Статті в журналах: "Libya and Tunisia"

1

Ciarli, Stefano, and Keith McLachlan. "A Bibliographic Review: Studies of Libya's International Borders." Libyan Studies 27 (1996): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900002429.

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AbstractThe Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has, since 1980, been involved in no fewer than three important judgments at the International Court of Justice at The Hague, dealing with Libya-Tunisia, the Libya-Malta and the Libya-Chad boundaries. The Government of Libya accepted all the judgments made at the ICJ without equivocation.The settlement of the Mediterranean continental shelf issues with Tunisia (1982) and with Malta (1985) may be seen as technical adjustments leading to a fixing of boundaries in undemarcated areas. Both judgments were comparatively favourable to Libya and extended Libya's area of hydrocarbon activities off-shore.In the matter of Libyan land claims to the Aouzou strip on the Chad borderlands, the situation was rather different. The international boundary between Libya and Chad was laid down under a 1955 convention. In 1972 the Libyan Government annexed the Aouzou strip. The ICJ gave its judgment on 3rd February 1994, by 16 votes to 1 finding that the boundary between the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and the Republic of Chad is defined by the Treaty of Friendship and Good Neighbourliness concluded on 10th August 1955 between the French Republic and the United Kingdom of Libya, thus restoring the Aouzou strip to Chad.A select bibliography of sources dealing with Libya's international boundaries is attached, itemising key texts in Western languages.

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2

Michelutto, Lisa. "Egyptian Autocracy Promotion in Libya and Tunisia." Revista Euro latinoamericana de Análisis Social y Político (RELASP) 3, no. 6 (April 11, 2023): 292–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/rr.v3i6.103.

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TThe basis of this paper is an analysis of el-Sisi’s Egypt’s autocratic promotion of Libya and Tunisia. At the structural level, the paper is divided into three parts: in the first, Egyptian autocracy promotion is analyzed at the empirical level in Libya and Tunisia. As for Libya, rewards prevailed (training the armed forces and selling weapons), although there has been blackmail against Marshal Haftar. Egyptian rewards in Tunisia have been weaker than in Libya: they have been mainly diplomatic. That is why it is possible to affirm that there has been a strong emulation of Saïed towards el-Sisi. The paper then goes on to place the two cases within Fossati’s (2022) typology. Therefore, it is possible to come to the conclusion that Egyptian autocracy promotion in Libya was rigid until 2020, when el-Sisi only supported Haftar, but became flexible after 2020, when el-Sisi began to negotiate with the government in Tripoli. In both cases we have soft power relations. As for Tunisia, Egyptian autocracy promotion is flexible with soft power relations. Finally, an interesting assessment is presented concerning the relationship between values and interests in el-Sisi’s foreign policy in the two countries analyzed. Egyptian autocracy promotion has indeed almost always been ideological, both in Libya and in Tunisia, although interests have come into play in the second phase in Libya, when el-Sisi moderated his position and began the negotiations with the Tripoli government.

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3

BOUGHEDIR, W., M. RIFI, E. SHAKMAN, F. MAYNOU, R. GHANEM, J. BEN SOUISSI, and E. AZZURRO. "Tracking the invasion of Hemiramphus far and Saurida undosquamis along the southern Mediterranean coasts: A Local Ecological Knowledge study." Mediterranean Marine Science 16, no. 3 (October 13, 2015): 628. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mms.1179.

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Local Ecological Knowledge of 92 professional fishers from Tunisia and Libya was used to investigate on the occurrence and establishment of the exotic Hemiramphus far and Saurida undosquamis along the southern Mediterranean coasts. According to fisherman’s knowledge, H. far and S. undosquamis appeared in Libya, in 1980 and 1989 respectively. In Tunisia these species were observed afterwards, in 2004 and 2007. Currently both H. far and S. undosquamis result to be well distributed and established, along the entire surveyed area, from Tubrouk (eastern Libya) to Tabarka (western Tunisia). A statistical analysis of the qualitative trends in abundance perceived by the respondents show that both species have significantly increased in abundance in Tunisia. In Libya an increase of the abundance of H. far was also apparent during the first decade of the 21st century but the current abundance of S. undosquamis resulted to be stable at the level of occasional captures. Given the lack of regular environmental monitoring programmes in the area, these findings provide information that could not have been obtained otherwise. Besides improving our understanding on the status and chronology of these invasions, this approach highlights the value of fisherman’s knowledge to reconstruct ecological process in the course of rapid historical modifications.

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4

Najem, Faraj. "Libyan tribes in diaspora." Libyan Studies 34 (2003): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900003447.

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AbstractTribal immigration into and out of Libya has been largely unexplored. This study, based on Arabic and Libyan sources, begins to rectify this. It aims to examine the causes that have led tribes to flee the country voluntarily or by force and will follow the hardship of immigrants during the Qaramanh rule (1711-1835) and their establishment in neighbouring countries.Based on the author's own fieldwork and that of others, the methodology focuses on primary Arabic sources including interviews and oral traditions to establish a chronology of tribal movements to Egypt, Tunisia and Chad. Once settled outside Libya, these ex-patriot Libyans were involved in key events in their host countries.

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5

Cremasco, Maurizio. "Two uncertain futures: Tunisia and Libya." Adelphi Papers 28, no. 231 (March 1988): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05679328808457582.

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6

Mathlouthi, Najla, Charbel Al-Bayssari, Allaaeddin El Salabi, Sofiane Bakour, Salha Ben Gwierif, Abdulaziz A. Zorgani, Yahia Jridi, Karim Ben Slama, Jean-Marc Rolain та Chedly Chouchani. "Carbapenemases and extended-spectrum β-lactamases producing Enterobacteriaceae isolated from Tunisian and Libyan hospitals". Journal of Infection in Developing Countries 10, № 07 (2 серпня 2016): 718–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3855/jidc.7426.

