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1
Berger, Chris. "Making Liberal Democracy Ethical: Aristotle on the Unity of Ethics and Politics." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, no. 1 (February 21, 2013): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora19041.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Contemporary liberal democracy recognizes a fundamental distinction between matters of “public” and “private” domain that amounts to a separation of ethics from politics. Such a distinction is, however, a recent one insofar as the history of political thought is concerned. Political and ethical matters can and in fact have been thought of and practiced as a single project. Aristotle is one philosopher who has approached ethics and politics not as two distinct subjects but as a single unified project: the project of living well. This essay examines Aristotle’s ethical-political project and engages with contemporary thinkers who have grappled with Aristotle’s political philosophy as a possible remedy for the problems currently confronting liberal democratic politics. It argues that the best remedy for the ills of liberal democracy that arise out of the continued prevalence of relativism in liberal democratic discourse is a re-thinking of liberal education that unites ethical and political considerations. The author contends that Aristotle’s political philosophy offers us a vantage point from which this unity may be perceived and, hopefully, implemented.
2
Augst, Thomas. "The Commerce of Thought: Professional Authority and Business Ethics in 19th-Century America." Prospects 27 (October 2002): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300001137.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This essay explores the ways that professions seek to claim social distinction by investing particular ways of knowing with moral authority. Through close analysis of popular representations of merchants in conduct books, business manuals, periodicals such asHunt's Merchant's Magazine, and biographical sketches, it describes a pervasive campaign to define business as a form of mental work. Representing the marketplace as a distinctively American school for character, merchants and their advocates sought to appropriate the moral authority traditionally associated with the learned professions of the ministry, the law, and medicine. Developing a critique of elitist pedagogy based on solitary reading, this campaign sought to identity expert knowledge with the practical experience of business. Redefining the relation between study and professional authority, the rhetoric of business helped to alter the symbolic value of education and to transform the nature of ethical reflection for liberal capitalism.
3
Ruderman, Richard S., and R. Kenneth Godwin. "Liberalism and Parental Control of Education." Review of Politics 62, no. 3 (2000): 503–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050004167x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Liberalism has always had a powerful concern with the education of its citizens. But who should exercise final authority over the education—parents or the state? The answer rests, in large part, on our understanding of the character of the self-rule or autonomy to be taught. For as “autonomy” comes to mean unpredetermined “choice,” it becomes ever more difficult to justify parental control of education. In fact, parental control, supported by the earliest liberals, is now thought to produce “ethical servility.” Liberal theorists—such as John Dewey, Amy Gutmann, and Eamonn Callan—break with thinkers like Locke and Mill in allowing the state to override parental preferences in the name of greater equality, preparation for autonomy, and democratic deliberation. We argue that taking educational authority away from parents and giving it to the state is anilliberalpolicy, meaning one that fails to abide by Locke's central distinction of political and parental power. This failure will lead both to greater ethical servility and to fewer reasonable alternatives from which autonomous individuals can choose.
4
Braley, Alison. "Religious Rights and Québec's Ethics and Religious Culture Course." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 3 (September 2011): 613–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000515.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract.Until very recently, the “orthodox” liberal view had assumed that the right to the profession and practice of one's own religious values encompassed the right to instil particular religious values in one's children. This view has been challenged by sustained analysis of the role of children within liberal theory, given the basic tenet of the equal moral worth of persons. This strand of liberal thought questions the extent to which parental rights to direct children's upbringing can include a right to form children's basic value sets. With this challenge comes a stronger basis from which to also challenge the idea that parents may legitimately oppose certain aspects of the state-mandated curriculum on the basis that such education may impinge on the values they wish to instil in their children. This paper will examine the controversy surrounding Québec's “Ethics and Religious Culture” course within a framework that seeks to put the interest of children first, as well as how the religious rights of parents and children might be understood in this context.Résumé.Naguère, l'opinion libérale voulait que le droit à la pratique et à la profession de sa propre religion et de ses valeurs comprît le droit d'inculquer ces valeurs religieuses à ses enfants. Depuis un certain temps, cette position est remise en question à la lumière d'une analyse soutenue des droits de l'enfant, vu la primauté du tenant de l'égalité morale de tous les individus dans la pensée libérale contemporaine. Selon cette analyse, il n'est pas acquis que le droit du parent de voir à la formation de l'enfant comprenne le droit de lui imposer des valeurs de base particulières. Cette remise en question donne lieu à une réévaluation plus concrète du droit des parents de s'opposer à certains aspects du programme d'études établi par le gouvernement sous prétexte que ceux-ci nuiraient à leur droit d'inculquer des valeurs particulières à leurs enfants. La controverse au sujet du cours d'éthique et de culture religieuse au Québec est revue dans un contexte qui place en priorité le droit de l'enfant. Il est question du rapport entre les droits des parents et ceux des enfants concernant la religion et l'éducation religieuse.
5
Vicini, Fabio. "Rescuing the Muslim collective self: the Nur case in light of the Modern Muslim Subjectivities Project." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 75, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 811–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2020-0044.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract There is a tendency in the literature to emphasise how contemporary Islamic movements promote ways of living a pious Muslim life alternative to those proposed by secular liberal modernity. For this reason, the domains of religious and civic engagement have often been thought of as opposed to each other. In counterpoint to this tendency, the paper explores the intertwining of national views about mass education and modern citizenship with a renewed Islamic emphasis on the need for moral and ethical reform of society within the Nur movement in modern Turkey. Methodologically, the paper draws upon ethnographic material from research conducted in 2010 on the Suffa community in Istanbul, as well as on an account of the life and projects of the leader of the movement, Said Nursi, mainly drawn from secondary sources. This case is explored in light of the theories of successive modernities that inspired the analytical framework for the Modern Muslim Subjectivities Project applied in this special issue. In so doing, it illustrates the complex nexus that Nursi established between long-standing views of Islamic ethics and modern perspectives on education and civic engagement in response to the emergence of the modern nation-state in the first half of the 20th century.
