fois dans le passé et encore de nos jours. Depuis le milieu des années 1970, l'état camerounais a établi des arrêtes fonciers et renforce la privatisation et le droit foncier, alors que l'idéologie Nso a continué à accentuer l'accession à la terre comme un droit de citoyenneté Nso. Les contradictions produites par ces deux points de vues différents sont encore plus exacerbées par les désaccords entre le Fon Nso et ses sous-chefs, dans ce cas le Fon Nseh, sur le droit de controler l'accession à la terre. Ce privilege, representé par le droit de percevoir les impôts payables par les fermiers travaillant sur la terre, se complique encore davantage quant au rapport des deux chefs et de leurs partisans à l'état moderne. Chaque Fon réinvente la tradition en dormant une nouvelle interpretation à certains événement historiques pour étayer sa revendication: le Fon Nso met en valeur les droits du point de vue des gens, alors que le Fon Nseh renforce les droits dans la perspective du territoire en vertue de l'engagement rituel qu'il porte envers les ancêtres qui y résident. Cet article analyse les rélations complexes et la repartition du pouvoir parmi ces chefs traditionnels, les nouvelles élites et l'état moderne.
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Bisaha, David. "Defending the Standard Contract: Unmeasured Work, Class, and Design Professionalism in United Scenic Artists Local 829." Theatre Survey 61, no. 2 (March 12, 2020): 231–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557420000071.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
How much is a theatrical design idea worth? Alternatively, how much should a professional theatre designer be paid? For many working today, standard minimum contract scales and “industry standards” help guide fee negotiations. In the United States, United Scenic Artists (USA) Local 829 was among the first bodies to align theatrical design with organized labor activism, and as such, its standard minimum contract for design is an object lesson in the value of artistic labor. These scales were developed nearly a century ago, and were the product of hard negotiation and legal action taken by US-American designers in the interwar period. Lee Simonson and Jo Mielziner are best remembered for their revolutionary use of space, scenery, and lighting, yet their professional advocacy within USA Local 829 provided the basis for today's standard design fees. Further, their defense of fair payment during the Depression and war years preserved scenic design as a form of labor analogous to other backstage crafts and trades.
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O’Hanlon, Rosalind. "Entrepreneurs in diplomacy: Maratha expansion in the age of the vakil." Indian Economic & Social History Review 57, no. 4 (September 14, 2020): 503–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464620948425.
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In eighteenth-century South Asia, ‘political’ vakils are familiar to us principally as diplomats, active in the inter-state negotiations of the period. They were unlike their predecessors, the īlchī and hejib of earlier centuries, who were associated with the service of courts and states. Maratha political vakils, like others, worked rather more as the mobile agents of individual rulers. Their activities extended far beyond the diplomatic arena. Since revenue rights were central to many inter-state negotiations, vakils often oversaw arrangements for local-level revenue collection. Frequently acting on behalf of several employers, they also had key roles in the remittance of cash, to meet the costs of their own establishments, to participate in the gift economy of the court, to pay the costs of local mercenaries, and to make down-payments for revenue farms on behalf of their employers. Drawing on support of their own extended families, for whom vakil service was often a profession that extended over several generations and regions, many political vakils combined mobility with deep connections to local economies and societies, sharing some characteristics of the ‘portfolio capitalism’ of the eighteenth century. What distinguished them, though, was their access to subcontinent-wide networks of political intelligence, and their expertise in the ‘soft skills’ of negotiation and persuasion, which further enabled them to exploit local social networks and political institutions. Colonial reforms of the late eighteenth century broke this flexible and entrepreneurial service role apart, dissipating it within the lower levels of colonial bureaucracy. The old figure of the political vakil disappeared, to be replaced by the semi-professional ‘native pleader’ in courts of law, and by ‘munshi’ assistants and translators to the Residents of the princely states within the uncovenanted civil service.
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Ntwaagae, Charles. "Commentary: An African Perspective Services Negotiations." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850062. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1149.