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Introduction: The aim of the study was to investigate the prevalence of extended-spectrum β-lactamase (ESBL) and carbapenemase production among clinical isolates of Enterobacteriaceae recovered from Tunisian and Libyan hospitals. Methodology: Bacterial isolates were recovered from patients in intensive care units and identified by biochemical tests and MALDI-TOF. Antibiotic susceptibility testing was performed by disk diffusion and the E-test method. ESBL and carbapenemase activities were detected using standard microbiological tests. Antibiotic resistance-encoding genes were screened by PCR and sequencing. Clonal relationships between Klebsiella pneumoniae strains were carried out using multi-locus sequence typing (MLST). Results: A total of 87 isolates were characterized, with 51 and 36, respectively, identified as E. coli and K. pneumoniae. Overall the resistance prevalence was high for aminoglycosides (> 60%), fluoroquinolones (> 80%), and extended-spectrum cephalosporins (> 94%), and was low for imipenem (11.4%). Among this collection, 58 strains (66.6%) were ESBL producers and 10 K. pneumoniae strains (11.4%) were carbapenemase producers. The antibiotic resistance-encoding genes detected were blaCTX-M-15 (51.7%), blaTEM-1 (35.6%), several variants of blaSHV (21.8%), and blaOXA-48 (11.4%). The MLST typing of K. pneumoniae isolates revealed the presence of multiple clones and three novel sequence types. Also, close relationships between the OXA-48-producing strains from Tunisia and Libya were demonstrated. Conclusions: This study is the first paper describing the emergence of carbapenemase- and ESBL-producing Enterobacteriaceae, sensitive to colistin, isolated in Tunisia and Libya. Active surveillance and testing for susceptibility to colistin should be implementing because resistance to colistin, mainly in Klebsiella, has been recently reported worldwide.

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7

AKKARI, NESRINE, and HANS REIP. "Ommatoiulus ktarii, a new millipede from Tunisia and considerations on the taxonomy of the genus (Diplopoda, Julida, Julidae)." Zootaxa 5231, no. 2 (January 27, 2023): 183–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.5231.2.5.

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A new millipede, Ommatoiulus ktarii sp. nov., is here described from Tunisia based on relatively recently collected specimens from the semi-arid area of the plain of Oueslatia. A description of the external morphology and gonopod structures are provided, proving the new species to be most similar to the only hitherto known schizophyllinine from Libya, Ommatoiulus rimosus (Karsch, 1881) described more than 140 years ago. Photographs of the gonopods of all Tunisian Ommatoiulus Latzel, 1884 species are provided.

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8

Walley, C. D. "Depositional history of southern Tunisia and northwestern Libya in Mid and Late Jurassic time." Geological Magazine 122, no. 3 (May 1985): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0016756800031447.

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AbstractThe good exposures of virtually undeformed Callovian and Oxfordian strata along the Djeffara escarpment of southern Tunisia and northwestern Libya have allowed analysis of regional depositional history during this time.A number of lithostratigraphic problems are considered. In Tunisia, the Foum Tatahouine Formation is subdivided into members and in Libya some of the stratigraphic issues are clarified. A correlation between the two sequences is proposed. The widely claimed aeolian origin for the Libyan Chameau Mort Sandstone is rejected.The depositional patterns of the Callovian and Oxfordian strata are described in the context of Mid and Late Jurassic sedimentation in the eastern Ghadames basin of the African craton. After a regressive Bathonian sequence, transgressive conditions commenced in Early Callovian time. In a series of continental–marine cycles, this transgressive sequence culminated in widespread shallow, restricted-marine micritic deposition. A regression in Late Callovian time resulted in emergence marked by a thin but widespread calcrete horizon. In Mid? Oxfordian time a renewed transgression brought in open marine, high-energy, shallow-water carbonates. Later, regressive conditions returned, leading to increasing restriction, and latest Jurassic time saw the first signs of the fluvio-deltaic deposition that was to dominate the region in Early Cretaceous time.

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9

Al-Turk, Halima. "The Arab Springs: A Comparison of the Uprisings in Libya & Syria in 2011." Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, no. 1 (October 15, 2016): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur66.

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The Arab Springs is known as “a revolutionary wave of demonstrations, protests, riots, protracted civil wars and other forms of opposition (both violent and non-violent) in the Arab territories” (Elfaith. 2015, 121). Starting in Tunisia on December 18, 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi a street vendor, set himself on fire after being harassed by municipal police officials. Bouazizi’s act of self-immolation sparked international attention, leading Tunisia into a revolution. After being in power for 23 years as Tunisia’s President, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali stepped down and fled to Saudi Arabia (Bunton 2013, 16). Tunisia’s revolution led both the Arab and non-Arab world to witness “spontaneous explosions of protests, [revolutions] and popular political upheaval” in countries such as Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Morocco, Lebanon, Algeria, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Sudan and Mauritania (Ismael and Ismael 2013, 229). The high levels of political corruption, economic hardships and the desire for a free democratic government all inspired the citizens of these countries to take action against their governments.

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10

Kłosowicz, Robert, and Ewa Szczepankiewicz-Rudzka. "Między polityką zaangażowania a pozytywną neutralnością. Libia i Tunezja wobec kwestii Sahary Zachodniej." Politeja 20, no. 1(82) (June 28, 2023): 309–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.20.2023.82.16.

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BETWEEN A POLICY OF ENGAGEMENT AND POSITIVE NEUTRALITY: LIBYA AND TUNISIA ON THE ISSUE OF WESTERN SAHARA The unresolved issue of Western Sahara has been causing serious divisions in the Maghreb region for 48 years, which affects not only political relations, but also economic cooperation. The division into states supporting the independence of Western Sahara and those backing Morocco’s position has very strongly polarized the Maghreb region, as well as practically all states of the African continent. Moreover, during the Cold War, this dispute fed into division between states in the Western camp and those identified with the Eastern bloc and socialism, such as Libya. Tunisia was the only country in North Africa, which consistently tried to implement a policy of positive neutrality and because of that it was doomed to occupy a liminal space not only in the region – between Algeria and Morocco, but also in the bipolar world – between the West and the Eastern bloc. This article aims to present the two countries of Tunisia and Libya from the perspective of 48 years of the Western Saharan crisis. Both states, although they do not have a direct border with the territory of Western Sahara, are sometimes involuntarily, as in the case of Tunisia, involved in the largest regional dispute, which to this day casts a shadow over relations in North Africa.

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11

Drake, Christine. "Morocco, Tunisia, and Libya: Diversity within Unity." Focus on Geography 49, no. 3 (December 2006): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-8535.2006.tb00167.x.

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12

Lesch, Ann M. "Troubled Political Transitions: Tunisia, Egypt and Libya." Middle East Policy 21, no. 1 (March 2014): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12057.