6
Nicolson, Donald. "Problematizing Competence in Clinical Legal Education: What do we mean by competence and how do we assess non-skill competencies?" International Journal of Clinical Legal Education 23, no. 1 (January 12, 2016): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijcle.v23i1.491.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
<p align="LEFT">The special issue of this journal is about problematizing assessment. However, in this article I want to start further back and problematize what is meant by competence. I think it is fair to say that when law clinicians speak about assessing competence they usually have in mind the assessment of skills. By contrast, I will argue that competence goes well beyond skills, at least if we understand skills in the narrow sense of technical legal skills, and includes in addition a values dimension. Moreover, if this dimension is added to the notion of skills, and clinical legal education (CLE) is expanded to include an understanding of how lawyers’ skills are used, for whom and to what end, it might help reverse the traditional and still continuing antipathy in many law schools to CLE. For those like myself, who see law clinics as more about contributing to social justice than legal education, the reluctance to embrace CLE is rooted (rightly or wrongly) in a political and moral stance. But for most academics, the antipathy - or, at best, apathy - towards CLE might be more to do with its association with skills training and the consequent assumption that it is unintellectual, unfit for the lofty heights of a liberal legal education and thus best left for the grubby business of preparing lawyers for practice.</p><p align="JUSTIFY">To the extent that CLE is confined to training students in legal skills, I have some sympathy with this view, though it’s questionable whether skills training is any less intellectual than the sort of repetitive, decontextualised and atheoretical teaching of black-letter law which often passes for a liberal legal education. However, in a recent article, I joined a number of others who have argued that there is nothing necessarily anti-intellectual about a focus on practice in a liberal legal education. Thus, like Goldsmith and Bamford, I do not see engagement with practice in purely vocational or technocratic terms, but as providing opportunities for connecting the "aspirations of law students with professional ideals (justice, service, fairness) and the goals of a university-based education".</p><p align="JUSTIFY">In this article, I first flesh out this argument and justify the focus on ethical as well as skills competence in clinical legal education. I then turn from problematizing the concept of competence <em>per se</em> to problematizing its assessment. This will be done via a critical analysis of the forms of assessment used in the clinical programme offered in the University of Strathclyde Law Clinic. These include the assessment of simulated training exercises, work on actual cases, reflective essays on aspects of law, legal ethics and law’s justice and reflective diaries on all aspects of clinical experience. Drawing on my experience with these different forms of assessment, I will consider their comparative merits in contributing to the two classic goals of clinic assessment, namely reliability – whether the scores obtained from an assessment are reproducible - and validity - whether the assessment does in fact measure what it is intended to measure. Finally, drawing on the assessment regimes in the relevant clinical classes, I will seek to provide some food for thought about alternative means of assessing clinical teaching.</p>
7
Sierra Merchán, Jorge. "Literatura como salvación." Revista Grafía- Cuaderno de trabajo de los profesores de la Facultad de Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Autónoma de Colombia 9 (January 15, 2012): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26564/16926250.336.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Resumen:El presente ensayo tiene como objetivo analizar de qué manera es posible construir una utopía liberal con base en el giro narrativo que propone Rorty, indicando la importancia de la novela en la construcción de una sociedad liberal basada en el respeto a la diversidad de estilos de vida y así como mostrar algunas objeciones que tal propuesta suscita. La primera tiene que ver con la ausencia de una clara conexión entre ética y estética en la propuesta de Rorty, esto es, con la casi nula aclaración por parte de Rorty del nexo entre educación sentimental y literatura, dado que no es obvio que la narrativa asegure una sociedad más solidaria. Incluso suponiendo que sí lo hace, es importante reflexionar sobre la eficacia causal de la novela en los sentimientos morales de los agentes morales que asegure un incremento de su solidaridad, como claramente lo require la utopía liberal rortiana. La segunda objeción a la propuesta de Rorty intenta mostrar que lo que llamo la utopía detrás de la utopía de Rorty, a saber, la urgente necesidad de asegurar que la imaginación literaria es infinita (pues, sin este elemento la utopía política de Rorty no es viable) puede verse seriamente amenazada por la creciente banalidad de la literatura actual, señalada por Kundera. Palabras clave: Utopía liberal, solidaridad, tolerancia, inclusión, giro narrativo, sentimientos morales, cultura literaria, banalidad, imaginación literaria, verdad, democracia.Resumo:O presente ensaio tem como objetivo analisar de que maneira é possível construir uma utopia liberal baseada no giro narrativo que propõe Rorty, indicando a importância do romance na construção deuma sociedade liberal baseada no respeito à diversidade de estilos de vida, assim como apresentar algumas objeções que tal proposta suscita. A primeira tem a ver com a ausência de uma clara conexãoentre ética e estética na proposta de Rorty, ou seja, na quase inexistente aclaração por parte de Rorty do nexo entre educação sentimental e literatura, dado que não é obvio que a narrativa garanta uma sociedade mais solidária. Ainda supondo que assim seja, é importante refletir sobre a eficácia causal do romance nos sentimentos morais dos agentes morais que garanta um incremento da solidariedade, como claramente o requer a utopia liberal rortiana. A segunda objeção à proposta de Rorty tenta mostrar que o que chamo de utopia trás da utopia de Rorty, isto é, a urgente necessidade de garantir que a imaginação literária é infinita (dado que sem esse elemento a utopia política de Rorty não é viável) pode verse seriamente ameaçada pela crescente banalidade da literatura atual, sinalizada