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A commentary on J. Robert Vastine's article "Services Negotiations in the Doha Round: Promise and Reality." Charles T. Ntwaagae is Ambassador-Permanent Representative to the UN and WTO in Geneva. He has served in the Botswana Public Service over the past 28 years, during which he held several senior policy level positions. These include Executive Director of the National Environment Secretariat, Deputy Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Local Government, Housing and Environment, and Deputy Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. As Ambassador-Permanent Representative, he has served in various capacities, including Chairman of the Africa Group, Co-ordinator of ACP Ambassadors in the WTO and Chairman of Commonwealth Developing countries in the WTO. As of January 2006, he will be serving as Permanent Secretary of Botswana's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation.
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Hammer, Tove H., and David L. Wazeter. "Dimensions of Local Union Effectiveness." ILR Review 46, no. 2 (January 1993): 302–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600206.
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The authors develop a model of union effectiveness based on an analysis of organizational goals and use it to interpret data on 511 teachers' union locals in Pennsylvania. A factor analysis identifies five dimensions of union effectiveness in the locals: the quality or extent of (a) member participation, (b) the union's preparations for negotiations, (c) the union's involvement in political and civic activities, (d) a “union mentality” (union members' perception of the union as a political interest group representing them rather than merely an association that “meets and confers” with the school administration), and (e) the union's leadership. All of these dimensions except (b) are found to contribute significantly to overall union effectiveness; (d) and (e) are the most important components.
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Nan, Susan Allen, and Paula Garb. "Negotiating in a Coordination Network of Citizen Peacebuilding Initiatives in the Georgian-Abkhaz Peace Process." International Negotiation 11, no. 1 (2006): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180606777835748.
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AbstractThis article analyzes a set of negotiations within a coordination network. These negotiations surrounded the establishment and development of a coordination network of citizen peacebuilding initiatives focused on the Georgian-Abkhaz peace process. The authors reflect on six years of action research working with both local and international organizations and individuals working on citizen peacebuilding initiatives in the Georgian-Abkhaz peace process. Tracing the negotiations from 1999 through 2005, the article first highlights the context in which the coordination network developed to fill a need for joint strategizing amongst peacebuilders working in the region. In this context the locally recognized organic need for coordination drove the development of the network through an elicitive process. The analysis details early negotiations about establishment of the coordination network, which focused on building a culture of coordination by establishing norms of coordination. Subsequent negotiations within revised network structures, and outcomes of the coordination negotiations are then presented. Key factors that enhanced the coordination network are identified: inclusivity and transparency; in-person meetings; absence of a formal organizational structure; autonomy of each organization; focus on integrative agreements; and a culture of coordination. The case highlights the possibilities for long-term peacebuilding work based on relationships of trust and a culture of coordination.
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Torre, André, and Ségolène Darly. "Land use and soils disposal: From competition to territorial governance (examples from land use conflicts in the greater Paris region)." Renewable Agriculture and Food Systems 29, no. 3 (November 1, 2013): 206–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742170513000379.
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AbstractRural, natural and peri-urban areas seem nowadays to become the object of conflicts and tensions because of their multi-functional nature. If these conflicts issue from opposing views about the use of land, they are also determined by the spatial parameters that characterize the pieces of land affected by the projects of land-use transformation, and by the antagonistic relationship between two or several units of action (farmers and local planners, for example). Therefore, there is a need for a new management of rural (and peri-urban) areas, and this is the role of territorial governance, which is the engine of local development, and the tool for better local compromises, involving periods of opposition and streams of negotiation. Territorial governance has to take into account not only negotiations but conflict relations as well and to include both interaction schemes into its framework. Our study assesses the role played by conflicts in land use within a peri-urban context, based on studies on the Greater Paris region, and a case study on the use of agricultural soils on the urban fringe.
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Stelgias, Niko. "What Went Wrong in the Cyprus Negotiations? The Three Elements That Led to Failure." Central and Eastern European Review 11, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/caeer-2018-0002.