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13

Hudson, Michael C. "The Middle East in Flux." Current History 110, no. 740 (December 1, 2011): 364–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2011.110.740.364.

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14

Rahman, Sainul. "Tensions of The Tension of Sectarianism and the Challenges of Democracy in the Middle East After Arab Spring." Jurnal ICMES 3, no. 1 (June 29, 2019): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v3i1.32.

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Gelombang Arab Spring pada awal 2011 yang melanda negara-negara Timur Tengah, dimulai dari Tunisia, Mesir, Libya, Bahrain, Kuwait, Arab Saudi, Yaman, dan Suriah menunjukkan kehendak rakyat Arab untuk meraih perbaikan dalam berbagai bidang, mulai dari ekonomi, sosial, hingga sistem politik yang terbuka dan demokratis. Setelah delapan tahun berlalu, beberapa negara masih terus melanjutkan proses demokratisasi, seperti Tunisia dan Mesir. Sebaliknya, di sejumlah negara, proses demokratisasi terhenti, seperti di Arab Saudi, Bahrain, dan Kuwait dan ada pula negara-negara yang terpuruk dalam perang berkepanjangan, yaitu Libya, Yaman, dan Suriah. Artikel ini membahas dua studi kasus untuk melihat bagaimana sektarianisme yang terjadi pasca Arab Spring, yaitu Tunisia dan Yaman. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan historis dengan metode deskriptif-analisis, penulis menemukan bahwa meskipun sektarianisme di Timur Tengah mempunyai akar sejarah yang panjang, dalam konflik-konflik Arab Spring sektarianisme telah digunakan oleh pihak-pihak yang berkonflik untuk mencapai kepentingan mereka masing-masing. Selama pihak-pihak yang berkonflik terus mengedapankan identitas politik dan sektarianisme, demokrasi sulit untuk ditegakkan.

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15

Maalej, Zouheir A. "Framing and manipulation of person deixis in Hosni Mubarak’s last three speeches." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 23, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 633–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.23.4.03maa.

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The “Arab Spring,” as the revolutions in some Arab countries were called by the international media, was triggered by the “Jasmine Revolt” in Tunisia, which provoked a domino effect to some Arab leaders, starting from Tunisia and spreading to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, etc. Using the insights of cognitive-pragmatics, the current article shows how the last three speeches of Husni Mubarak, the demised president of Egypt (DPE), framed the revolution in Egypt and filled person deixis. In particular, the article argues that, from the antepenultimate to the ultimate speech, the DPE, unlike his Tunisian counterpart, made little change to the initial framing of the revolution in Egypt as a strategy to maintain the sociopolitical situation as it was. As transpires from the lexical items environing person deixis, the DPE filled it with cognitive content which prevented him from coming any closer to a pragmatic rapprochement to the Egyptian people.

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16

Mattingly, D. J., and G. D. B. Jones. "A New Clausura in Western Tripolitania: Wadi Skiffa South." Libyan Studies 17 (1986): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026371890000707x.

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AbstractThis note gives a preliminary notice of the discovery of a further clausura in western Tripolitnia (Southern Tunisia). These linear barriers are assumed to have performed some function in customs regulation and the supervision of transhumance movements in the frontier zone, rather than being defensive barriers as such. The new discovery suggests that there may well be still others undiscovered in southern Tunisia and western Libya.

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17

Benallal, Kamal Eddine, Rafik Garni, Zoubir Harrat, Petr Volf, and Vít Dvorak. "Phlebotomine sand flies (Diptera: Psychodidae) of the Maghreb region: A systematic review of distribution, morphology, and role in the transmission of the pathogens." PLOS Neglected Tropical Diseases 16, no. 1 (January 6, 2022): e0009952. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pntd.0009952.

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Background Phlebotomine sand flies (Diptera: Psychodidae) are important vectors of various human and animal pathogens such as Bartonella bacilliformis, Phlebovirus, and parasitic protozoa of the genus Leishmania, causative agent of leishmaniases that account among most significant vector-borne diseases. The Maghreb countries Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya occupy a vast area of North Africa and belong to most affected regions by these diseases. Locally varying climatic and ecological conditions support diverse sand fly fauna that includes many proven or suspected vectors. The aim of this review is to summarize often fragmented information and to provide an updated list of sand fly species of the Maghreb region with illustration of species-specific morphological features and maps of their reported distribution. Materials and methods The literature search focused on scholar databases to review information on the sand fly species distribution and their role in the disease transmissions in Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya, surveying sources from the period between 1900 and 2020. Reported distribution of each species was collated using Google Earth, and distribution maps were drawn using ArcGIS software. Morphological illustrations were compiled from various published sources. Results and conclusions In total, 32 species of the genera Phlebotomus (Ph.) and Sergentomyia (Se.) were reported in the Maghreb region (15 from Libya, 18 from Tunisia, 23 from Morocco, 24 from Algeria, and 9 from Mauritania). Phlebotomus mariae and Se. africana subsp. asiatica were recorded only in Morocco, Ph. mascitti, Se. hirtus, and Se. tiberiadis only in Algeria, whereas Ph. duboscqi, Se. dubia, Se. africana africana, Se. lesleyae, Se. magna, and Se. freetownensis were reported only from Mauritania. Our review has updated and summarized the geographic distribution of 26 species reported so far in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya, excluding Mauritania from a detailed analysis due to the unavailability of accurate distribution data. In addition, morphological differences important for species identification are summarized with particular attention to closely related species such as Ph. papatasi and Ph. bergeroti, Ph. chabaudi, and Ph. riouxi, and Se. christophersi and Se. clydei.

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18

Leenders, Reinoud. "How the Syrian Regime Outsmarted Its Enemies." Current History 112, no. 758 (December 1, 2013): 331–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2013.112.758.331.

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The Assad government watched how uprisings unfolded in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, took stock of international reactions to these events, and, in response, developed strategies to maximize its probabilities of survival.

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19

Ivashchenko, I. S. "The evolution of the internal political situation in Libya after the overthrow of the Gaddafi regime." Vestnik Majkopskogo Gosudarstvennogo Tehnologiceskogo Universiteta, no. 4 (January 10, 2024): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47370/2078-1024-2023-15-4-22-29.