por Kundera. Palavras chave: Utopia liberal, solidariedade, tolerância, inclusão, giro narrativo, sentimentos morais, cultura literária, banalidade, imaginação literária, verdade, democracia.Abstract:This essay aims at analyzing in what way it is possible to construct a liberal utopia based on the narrative turn proposed by Rorty showing the importance of the novel in the construction of a liberal society that respects diversity in life styles, as well as at signaling some objection that such a proposal arises. The first objection regards the lack of a clear connection between ethics and aesthetics in Rorty’s proposal, that is, the almost null explanation of the link emotional education-literature, as it is not obvious that literature ensures more solidarity in society. Even if thought it did, it is important to reflect about the causal efficacy of the novel on moral feelings of social agents that makes sure an increase of their solidarity, as clearly the liberal Rortian utopia requires. The second objection tries to show that what I call Rorty’s utopia behind utopia, that is, the urgent need to state that literary imagination is infinite-as without it, Rorty’s political utopia is unfeasible- can be seriously threatened by today’s growing emptiness of literature highlighted by Kundera. Keywords: liberal utopia; solidarity; tolerance; inclusion; narrative turn: moral feelings; literary culture; emptiness; literary imagination; truth; democracy
8
Parray, Tauseef Ahmad. "Islam, State and Modernity: Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and the Future of the Arab World." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i3.487.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (1935-2010) is one of the most original Arab philosophers, thinkers, and social theorist of recent times. Al-Jabri, who held the post of Professor of Philosophy at University of Rabat (Moroc- co), is the author of over 30 books—mostly on Arab Islamic thought—of which the best-known are works like Critique of Arab Reason (1984-2001, 4 vols.), Arab Political Reason (1990), An Introduction to the Noble Qur’an (2006), and Democracy, Human Rights and Law in Islamic Thought (2009). Though al-Jabri is “one of the most original and multifaceted philosophers and intellectuals of our time” (p. xii), commands considerable influence on the Arab world, and is regarded as significant and influential as the Irani- an Abdolkarim Soroush, the Egyptian Hasan Hanafi, and the French Mo- hammed Arkoun, he has remained insufficiently recognized in the West or Euro-American scholarship. The volume under review, first of its kind in English, is thus dedicated to exploring and highlighting varied aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and impact. Edited by Zaid Eyadat (University of Jordan), Francesca M. Corrao, and Mohammed Hashas (both from LUISS, University of Rome), this work analyzes and highlights “how al-Jabri has been a fertile intellectual force in the contemporary Arab world” (15). The volume consists of fourteen chapters divided into two parts: Part I is titled ‘Al-Jabri’s Reconstruction of Arab-Islamic Thought’ (Chapters 2-8), and Part II is titled ‘Politics, Ethics, and the Future of the State in the Arab World’ (Chapters 9-14). These are bookended by a foreword (ix-xiii) by Abdou-Filali Ansary and a biograph- ical appendix. The work acts as an “introductory volume for more future work” to be done in the English language “on this far-sighted Arab-Muslim philosopher” (15). What follows below is a survey of some selected chapters from each part of the book, so as to get an impression of what is contained, discussed, and explored in this volume. In the introduction (Chapter 1), the editors situate and contextual- ize the philosophy and legacy of al-Jabri within the broader perspective of contemporary Arab thought. They argue that the volume is focused on an aspect of Arab philosophy, dealing “with a philosophical project that classifies Arab intellectual history and contributes to contemporary Arab political philosophy” (8). Massimo Companini (Chapter 2) explores the work of al-Jabri and Hasan Hanafi vis-à-vis Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Rushd, and tries to find a “Path to Modernity” (41). His main argument is that al-Jabri contends for the “Averroistic” interpretation of the “future of Arab-Islamic culture”, which is both “rationalistic and democratic” (25) and thus fits aptly within the present political trend. Abdul Karim Barghout et al. (Chapter 3) focus on the Syrian thinker George Tarabishi’s (d. 2016) Critique of the Critique of Arab Reason (1996), by expounding their disagreements on Arab history. The differences between al-Jabri and Tabarishi remain over the theoretical frameworks or methodological grounds, not on historical substance. These and other chapters of this part revolve mostly around al-Jabri’s Critique. However, Mariangela Laviano (Chapter 6) provides a “preliminary overview of al-Jabri’s introductory work on the Qur’an” (2006), in which al- Jabri “gives a systematic rereading of the Qur’an and its phenomenon” and provides a “chronological order of decent of revelation (tartīb al-nuzūl), and not the common order/ sequence, i.e., tartīb al-tilāwa/ tartīb al-muṣḥaf” (114). For Laviano, al-Jabri considers the Qur’an a Text which needs to be “studied in its context, but at the same time taking into consideration its sa- credness” (114-115); such a “rational approach helps the reader to look at some Qura’nic verses,…, in the light of historical context” and thus gives “more attention to human rights and rebuilding the Arab world” (120). Part II of this volume is concentrated on exploring “the question of politics and ethics in a-Jabri’s examination of the history of ideas of the Arab-Islamic world.” It highlights his significance and relevance in the pre and post-Arab Spring eras in MENA as well as considers his thought’s pos- sible influence on the “future of the Arab state” (17). Mohsine El Ahmadi (Chapter 9) reflects on the aspects of al-Jabri’s political thought by focusing on the question of state and religion through an exposition of his Critique of Arab Political Reason (1984) and Religion, State, and Implementation of Shari‘a (1996). It clearly reveals al-Jabri’s “intellectual position on Islam and political power” (173), which is mainly “decisive in the reconstruction of modern thought based on the reason and democracy” (172). Ahmadi also focuses on “specific critique of Islamic historicity” (176), and concludes that “Historicity, epistemology, and secularism are dialectical foundations of al-Jabri’s views on Arab-Islamic