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AbstractIn the wake of the interruption of the negotiations in mid-2017, this study aims to investigate and underline the reasons that led to the new failure in the Cyprus talks. Why did the negotiations collapse after a remarkable two-year effort? Who were the main protagonists in this fiasco? What were the main points of disagreement at the negotiations’ table? What were the disputes in the fields of security and equality? What was the role of local society in the failure? This analysis attempts to answer the questions mentioned above by putting the official positions of the two sides and the related opinion articles and publications which have had an impact on the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot press, under its microscope.
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Pulignano, Valeria. "Still ‘Regime Competition’?" Articles 61, no. 4 (March 15, 2007): 615–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/014763ar.
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This article studies trade unions’ response to transnational change in a large multinational corporation within the motor industry in Europe. We show how the use of the European Works Councils (EWCs) as a forum for European negotiation did not counter the management’s effort to whipsaw trade unions, such as to play off workers against each other in local negotiations. This seems to suggest that the effort to network and coordinate between employee representatives, and to negotiate with management through ‘active’ EWCs is ineffective at controlling inter-union competition in cases of transnational restructuring. Hence, research outcomes illustrate that an analysis of the impact of European-level agreements on plant level is requested in order to assess the effectiveness of ‘active’ EWCs in forging cross-national links.
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Herrera, Antonio, and John Markoff. "Rural Movements and the Transition to Democracy in Spain." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, no. 4 (December 1, 2011): 455–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.4.724173576j08vn36.
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Scholars of Spain's democratic transition vary considerably in the role they attribute to movements. Spanish democratization is widely known for its successful elite negotiations and some describe it as an instance of democratization from above. For others it is a case of social movement activism creating problems for those elites negotiating the democratization process. Among those social movements, the least studied took place in the Spanish countryside. Rural movements played a role well beyond the standard accounts in two important ways. First, they challenged significant obstacles to democratization that elite deals had left in place at the local level. And, second, the local arena had major implications for the national scene. We trace the history of four rural campaigns that were a pivotal component of Spanish democratization. We conclude with some general observations on the role of social movements in imparting a dynamic character to democracy.
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de Theije, Marjo. "Local protest and transnational Catholicism in Brazil." Focaal 2006, no. 47 (June 1, 2006): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/092012906780646424.
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Based on research in Brazil, the author discusses three local situations of conflict and social protest, using a transnational perspective. She concentrates on the use of universal claims of Catholicism in local negotiations of religious change under the influence of different cultural campaigns. The clashes in question are divided into those involving local political problems and those concerning the religious domain itself. The analysis shows that in each of the cases—albeit with different intensity and outcome—the interconnection between translocal processes and the meaning and experience of locality has a significant role in the power plays and the formulations of religious or social protest in the local context.
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Cadge, Wendy. "The Evolution of American Airport Chapels: Local Negotiations in Religiously Pluralistic Contexts." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 28, no. 1 (2018): 135–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2018.28.1.135.
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AbstractReligion and spirituality are present in many organizations in the contemporary United States. While religious studies scholars have traditionally focused on local congregations, some are branching out to explore religion in a broader range of public institutions. Between 1950, when many scholars conceptualized American religion in terms of Will Herberg's classic Protestant-Catholic-Jew and the present, chapels in public institutions including the military, healthcare centers, universities, prisons and airports have expanded and diversified. I focus on airports tracing the evolution of airport chapels from Catholic centered to more multi-faith to more religiously inclusive as unlikely, or perhaps just hidden, analytic mirrors for demographic and cultural changes in American religion. Theoretically, these chapels are case studies that show how the function and appropriate place for religion in public institutions has been improvised and negotiated locally. The clergy, airport personnel and airport chaplains who make decisions about these spaces lack consistent education about the topic and receive inconsistent guidance from laws and policies across city, state, and federal contexts. The chapel spaces that result are, therefore, much more varied than one might expect and shaped as much by fears about what could cause conflict as by responses to actual conflicts.