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Researchers from Western countries and some Russian scientists initially enthusiastically classified anti-government protests and uprisings in the 2010s in a number of Arab countries in the Middle East and North Africa as «Arab Spring» or «Arab Awakening».However, the consequences of these «springs» and «awakenings» in some countries of the abovementioned region caused less delight and more anxiety. Indeed, if Tunisia after its «Arab Spring» returned to stable development, in Egypt one general (Hosni Mubarak) was replaced by another (Abdul-Fattah al-Sisi), then in Yemen, and especially in Libya, as a consequence of the «Arab awakenings» civil wars occurred, that are still ongoing, and threaten the complete disintegration of the above-mentioned countries.Based on the above, it is quite obvious that the analysis of the causes, the content of the main stages and consequences of the evolution of the internal political situation in Libya after the overthrow of the regime of M. Gaddafi in October 2011 is not only an urgent scientific, but also a political task. The purpose of the article is to analyze the reasons for the destabilization of the internal political situation in Libya since October 2011, the content of its key stages and consequences. When writing the text of the article, the following scientific methods were used: problem-chronological, comparativehistorical, periodization method, historical-genetic, historical-retrospective, etc. The development of the internal political situation in Libya since October 2011 has led the Libyan state to total disintegration. The Libyan statehood, which until October 2011 was not particularly strong and stable, is confidently drifting towards fragmentation and autonomy within not only individual regions, but even individual cities.

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20

Charrad, Mounira M., Amina Zarrugh, and Hyun Jeong Ha. "The Arab Spring Protests." Contexts 20, no. 1 (February 2021): 58–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536504221997871.

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In this photo essay, the authors examined over 3,500 photos of the early phase of the 2011 Arab Spring protests in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, to capture the meanings that protestors brought to the fore.

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21

Chetrit, Joseph. "Diversity of Judeo-Arabic Dialects in North Africa: Eqa:l, Wqal, kjal and ʔal Dialects". Journal of Jewish Languages 4, № 1 (1 березня 2016): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134638-12340062.

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This study presents the diversity of North African Judeo-Arabic dialects documented in an extensive course of fieldwork concerning some one hundred and thirty Moroccan Jewish dialects, both urban and rural. Dozens of additional dialects from Libya, Tunisia, and Algeria complete the global repartitioning of these dialects into four distinct groups:Eqa:l,Wqal,kjal, andʔaldialects. The different dialects in each set share common phonetic, phonological, morphological, and grammatical features. All of them preserve the unvoiced realization of the stop /q/ and articulate it as a uvular [q] (Eqa:landWqal), a palato-velar [kj] (kjal), or a glottal [ʔ] (ʔal).Eqa:ldialects developed in Libya, Tunisia, and Eastern Algeria; they distinguish between long and short vowels.Wqaldialects developed in Western Morocco.Kjaldialects developed in northwestern Algeria and in southeastern Morocco.ʔaldialects developed in Moroccan cities, where Jews expelled from Spain and Portugal settled among native Jews.

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22

LAÏDI, ZAKI. "Stability and Partnership in the Maghreb." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001012.

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This article assesses Soviet policy in the Maghrebian region, comprising Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, and Mauritania. It discusses Maghrebian regional dynamics, as well as specific Soviet relations with Algeria and Libya. Soviet policy is primarily one of caution, because of U.S. interest in the region and because the region is not of strategic significance to Moscow. Soviet regional influence is weaker than that of the United States or France. Soviet-Maghrebian relations in the economic and military spheres are based on a reciprocity of needs and expectations.

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23

Lynn, Richard, Saleh El-Ghmary Abdalla, and Alsedig Abdalgadr Al-Shahomee. "Norms for the Progressive Matrices for Libya and Tunisia." Mankind Quarterly 49, no. 1 (2008): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.46469/mq.2008.49.1.7.

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24

M’charek, Amade. "Harraga: Burning borders, navigating colonialism." Sociological Review 68, no. 2 (March 2020): 418–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026120905491.

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In this article I introduce the non-English word, harraga, to address the convoluted nature of migration, death, borders and colonial legacies. My empirical material comes from the south of Tunisia. I draw on practices of migration from Tunisia, the extraction of resources and its effect on the economy of the country, and the washing ashore of bodies on the southern Tunisian coast. I also reflect on the recent European border management in this area that is intended to stop migration from both Tunisia and Libya. Harraga (الحراقة) is an Arabic word used in Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco. It could be translated as those who burn. A pragmatic or accommodating translation would be ‘sans papiers’, or ‘undocumented migrants’. However, harraga is not a word for a group of people, but for an activity. The activity of moving out of the Magreb. Those who engage in harga, ‘burn’ borders in order to enter European territories, or overstay their visa. Yet enfolded in the word harraga is much more than the activity of leaving for Europe. I will slowly unpack this word and show that (1) harraga is not about identity (the migrant/the refugee), but an activity, the activity of burning borders and of expanding living space; (2) harraga is not about burning bridges or leaving histories behind, but about crafting connections as well as colonial extractions; (3) harraga problematizes Europe’s borders by siding with those who burn them, human beings.

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Zalta, Anja, and Primož Krašovec. "Black (and) Christian? New Systemic Racism and the ‘Refugee’ as a Depersonalised Category of Surplus: A Case Study of Tunisian Attitudes towards Sub-Saharan Africans." Religions 15, no. 7 (July 17, 2024): 863. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15070863.

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This article is based on a months-long investigation and aims to contribute to the scientific understanding of the process of racialisation of the sub-Saharan migrants in Tunisia. The starting point of our research was the speech given by the Tunisian president, Kais Saied, in February 2023. In the light of new negotiations with the EU for technical, administrative, and financial support in the management of migration in the Mediterranean, the president emphasised the importance of Tunisia being and remaining Arab and Muslim. The sub-Saharan migrants who have penetrated the Mediterranean area in large numbers, mostly via Libya or Algeria, are black. Many of them are also Christians. The Tunisian case regarding the racialisation of migrants is similar to the dynamics of political discourses and actions of systemic racialisation in European countries. Our thesis is that racialisation based on religion and/or skin colour is part of a more complex dynamic, defined by the capitalist mode of production, which, due to its inner contradictions, simultaneously requires and expels human labour force. We claim that the permanently expelled constitute surplus populations that are, due to not being disciplined by the capitalist markets, considered dangerous, which is why they fall under police jurisdiction. This process of policing surplus populations is what constitutes contemporary systemic racism as a special mode of state politics, whereby “race” is the result of said process and not determined by its biological, religious, ethnic, or cultural characteristics. We support our thesis by a fieldwork study consisting of qualitative interviews with Tunisian experts, conducted based on purposive sampling and subsequent qualitative coding, as well as of three personal narrative interviews, which were conducted with sub-Saharan migrants from Cameroon, who had been living in a refugee “village” in the north of Tunisia for more than a year.