reform” and thus represent a “major de- velopment in the transformation of Arab-Islamic political thought” (180). Zaid Eyadat and Hanadi Riyad (Chapter 12) focus on al-Jabri’s “effort and his contribution to Arab intellectual thought” by analyzing, critically, his Arab Ethical Reason (2006)—a work yet-untranslated and so unavail- able to an English audience. This chapter aims to introduce it to the West- ern reader while suggesting a “way forward from al-Jabri’s work towards a more creative and peaceful Arab Reason”. The last chapter, “The Arab Possible State: From al-Tahtawi to al- Jabri,” by Mohammed Hashas (Chapter 14), reinvigorates the possibility of a “modern Arab state” based on “Arab-Islamic tradition”, despite various “obstacles encountering its realization”, as manifested, most recently, in the Arab Spring (272). Hashas deliberates on “three Arab political discourse levels”, viz. ‘Arab Renaissance avant-gardists’, ‘Arab Nationhood Discourse’, and ‘State Discourse Around Arab Spring’. Later, he elaborates the state concept in al-Jabri’s thought, concluding that al-Jabri calls for a “democrat- ic modern state”, neither secular nor liberal, which will be based on the three principles of “human rights, the rule of law and rationality” (290). Written by specialists at various stages of their careers, and keeping in view the richness and diversity of topics, Islam, State and Modernity is a significant contribution to exploring the various aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and legacy for a wider readership, on topics ranging from Arab–Islamic thought to the state, politics, ethics, education, and the Qur’an phenomenon. It will prove helpful to students and scholars in a wide range of disciplines, ranging from Middle East Studies to Philosophy.
Tauseef Ahmad ParrayAssistant Professor, Islamic Studies, Higher Education DepartmentJammu & Kashmir, India
9
Parray, Tauseef Ahmad. "Islam, State and Modernity: Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and the Future of the Arab World." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i3.487.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (1935-2010) is one of the most original Arab philosophers, thinkers, and social theorist of recent times. Al-Jabri, who held the post of Professor of Philosophy at University of Rabat (Moroc- co), is the author of over 30 books—mostly on Arab Islamic thought—of which the best-known are works like Critique of Arab Reason (1984-2001, 4 vols.), Arab Political Reason (1990), An Introduction to the Noble Qur’an (2006), and Democracy, Human Rights and Law in Islamic Thought (2009). Though al-Jabri is “one of the most original and multifaceted philosophers and intellectuals of our time” (p. xii), commands considerable influence on the Arab world, and is regarded as significant and influential as the Irani- an Abdolkarim Soroush, the Egyptian Hasan Hanafi, and the French Mo- hammed Arkoun, he has remained insufficiently recognized in the West or Euro-American scholarship. The volume under review, first of its kind in English, is thus dedicated to exploring and highlighting varied aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and impact. Edited by Zaid Eyadat (University of Jordan), Francesca M. Corrao, and Mohammed Hashas (both from LUISS, University of Rome), this work analyzes and highlights “how al-Jabri has been a fertile intellectual force in the contemporary Arab world” (15). The volume consists of fourteen chapters divided into two parts: Part I is titled ‘Al-Jabri’s Reconstruction of Arab-Islamic Thought’ (Chapters 2-8), and Part II is titled ‘Politics, Ethics, and the Future of the State in the Arab World’ (Chapters 9-14). These are bookended by a foreword (ix-xiii) by Abdou-Filali Ansary and a biograph- ical appendix. The work acts as an “introductory volume for more future work” to be done in the English language “on this far-sighted Arab-Muslim philosopher” (15). What follows below is a survey of some selected chapters from each part of the book, so as to get an impression of what is contained, discussed, and explored in this volume. In the introduction (Chapter 1), the editors situate and contextual- ize the philosophy and legacy of al-Jabri within the broader perspective of contemporary Arab thought. They argue that the volume is focused on an aspect of Arab philosophy, dealing “with a philosophical project that classifies Arab intellectual history and contributes to contemporary Arab political philosophy” (8). Massimo Companini (Chapter 2) explores the work of al-Jabri and Hasan Hanafi vis-à-vis Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Rushd, and tries to find a “Path to Modernity” (41). His main argument is that al-Jabri contends for the “Averroistic” interpretation of the “future of Arab-Islamic culture”, which is both “rationalistic and democratic” (25) and thus fits aptly within the present political trend. Abdul Karim Barghout et al. (Chapter 3) focus on the Syrian thinker George Tarabishi’s (d. 2016) Critique of the Critique of Arab Reason (1996), by expounding their disagreements on Arab history. The differences between al-Jabri and Tabarishi remain over the theoretical frameworks or methodological grounds, not on historical substance. These and other chapters of this part revolve mostly around al-Jabri’s Critique. However, Mariangela Laviano (Chapter 6) provides a “preliminary overview of al-Jabri’s introductory work on the Qur’an” (2006), in which al- Jabri “gives a systematic rereading of the Qur’an and its phenomenon” and provides a “chronological order of decent of revelation (tartīb al-nuzūl), and not the common order/ sequence, i.e., tartīb al-tilāwa/ tartīb al-muṣḥaf” (114). For Laviano, al-Jabri considers the Qur’an a Text which needs to be “studied in its context, but at the same time taking into consideration its sa- credness” (114-115); such a “rational approach helps the reader to look at some Qura’nic verses,…, in the light of historical context” and thus gives “more attention to human rights and rebuilding the Arab world” (120). Part II of this volume is concentrated on exploring “the question of politics and ethics in a-Jabri’s examination of the history of ideas of the Arab-Islamic world.” It highlights his significance and relevance in the pre and post-Arab Spring eras in MENA as well as considers his thought’s pos- sible influence on the “future of the Arab state” (17). Mohsine El Ahmadi (Chapter 9) reflects on the aspects of al-Jabri’s political thought by focusing on the question of state and religion through an exposition of his Critique of Arab Political Reason (1984) and Religion, State, and