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Elmighrabi, Nagwa Farag, Catharine A. K. Fleming, Mansi Vijaybhai Dhami, Ali Ateia Elmabsout, and Kingsley E. Agho. "A systematic review and meta-analysis of the prevalence of childhood undernutrition in North Africa." PLOS ONE 18, no. 4 (April 6, 2023): e0283685. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0283685.

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Undernutrition (stunting, wasting and underweight) among children remains a public health concern in North Africa, especially following recent conflicts in the region. Therefore, this paper systematically reviews and meta-analyses the prevalence of undernutrition among children under five in North Africa to determine whether efforts to reduce undernutrition are on track to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030. Eligible studies published between 1st January 2006 and 10th April 2022 were searched for, using five electronic bibliographic databases (Ovid MEDLINE, Web of Science, Embase (Ovid), ProQuest and CINAHL). The JBI critical appraisal tool was used, and a meta-analysis was conducted using the ‘metaprop’ command in STATA, to estimate the prevalence of each undernutrition indicator in the seven North African countries (Egypt, Sudan, Libya, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, and Western Sahara). Due to the significant heterogeneity among studies (I2 >50%), a random effect model and sensitivity analysis were conducted to examine the effect of outliers. Out of 1592 initially identified, 27 met the selection criteria. The prevalence of stunting, wasting and being underweight were 23.5%, 7.9% and 12.9%, respectively. Significant variations between the countries with the highest rates of stunting and wasting were reported in Sudan (36%, 14.1%), Egypt (23.7%, 7.5%), Libya (23.1%, 5.9%), and Morocco (19.9%, 5.1%). Sudan also had the highest prevalence of underweight (24.6%), followed by Egypt (7%), Morocco (6.1%), and Libya (4.3%) with more than one in ten children in Algeria and Tunisia having stunted growth. In conclusion, undernutrition is widespread in the North African region, particularly in Sudan, Egypt, Libya, and Morocco, making it challenging to meet the SDGs by 2030. Nutrition monitoring and evaluation in these countries is highly recommended.

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Koehler-Derrick, Gabriel. "Quantifying Anecdotes: Google Search Data and Political Developments in Egypt." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 02 (March 28, 2013): 291–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000267.

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The events of 2011 transformed the politics of the Arab world. In just under 12 months, dictators fell in three countries: Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. In Bahrain, Yemen, and Syria, protests and violence continued throughout 2012 to shake what were once assumed to be the solid foundations of long-standing autocratic regimes. Although it is too soon to assess the outcome of these events, one immediate consequence is clear: the empowerment of public opinion in Arab politics. For the first time in more than 50 years, the voices of average Tunisians, Egyptians, and Libyans can directly influence political outcomes. This shift may yet prove to be temporary, but its importance in driving current events cannot be discounted.

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Geesey, Patricia. "Crowds and politics in North Africa: Tunisia, Algeria and Libya." Journal of North African Studies 21, no. 4 (May 19, 2016): 713–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2016.1184929.

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Poirson, Timothy. "Crowds and politics in North Africa – Tunisia, Algeria, and Libya." Mediterranean Politics 20, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 449–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2015.1078098.

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Chinkin, C. M. "Third-Party Intervention Before the International Court of Justice." American Journal of International Law 80, no. 3 (July 1986): 495–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2201772.

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Until lately, the procedure of third-party intervention before the International Court of Justice provided for by Articles 62 and 63 of the Statute of the Court had been underutilized; as a result, there was scant judicial authority and comparatively little academic discussion on its use and limitations. This situation has now dramatically changed, as three recent cases before the Court have involved claims of third-party intervention: that between Tunisia and Libya, where Malta made the request to intervene; that between Libya and Malta, where Italy was the requesting state; and, most recently, the case between Nicaragua and the United States, where El Salvador made a declaration of intervention.

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Pirrone, N., P. Costa, and J. M. Pacyna. "Past, current and projected atmospheric emissions of trace elements in the mediterranean region." Water Science and Technology 39, no. 12 (June 1, 1999): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.1999.0522.

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This report presents past and current annual emissions of Pb, Ni, Cu, Cd, and V to the atmosphere from major anthropogenic sources in the Mediterranean Sea region and discusses projected emissions for the 1998-2015 period. Gasoline combustion still represents the major emission source of Pb in the urban environment, however its contribution to the regional atmospheric budget is following a downward trend. On a country-by-country basis, spatial distributions of current Pb emissions show that Syria is the leading emitting country with 18.7% of the regional total, followed by Italy (12.3%), France (11.2%), Turkey (11.1%), Egypt (7.5%), Yugoslavia (6.3%), Spain (6.2%), Libya (5.5%), Algeria (5.1%), Israel (4.0%), Bulgaria (3.1%), Morocco (2.3%), Lebanon (2.2%), Greece (2.1%), Jordan (1.1%), Tunisia (0.5%), Cyprus (0.5%), Albania (0.3%). The emission of trace elements from the combustion of fossil fuels as well as from primary and secondary non-ferrous metal smelters represents an important source of Pb, Ni, Cu, Cd and V in the region as a whole. Greece, Tunisia and Lebanon are the major per-capita contributors of Pb released to the regional atmosphere, whereas over 50% of Ni is released from anthropogenic sources in Lebanon, Tunisia, Bulgaria and Cyprus. Cadmium emissions are significant in Lebanon, Tunisia and Bulgaria, whereas Libya is the major emitter of Cu in the region. Annual emissions in the Mediterranean Sea region are compared with those derived for other regions and the variations in emission patterns by source category are discussed. The projected emissions of trace elements up to the 2015 are estimated considering an upper and lower case scenario in the temporal variations of the control efficiency of major emission source categories.

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Selmi, Nadhem. "A Fractional Cointegration Analysis of Purchasing Power Parity: Evidence of ELW." International Journal of Management and Sustainability 3, no. 11 (March 10, 2015): 664–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18488/journal.11/2014.3.11/11.11.664.672.

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This study examines the long-run relationship between exchange rates and relative prices. We use a long memory techniques that allow for persistence of chock relationships across real exchange rate to examine the existence of weak-form and strong-form Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) between the Tunisian and five partner countries of Tunisia, namely, (Germany, the United States, France, Italy, the UK, Morocco and Libya. The empirical results obtained through the R/S, Modified R/S, GPH and ELW tests; make us consider the PPP as an event in the long run if significant short-term deviations from the PPP cannot exist. Therefore, the analysis of the fractional cointegration makes the deviations, regarding equilibrium, follow a slightly integrated process and therefore capture a much wider group of research parity or mean-reverting behavior.

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Shehada, Mohamed F., Mohamed Y. Omar, Ahmed K. Mehanna, and Mousa S. Sharedy. "Review of Potential Effects of Oil Spills on Coastal and Marine Resources on Western Libyan Coastal." مجلة علوم البحار والتقنيات البيئية 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.59743/jmset.v7i2.14.

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An oil spill can significantly affect coastal resources and the economy through economic activities that depend on clean seawater, coastal areas, and tourist sites, which may cause substantial economic losses after oil spills. However, this effect usually depends on the volume and type of oil spill and how sensitive it is to coastal and marine resources. Libya has one of the important Mediterranean marine biodiversity hotspots, which is the western Libyan coast that extends from western Tripoli city to the Gulf of Gabes with Tunisia. This work considers some of the effects of oil spills on a variety of coastal industries and social activities. In addition, this work provides a systematic literature review of biological, economic, and cultural resources and their sensitivity to oil spill scenarios on this coast. The findings of this work help provide a basis for the definition of priorities for protection to develop the capacity to respond to oil spills on the Libyan coast.

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TLILI, HAITHEM, KHEMAIS ABDELLAOUI, MANEL BEN CHOUIKHA, MOUNA MHAFDHI, ADEL JEMMAZI, MOHAMED AMMAR, and LAURE DESUTTER-GRANDCOLAS. "First Record of Dericorys albidula Serville, 1838 (Orthoptera: Dericorythidae) in Tunisia and Libya." Zootaxa 4551, no. 3 (January 31, 2019): 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4551.3.7.

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The humpbacked grasshopper Dericorys albidula (Serville, 1838) (Orthoptera: Dericorythidae: Dericorythinae) is reported here for the first time from Southern Tunisia (Tozeur province) and northwestern Libya. Details on the ecological occurrence of D. albidula are given and compared to available data from Central Asia. A lectotype is designated for D. albidula and its type locality identified as the Sinaï desert in Egypt.

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35

Nabavi, Negin. "The “Arab Spring” as Seen through the Prism of the 1979 Iranian Revolution." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 1 (January 27, 2012): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001310.

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Revolutions are by nature unpredictable and unsettling. That the wave of revolutions in North Africa and the Arab Middle East began so unexpectedly and spread with such speed, leading to the fall of the governments of Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, has added to the concern regarding the “new order” that is to come after the initial euphoria. From the outset, the fear has been that these revolutions will follow the same trajectory as Iran did in 1979—in other words, that they will marginalize those who launched the revolutions and provide the grounds for the rise to power of the most savvy, purposeful, and best organized of the opposition groups, namely, the Islamists. Yet when one considers the recent uprisings in the Arab world through the prism of Iran's experiences in 1979, the parallels are not so evident. Mindful of the variations and distinctions between each of the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, it would appear that in broad terms, and beyond superficial similarities, there is little in common between the events of Iran in 1979 and what has happened in the past year in the Arab world.

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Johansson-Nogués, Elisabeth. "Gendering the Arab Spring? Rights and (in)security of Tunisian, Egyptian and Libyan women." Security Dialogue 44, no. 5-6 (October 2013): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010613499784.

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During the anti-regime uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, women from all walks of life were as ready as men to take to the streets to protest against the ineptitude and transgressions of their countries’ governments. Their courage was particularly noteworthy given that they suffered not only the violence of the regimes’ attempts to suppress protests by force, as did their male counterparts, but also a systematic targeting by security forces who attempted to break the women’s spirits through attacks on their honour and bodily integrity. The female presence and agency in the Arab Spring encouraged activists in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya to expect an equitable role for women in the political transition processes that followed the fall of the authoritarian regimes in those countries. However, the female input in those political transitions has been scant. Moreover, in all three countries, established women’s rights are increasingly under attack and violence against women is on the rise. This article applies a gendered perspective to explore the upheavals of the Arab Spring and the political transitions in the three countries, and inquires into the insecurities that women have suffered since early 2011.

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Maulidya, Al Dina. "Efforts of the Arab League in Resolving the Arab Spring Conflict in Libya and Syria in 2010-2012." Jurnal Studi Sosial dan Politik 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jssp.v4i1.5410.

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Abstrak Musim Semi Arab telah membawa semangat demokrasi di sejumlah negara Arab, seperti di Tunisia, Mesir, Libya, Suriah, Yaman, dan sebagainya. Musim Semi Arab di Libya dan Suriah telah menjadi awal dari konflik sipil yang membawa kesengsaraan. Kehadiran konflik ini membawa keprihatinan bagi dunia internasional, yang ditujukan kepada organisasi regional Timur Tengah, Liga Arab. Wajar bagi organisasi regional untuk berpartisipasi dalam menyelesaikan konflik negara anggota. Untuk alasan ini, penelitian ini akan mencari tahu apa yang telah dilakukan Liga Arab untuk menyelesaikan konflik. Studi ini akan setuju untuk melihat percobaan yang dilakukan oleh Liga Arab selama penyelesaian Musim Semi Arab di Libya dan Suriah pada 2010-2012. Musim Semi Arab, sekitar 2010-2012, terlepas dari konflik yang hanya mengandung konflik saudara dipertahankan. Studi ini menggunakan konsep resolusi konflik dengan melihat empat aspek yang harus disetujui oleh organisasi lokal untuk menyelesaikan konflik. Dari penelitian, diakui bahwa Liga Arab menerapkan keputusan Zona Larangan Penerbangan untuk Libya dengan bantuan PBB. Sementara itu, Liga Arab di Suriah mengambil tindakan tegas untuk membentuk penilaian pembekuan yang telah disetujui sejak awal 2011. Liga Arab dapat memenuhi empat aspek yang dibutuhkan, tetapi dalam prosesnya sesuai dengan apa yang membuat Liga Arab untuk memperbaiki masalah yang ada . Kata kunci: Musim Semi Arab, Libya, Suriah, Liga Arab, Resolusi Konflik.