Implementation of Shari‘a (1996). It clearly reveals al-Jabri’s “intellectual position on Islam and political power” (173), which is mainly “decisive in the reconstruction of modern thought based on the reason and democracy” (172). Ahmadi also focuses on “specific critique of Islamic historicity” (176), and concludes that “Historicity, epistemology, and secularism are dialectical foundations of al-Jabri’s views on Arab-Islamic reform” and thus represent a “major de- velopment in the transformation of Arab-Islamic political thought” (180). Zaid Eyadat and Hanadi Riyad (Chapter 12) focus on al-Jabri’s “effort and his contribution to Arab intellectual thought” by analyzing, critically, his Arab Ethical Reason (2006)—a work yet-untranslated and so unavail- able to an English audience. This chapter aims to introduce it to the West- ern reader while suggesting a “way forward from al-Jabri’s work towards a more creative and peaceful Arab Reason”. The last chapter, “The Arab Possible State: From al-Tahtawi to al- Jabri,” by Mohammed Hashas (Chapter 14), reinvigorates the possibility of a “modern Arab state” based on “Arab-Islamic tradition”, despite various “obstacles encountering its realization”, as manifested, most recently, in the Arab Spring (272). Hashas deliberates on “three Arab political discourse levels”, viz. ‘Arab Renaissance avant-gardists’, ‘Arab Nationhood Discourse’, and ‘State Discourse Around Arab Spring’. Later, he elaborates the state concept in al-Jabri’s thought, concluding that al-Jabri calls for a “democrat- ic modern state”, neither secular nor liberal, which will be based on the three principles of “human rights, the rule of law and rationality” (290). Written by specialists at various stages of their careers, and keeping in view the richness and diversity of topics, Islam, State and Modernity is a significant contribution to exploring the various aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and legacy for a wider readership, on topics ranging from Arab–Islamic thought to the state, politics, ethics, education, and the Qur’an phenomenon. It will prove helpful to students and scholars in a wide range of disciplines, ranging from Middle East Studies to Philosophy.
Tauseef Ahmad ParrayAssistant Professor, Islamic Studies, Higher Education DepartmentJammu & Kashmir, India
10
Curry, Tommy J. "Back to the Woodshop: Black Education, Imperial Pedagogy, and Post-Racial Mythology under the Reign of Obama." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 117, no. 14 (November 2015): 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811511701401.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For centuries, European thinkers, and their contemporary white followers, have run rampant in the halls of academia prematurely championing the success of liberalism to speak to the experience of those historical groups of people excluded from modernity, while simultaneously celebrating the universal embrace by the supple bosom of whites’ anthropologically specific ideas of reason and humanity. This philosophical impetus has solidified the political regime of integration as not only the most desirable but also the most realizable condition of Black (co)existence in America. The education of Black Americans has been collapsed into a single ideological goal, namely, how to mold these Blacks into more functional and productive members of American society under the idea of equality established by Brown v. Board of Education. Unfortunately, however, such a commitment elevates the ethical appeals made by Brown, which focused on higher ideals of reason and humanity found in liberal political thought and the eventual transcendence of racial identity, to moral code. This ideology, instead of attending to what Blacks should learn or the knowledge Blacks need to have in order to thrive as Blacks in America, forces Blacks to abide by the social motives that aim to create good Negro citizens. When responding to the great debate over Negro education and Negro labor in the United States, Du Bois remarked: My thoughts, the thoughts of Washington, Trotter, Oswald Garrison Villard were the expression of social forces more than of our own minds. These forces or ideologies embraced more than reasoned acts. They included physical, biological and psychological habits, conventions and enactments. Opposed to these came natural reaction; the physical recoil of the victims, the unconscious and irrational urges, as well as reasoned complaints and acts. The total result was the history of our day. That history may be epitomize in one word—Empire; the domination of white Europe over [B]lack Africa and yellow Asia, through political power built on the economic control of labor, income and idea. The echo of this industrial imperialism in America was the expulsion of [B]lack men from American democracy, their subjection to caste control and wage slavery. (W. E. B. Du Bois— A Soliloquy on Viewing My Life from the Last Decade of its First Century: The Autobiography of W.E.B. DuBois—1968)
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Kim, Nammee. "The Position of Prescriptive Grammar Education in the Liberal Arts Writing Class: Focusing on the Expansion of Grammar Awareness." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 10 (October 31, 2022): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.10.44.10.73.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this paper is to propose a plan to cultivate writing ability that establishes the principle of prescriptive grammar education and applies it to text reading and writing. The principles of prescriptive grammar education should be the process of discovering learners' own grammar, learning the system and structure of grammar, reflecting its principles in other language forms, and understanding and expanding the validity of the criteria involved in the macroscopic interpretation framework. Applying the prescriptive grammar education principle to liberal arts writing classes means that these three principles are consistently applied to the acceptance and production of text. Throughout the writing class, learners check their language skills and strategic skills, read the longitudinal and lateral hierarchies between the language items that make up their thoughts, and carry out the meta-cognitive strategy process by thinking for the possibility of expanding the validity of self-interpretation
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Callan, Eamonn. "Political Liberalism and Political Education." Review of Politics 58, no. 1 (1996): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500051627.