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BAKALEM, ALI, JEAN CLAUDE DAUVIN, and MOHAMED MENIOUI. "Diversity of marine Amphipods (Crustacea, Peracarida) from the North African shelf of the Mediterranean Sea (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt). An updated checklist for 2023." Mediterranean Marine Science 25, no. 2 (July 5, 2024): 311–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mms.35974.

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An updated checklist for 2023 is given for the amphipods recorded on the continental shelf of five countries in North Africa bordering the southern Mediterranean Sea: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt. This revision incorporates the checklist of amphipods from two countries, Algeria and Tunisia and provides the first checklists for Morocco, Libya and Egypt. The total number of species recorded in the entire Southern Mediterranean Sea is 454. The number of species is much higher in the western basin than in the eastern or central parts of the Mediterranean Sea. The Algerian fauna accounts for the highest number of species (with 342), while the lowest is found in Egypt (with 100). The other checklists are for Morocco (241 species), Tunisia (167 species) and Libya (138 species). Among the 454 species making up the overall checklist, 95 species (21%) are considered as endemic to the Mediterranean Sea. The Caprellidae Leach, 1814 represent the most diversified family with 34 species. Five other families account 20 species or more, i.e., the Ampeliscidae Krøyer, 1842 (33 species), the Aoridae Stebbing, 1899 (25 species), the Ischyroceridae Stebbing, 1899 (21 species), the Corophiidae Leach, 1814 (21 species) and the Maeriidae Krapp-Schickel, 2008 (20 species). Only 15 species are non-indigenous species or cryptogenic species. There is a trend of decreasing diversity of benthic amphipods from the western to the eastern parts of the Southern Mediterranean Sea; the greatest number of pelagic amphipod species has been observed in the Egyptian coast. Only eight species have been reported from abyssal depths off the Algerian coast. Twenty-seven species were found along the entire North African coast, including four Ampelisca (A. brevicornis, A. diadema, A. tenuicornis and A. typica), four Maeridae (Elasmopus pocillimanus, E. rapax, Maera grossimana and Quadrimaera inaequipes) and three Lysianassidae (Lysianassa costae, L. pilicornis, and Lysianassina longicornis). Future research should be focused on deep-sea habitats, on specific or unexplored habitats such as seagrass meadows (Posidonia oceanica, Zostera spp. and Cymodocea nodosa) and coralligenous formations as well as on the south-eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea.

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Pickford, Martin. "Arsinoitherium (Embrithopoda) and other large mammals and plants from the Oligocene of Tunisia." Fossil Imprint 73, no. 1-2 (August 1, 2017): 172–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/if-2017-0009.

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Abstract Palaeogene large mammals are poorly represented in Tunisia, in contrast to Morocco, Algeria, Libya and Egypt, where abundant and diverse faunas are known. Oligocene proboscideans have been recorded from four localities in Tunisia (Djebel Bou Gobrine, Oued Bazina, Bled Mellaha and Djebel Touila) but little else from this period is known from the country. For this reason it is worth recording the discovery of an arsinoithere tooth fragment from the divide between Oued Cherichera and Oued Grigema, Central Tunisia. This discovery confirms the presence of continental Oligocene strata in the region, and the palaeodistribution of Arsinoitherium 1,300 km to the north-northwest of its previously established range. Arsinoitheres are now known to have been widespread throughout the Afro-Arabian continent. Although palaeoclimatic data for the Oligocene of Tunisia is still scarce, fossil plants suggest that, during the Oligocene, the country enjoyed a tropical to sub-tropical humid climate, in accordance with the presence of Arsinoitherium, Phiomia and an anthracothere, taxa that are also present in the classic Fayum faunas of Egypt and the Ashawq faunas of Oman.

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BELQAT, BOUTAÏNA, PETER H. ADLER, MOUNA CHERAIRIA, and CHAFIKA CHAOUI BOUDGHANE-BENDIOUIS. "Inventory of the Black Flies (Diptera: Simuliidae) of North Africa." Zootaxa 4442, no. 2 (July 2, 2018): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4442.2.1.

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Published records are provided for the 52 nominal species, one undescribed morphospecies, and two cytospecies of black flies known from North Africa, with relevant literature, selected synonyms, and taxonomic comments. Morocco has the greatest simuliid diversity (44 nominal species), followed by Algeria (34 species), Tunisia (18 species), Libya (5 species), and Egypt (2 species). A new site for Simulium ruficorne Macquart is recorded for simuliid-poor Egypt.

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Zhang, Min. "HAS THE ARAB SPRING CHANGED THE SOCIO-POLITICAL LANDSCAPE? THE CASE OF LIBYA." International Journal of Education and Social Science Research 05 (2022): 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37500/ijessr.2022.5410.

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The Arab Spring, which first erupted in Tunisia and spread to parts of the Arab world, remains one of the most realistic issues on the international political agenda in recent years. With the deepening of the political transformation in the Middle East, the political development of Libya, Turkey, Iran and other countries has encountered more and more difficulties. Libya has also experienced the Arab Spring, and whether the socio-political landscape has changed has become a topic of debate. The purpose of this paper is to examine whether the socio-political landscape of Libya has changed politically and economically since the Arab Spring. In the early days of the Arab Spring, Libya's political system has changed, and some economic achievements have been made. However, these achievements at the political and economic level are superficial, which means that Libya's political and economic landscape has not been fundamentally transformed, and what was achieved at the time did not last long. After a brief introduction to the Arab Spring and the current social situation in Libya, this paper will discuss the specific changes in Libya's socio-political landscape from both political and economic aspects.

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Al Janabi, Muhannad Al Janabi. "Cracking national integration after the events (the Arab Spring) and its impact On regional stability." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 6 (February 26, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i6.56.

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Since late 2010 and early 2011, the Arab region has witnessed mass protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Bahrain and other countries that have been referred to in the political, media and other literature as the Arab Spring. These movements have had a profound effect on the stability of the regimes Which took place against it, as leaders took off and contributed to radical reforms in party structures and public freedoms and the transfer of power, but it also contributed to the occurrence of many countries in an internal spiral, which led to the erosion of the state from the inside until it became a prominent feature of the Arab) as is the case in Syria, Libya, Yemen and Iraq.

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Perkins, Kenneth J., and Lisa Anderson. "The State and Social Transformation in Tunisia and Libya, 1830-1980." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 1 (1989): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219270.

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Ling, Dwight L., and Lisa Anderson. "The State and Social Transformation in Tunisia and Libya, 1830-1980." American Historical Review 92, no. 5 (December 1987): 1245. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868587.

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Campbell, John C., and Lisa Anderson. "The State and Social Transformation in Tunisia and Libya, 1830-1980." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 2 (1986): 410. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043054.

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Echikh, K. "Geology and hydrocarbon occurrences in the Ghadames Basin, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 132, no. 1 (1998): 109–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsl.sp.1998.132.01.06.

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Nur Fadhilah Novianti. "Ketentuan Usia Pernikahan di Afrika Utara (Mesir, Tunisia, Maroko, Aljazair, Libya)." BUSTANUL FUQAHA: Jurnal Bidang Hukum Islam 4, no. 3 (December 15, 2023): 360–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.36701/bustanul.v4i3.1059.

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The North African region consists of countries where the majority of the population is Muslim, so family law provisions are regulated based on Islamic law by adopting or combining the views of certain schools of thought. One of the issues that is developing in the study of family law is the age of marriage. This research aims to explore the dynamics of the development of marriage age regulations in Muslim countries. This type of research is qualitative, with a normative approach, where the primary data source used, namely Family Law Laws in each country, is collected through library research or literature study, and analyzed descriptively qualitatively. The research results show that in several countries, the marriage age provisions vary; Egypt (18 years), Tunisia (18 years), Morocco (18 years), Algeria (19 years), and Libya (20 years). The majority of countries allow marriage dispensations and the marriage age requirement is above the child's age requirement. The implications of this research will be useful for academics who wish to study further contemporary issues of international family law as a scientific reference.

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Umar, Ahmad R. Mardhatillah, Arief Bakhtiar Darmawan, Faela Sufa Sufa, and Gebyar Lintang Ndadari. "Media Sosial dan Revolusi Politik: Memahami Kembali Fenomena “Arab Spring” dalam Perspektif Ruang Publik Transnasional." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 18, no. 2 (September 22, 2016): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.13130.

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This paper aims to analyze some linkages between revolution, public sphere, and transnational activism through social media in the Middle East. A revolution in Tunisia in 2011 became an international issue aft er the revolution spreaded to other states in the region. Aft er Tunisia, protest movements began to ignite in Egypt, Libya, Yemen,and Jordania. This wave of revolution comes into a public discourse: what causes this movement? How coulda revolution in one country inspire another revolution in another country? To answer these questions, weanalyze the role of social media as a “bridge” to connect activists in the Middle East to make a revolution. Weconclude that transnational activism was formed by routine and massive reports from media which explainedwhat hadhappened in the Middle East during the revolution. The reports were followed by a spread of the ideaof democracy and civil rights through social media. As a consequence, revolution took place in several othercountries whose socio-cultural tradition are similar to that of Tunisia.

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Shrestha, Nipin, Melvin R. Duvall, and Jozef J. Bujarski. "Variability among the Isolates of Broad Bean Mottle Virus and Encapsidation of Host RNAs." Pathogens 11, no. 7 (July 21, 2022): 817. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/pathogens11070817.

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Broad bean mottle bromovirus infects legume plants and is transmissible by insects. Several broad bean mottle virus (BBMV) isolates have been identified, including one in England (isolate Ba) and five in the Mediterranean countries: Libya (LyV), Morocco (MV), Syria (SV), Sudan (TU) and Tunisia (TV). Previously, we analyzed the nucleotide sequence of the Ba RNA and here we report on and compare it with another five Mediterranean variants. The RNA segments in the latter ones were extensively homologous, with some SNPs, single nucleotide deletions and insertions, while the number of mutations was higher in isolate Ba. Both the 5′ and 3′ untranslated terminal regions (UTRs) among the corresponding RNAs are highly conserved, reflecting their functionality in virus replication. The AUG initiation codons are within suboptimal contexts, possibly to adjust/regulate translation. The proteins 1a, 2a, 3a and coat protein (CP) are almost identical among the five isolates, but in Ba they have more amino acid (aa) substitutions. Phylogenetic analysis revealed the isolates from Morocco and Syria clustering with the isolate from England, while the variants from Libya, Tunisia and Sudan created a different clade. The BBMV isolates encapsidate a high content of host (ribosomal and messenger) RNAs. Our studies present BBMV as a useful model for bromoviruses infecting legumes.

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Basarabă, Adrian Cosmin, and Maria-Mihaela Nistor. "The North African “Extremistan” of the Islamic State Caliphate." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 22, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2016-0002.

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Abstract This article aims at presenting ISIS expansion in North Africa in the first quarter of 2016, with its subsequent implication in the wider framework of Jihadist proliferation worldwide. It can be argued that, while losing real estate in the Middle East, ISIS has started a permanent search for extra-cellular matrices or an ongoing process of de- and reterritorialization. The allegiance and support pledged by other African-based terrorist groups or organizations such as Boko Haram, al-I’tisam of the Koran and Sunnah in Sudan, al-Huda Battalion in Maghreb of Islam, The Soldiers of the Caliphate, al-Ghurabaa, Djamaat Houmat ad-Da’wa as-Salafiya and al-Ansar Battalion in Algeria, Islamic Youth Shura Council, Islamic State Libya (Darnah), in Libya, Jamaat Ansar Bait al-Maqdis, Jund al-Khilafah and Mujahideen Shura Council in the Environs of Jerusalem in Egypt, Okba Ibn Nafaa Battalion, Mujahideen of Tunisia of Kairouan and Jund al-Khilafah in Tunisia and al-Shabaab Jubba Region Cell Bashir Abu Numan in Somalia is an alarming hypothesis of Jihadism reaching “the threshold of inevitability”- syntagm existent in the network theories of David Singh Grewal- turning a whole region, continent of even world into what Nassim Nicholas Taleb would call Extremistan.

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