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John Rawls expounds a new liberal political theory that supposedly differs from traditional varieties in the narrowness of its scope and the distinctive solution it offers to the problem of legitimacy. The contrast between Rawls's “political liberalism” and “ethical liberalism” is said to emerge strikingly in the approach to political education each entails. But the differences Rawls stresses between the two liberalisms are illusory, and the real implications of his theory for political education clearly show this. However, Rawls does offer a powerful case for a liberal political theory, albeit of a traditional kind, and its educational agenda can be endorsed as a corrective to political domination and manipulation, even though the agenda must be pursued at the cost of some ethical diversity.
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Martin, Jane Roland. "Reforming Teacher Education, Rethinking Liberal Education." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 88, no. 3 (March 1987): 406–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146818708800312.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Jane Roland Martin sees the call for a liberal education for teachers as a reflection of the Platonic tradition of emphasis on mind not head, thought not action, production not reproduction, reason not emotion, and asks what kind of education — both for teachers and for our young—does a society with our serious human problems need?
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Wolkenstein, Fabio. "Populism, liberal democracy and the ethics of peoplehood." European Journal of Political Theory 18, no. 3 (November 20, 2016): 330–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885116677901.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Populism is widely thought to be in tension with liberal democracy. This article clarifies what exactly is problematic about populism from a liberal–democratic point of view and goes on to develop normative standards that allow us to distinguish between more and less legitimate forms of populism. The point of this exercise is not to dismiss populism in toto; the article strives for a more subtle result, namely, to show that liberal democracy can accommodate populism provided that the latter conforms to particular discursive norms. What the article calls a ‘liberal ethics of populism’ turns out to be closely bound up with a broader ethics of peoplehood, understood as a way of articulating who ‘the people’ are in a way that is compatible with liberal–democratic principles of political justification. Such an ethics, concludes the article, inevitably has a much wider audience than populist political actors: its addressees are all those who seek legitimately to exercise power in the name of the people.
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Komba, W. "Choices in Liberal and Non‐liberal Political and Educational Thought." Journal of Philosophy of Education 32, no. 2 (July 1998): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9752.00087.
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Zolkin, A. L. "Moral projections of education: liberal morality, social ethics, ethics of culture?" Gumanitarnyye Vedomosti TGPU im. L. N. Tolstogo, no. 1 (2022): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22405/2304-4772-2022-1-1-12-19.
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Houlgate, Laurence D. "Ethics in Thought and Action." Teaching Philosophy 20, no. 1 (1997): 73–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/teachphil19972018.
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Mor, Nurit Basman. "Teacher education in a post-modern liberal democratic society." Research in Education 100, no. 1 (May 2018): 10–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034523718762174.
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In the last few years, there is a strong inclination to see a technological development, economic growth and social cohesion as the goals of education and therefore teachers are taken to be responsible for social solidarity and for national success in the global economic competition. This paper rejects the reduction of teaching to maximize effective instruction in the service of economic success and group solidarity and therefore resists the utilitarian thrust of much recent policy and practice in teacher education. The main argument is that teachers today are committed to a moral education from the virtue ethics perspective. The role of the teachers in a post-modern democratic society that respects the ideal of autonomy is to seek the development of their students, shaping their character while practicing certain virtues and leading them to a life of individual flourishing and self-fulfilment. Having the ability to cultivate young people character while guiding them towards finding their own ideas about how to lead a valuable life depends on the relationships that teachers and students maintain. The conclusion is that teachers are required to base decisions first and foremost on values like attentiveness, sensitivity, empathy, responsiveness and trust, values which are derived from an ethics of care. An ethics of care is the most suitable ethical framework for guiding teacher's practice nowadays. The paper provides an account of why virtue ethics and an ethics of care, which is sometimes seen as a version of virtue ethics, are the appropriate ethical frameworks for contemporary teacher education.
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Chappell, Larry W. "The Theory and Rhetoric of Liberty in Spinoza’s Political Philosophy." American Review of Politics 7 (January 1, 1987): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1986.7.0.43-59.
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Benedict Spinoza is widely regarded as a major figure in the history of philosophy and a minor figure in the history of political philosophy. This judgment has merit. Spinoza’s political writings do not approach his Ethics in originality, penetration or influence; nor do they compare well with the writings of the great political philosophers. Nevertheless, Spinoza’s political writings reveal keen insights into problems of liberal thought. His contribution to liberal thought involves attempt to reconcile a Hobbesian conception of authority and an apparent commitment to a wide range of civil liberties.
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Carrig, Joseph. "Liberal Impediments to Liberal Education: The Assent to Locke." Review of Politics 63, no. 1 (2001): 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500030515.
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Some Thoughts Concerning Education, Locke's treatise on education, has yet to be fully integrated with his more familiar political and philosophical works. On the surface, there seems to be some tension between Locke's advice on how best to educate the young, and his prescriptions for political legitimacy. The emphasis on consent in the Second Treatise of Government seems to require a parallel emphasis on freedom of thought, but it is the possibility of precisely this sort of freedom that Locke calls into question with a theory of education grounded in the external inculcation of mental habits that control behavior throughout life. This surface tension, however, is dispelled by Locke's theory of knowledge, as it is expressed in the Essay Concerning Human Understanding. The Essay's skepticism with regard to an objective and public knowledge makes clear, first, that education is reducible to indoctrination, and second, that liberty therefore requires the rejection or fundamental reconstitution of what has been learned.
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Booth, William James. "Foreigners: Insiders, Outsiders and the Ethics of Membership." Review of Politics 59, no. 2 (1997): 259–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500026632.
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Questions of exclusion, membership and the status of resident foreigners press upon liberal political thought and society with a particular sharpness, given the universalist underpinnings of the liberal commitment. How within the horizon of liberalism and rights discourse are we to think of the foreigner? The article suggests some reasons why we should consider suspect the cluster of notions surrounding alienage and sketches why the moral salience of the foreignness of these outsiders at our door and present among us has diminished, and thus brought under scrutiny our traditional comportment toward them. But it is not so much intended here to seek a resolution of these issues as to motivate a cluster of questions, to argue for their importance and to show the inadequacy of the treatment of them that we have inherited.
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Krienke, Markus. "Antonio Rosmini’s Social Ethics and his Relationship to German Thought." Journal for Markets and Ethics 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jome-2018-0025.
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Abstract Putting the economic and social–ethical thought of Rosmini in relationship to the German tradition of social market economy, either a pertinent collocation of the liberal catholic thinker Rosmini or new perspectives for the concept of social market economy, which is in search for a new identity, have been made. The justification of this paper lies in the fact that Rosmini introduced the idea of social justice right in the sense of social market economy, on the one hand, and in the way in which the late 19th-centrury economic theory in Italy received his economic thought, on the other hand. Hence, despite his theoretical and cultural distance from Röpke, both have many interesting economic reflections in common.
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Lamb, Rebekah. "Stratford Caldecott’s Idea of Education." Religions 13, no. 11 (October 26, 2022): 1013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13111013.
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This essay overviews key aspects of Stratford Caldecott’s idea of liberal arts education, within the Roman Catholic tradition and especially focuses on the centrality of the Eucharist in his thought. It also considers how, according to Caldecott, liberal arts education contains a kind of liturgical affordance or sympathy with the form and nature of worship (within Roman Catholicism). In so doing, this paper offers, to date, the most substantive scholarly introduction to key aspects of Caldecott’s Eucharistic idea of education, within the context of the liberal arts tradition (broadly conceived).
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Coleman, Elizabeth. "Regaining the Thought-Action Continuum: A New Liberal Arts." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 110, no. 14 (November 2008): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810811001439.
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Harahap, Asriana. "EDUCATION THOUGHT OF IBNU MISKAWAIH." Sunan Kalijaga International Journal on Islamic Educational Research 1, no. 1 (September 20, 2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/skijier.2017.2017.11-01.
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This study aims to know about education based on Ibnu Miskawaih thought. In its analysis, it uses library research approach, analyzing science sources. In this journal, all data are treated and probed from several books, articles, magazines, as well as data from internet which have a relation with the main analysis. Ibnu Miskawaih believes that ethics education is a prime education for human (anna ṣina’ah al-akhlāq afḍal al-shinā’at kullihā), and it is because someone’s ethics can be said as a human (bi tajdīd af’āl al-insān bi mā huwa insān). Education is a process of an establishment process from human’s character towards a virtue, a correction of badness, and improvement process to be better. As Syauqi Beik said in his wisdom words, “Indeed, the people and the nation is very dependent on morals, if good, then the nation will be strong, if it is damaged it will destroy the nation”. It is a strong reason why Ibnu Miskawaih more emphasizes moral education for human development. Literally, human development is soul development with virtue (ahsan taqwīm), it is comparable with physical pleasure, wealth, and power. Human’s life is not life of zuhud and rejection, but it is about compromise and canalization, between body and spirit demands. A Wiseman does not put his priority on world pleasure, but relate it into spiritual pleasure with ethics as the guard. So that, based on Ibnu Miskawaih education thought, he states if someone’s education is higher so his character will be better too.
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D. Paino, Troy. "The reflective practitioner: the role of a public liberal-arts university in saving liberal education." On the Horizon 22, no. 1 (February 4, 2014): 72–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oth-10-2013-0040.
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Purpose – This paper seeks to discuss the role of a public liberal-arts university in education. Design/methodology/approach – The author first defines the principles and definitions of liberal education, then analyses these ideas in relation to public liberal-arts universities. Findings – Liberal education holds enduring value in a world where state support for higher education is steadily decreasing and the author concludes that society needs public liberal-arts universities in order to maintain freedom of thought and democracies. Originality/value – This piece presents a view of public liberal-arts universities in the wider context of liberal education, recession and worldwide threats to democracy and personal freedoms.
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Eka Teguh Iman Santosa, Nyong. "EPISTEMOLOGI PARTISAN PENDIDIKAN LIBERAL." Adabiyah : Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 1, no. 1 (July 12, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21070/ja.v1i1.160.
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Liberal education generally believed that true education must be universal and free from indoctrinative practices. It is moving from liberal education principles that uphold the values that are vital to the moral and intellectual development of man, such as critical thinking, personal autonomy and pluralism of thought. However, when juxtaposed with other variants of educational paradigm promoted mainly by radicals and conservatives, it was not easy to be realized. Liberal education proved epistemologically partisan and incompletely sterile from practices of indoctrination.
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Copeland, Darcy. "Liberal arts and ethics education in nursing: A national survey." Journal of Professional Nursing 42 (September 2022): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.profnurs.2022.06.007.
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Carrascoso, Angelo Carlo S. "Integrated Business Ethics Education Through Business and the Liberal Arts." Journal of Business Ethics Education 11 (2014): 279–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jbee20141114.
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Giroux, Henry A. "Schooling and the Politics of Ethics: Beyond Liberal and Conservative Discourses." Journal of Education 169, no. 2 (April 1987): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002205748716900203.
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One of the major struggles for control currently being waged in American society is around the issue of schooling and moral values. However, radical educators have effectively removed themselves from this debate by substituting the discourse of moral indignation for a theory of ethics. In part, this has meant that they have been unable either to ground their own political projects and views of schooling in a moral vision or to effectively challenge the retrograde and formalistic views of ethics and schooling that have been put forth by various conservatives and liberals. This article examines the inadequacy of mainstream conservative and liberal views in this area and suggests alternative categories and interests around which a critical discourse linking ethics, education, and politics can be developed.
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Cherniss, Joshua L. "A Tempered Liberalism: Political Ethics and Ethos in Reinhold Niebuhr's Thought." Review of Politics 78, no. 1 (2016): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467051500087x.
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AbstractThis article examines Reinhold Niebuhr's contributions both to twentieth-century liberalism and to reflection on liberalism's relationship to political ethics. These contributions are, I argue, twofold. First, Niebuhr's account of moral psychology chastens liberal ambitions and assumptions, offering a more “realistic” liberalism (while avoiding certain weaknesses of “realist” theories). Second, Niebuhr's thought points to the importance of ethos—the combination of dispositions, temperament, and perceptions that shape individual conduct—in defining liberalism and determining the quality of political action. In articulating an ethos of humility, moderation, skepticism, irony, and self-restraint, Niebuhr offers a reformulation and defense of liberalism, and a warning against dangers that threaten liberalism both from within and without.
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Vincent, Andrew. "Liberal Nationalism: An Irresponsible Compound?" Political Studies 45, no. 2 (June 1997): 275–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00081.
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In this century there has been a deep concern about the dangers of nationalism. Many of those who have expressed such concerns have been liberals. Yet, ironically, in the last decade, there has been a resurgence of interest in the idea of nationalism from within liberal thought – thus giving rise to the compound term ‘liberal nationalism’. Having situated liberal nationalism in a broader historical context, this paper critically reviews the arguments of liberal nationalism in the work of Neil MacCormick, David Miller and Yael Tamir. It concludes by drawing a distinction between the pragmatic and ethical significance of nationalism. This distinction neither entails a denial of the role of nationalism nor a defence of liberalism. It attempts to sever the connection between nationalism and ethics. Nationalism may be inevitable for the present, but it is not a virtue to be promoted.
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Piryani, R. M. "Medical ethics education." Journal of Chitwan Medical College 5, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jcmc.v5i1.12557.
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Ethics education is essential for everyone but indispensable for health care professionals. Health care professionals must strive for excellence as much as possible. The moral duty of health care professionals is to do the best for their patients and take healthcare decision based on evidence and clinical, technical and ethical ground. However, most of the times ethical aspects are either ignored, undermined or overlooked. There seems to be some gap in teaching and learning and its application in practice. The fundamental idea to teach medical ethics at undergraduate level is to sow the seeds to ethics at an early stage in the minds of health care professionals to deliver excellent health care to the community. All religions prescribe ethical and moral behaviour and thought for their followers. Hinduism through Bhagwat Gita preaches karma as the only dharma, Islam speaks of Khuluq, Buddhism of the 10 meritorious deeds, Jainism of three ratnas, Christianity of service and stewardship. Let’s invest our efforts in enhancing medical ethics education in our institutions besides technical education and produce quality healthcare professionals who can take healthcare decision based on evidence, and clinical, technical and ethical ground.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jcmc.v5i1.12557
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diZerega, Gus. "Deep Ecology and Liberalism: The Greener Implications of Evolutionary Liberal Theory." Review of Politics 58, no. 4 (1996): 699–734. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050002043x.
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Liberalism and Deep Ecology are usually regarded as mutually exclusive. However, the “evolutionary” tradition of liberal thought, rooted in David Hume and Adam Smith, and including Michael Polanyi and F. A. Hayek, provides a foundation for their reconciliation. Linkage is through Hume and Smith's conception of sympathy, which today means empathy. For Hume, sympathy extends into the animal realm. Sympathy is essential for certain scientific work, and provides an foundation for both liberal and ecological ethics. Deep ecologists such as Arne Naess use the same concept. Linkage is first to biocentric ethics, and then, through examining natural beauty and, via Michael Polanyi's tacit knowledge, ecocentric ethics. The work of Hayek suggests how modern society might be harmonized with the requirements of nature. This deepens J. Baird Callicott's pioneering approach, uniting it with Lewis Hinchman's recent analysis. Liberalism's and Deep Ecology's foundations both benefit from their mutual integration.
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Jun, Soojin. "A case study of activity-oriented AI ethics education for liberal arts education." Journal of The Korean Association of Artificial Intelligence Education 3, no. 1 (May 31, 2022): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.52618/aied.2022.3.1.4.
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Kenny, Michael. "Global civil society: a liberal-republican argument." Review of International Studies 29, S1 (December 2003): 119–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210503005928.
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This article highlights two of the most influential normative perspectives upon the ethical character of global civil society in Anglo-American political thought. These are considered under the headings of liberal cosmopolitanism and subalternist radicalism. Within international political theory, the main alternative to cosmopolitan arguments is usually regarded as provided by moral theories that invoke the continuing significance of national boundaries in relation to political community. The rivalry between cosmopolitan convictions and nationalist ethics is deeply entrenched within Anglo-American thinking. As a result, international political theory seems to throw up a fundamentally antinomian choice: either we possess overriding duties and obligations to others, irrespective of our nationhood; or the borders of a settled nation-state substantially define our sense of political identity and justify a marked ethical partiality towards our fellow nationals. Such is the hold of this antinomy upon the Western political imagination, it seems, that alternative conceptions of the relationship between territory, community and ethicality have been neglected or dismissed as unduly heterodox. Given the continuing purchase of this dualistic approach on international political ethics, the recovery and normative evaluation of various alternatives is a task of some intellectual importance.
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김혁수 and 장윤수. "Toegye's Thought and Children's Philosophy Education." KOREAN ELEMENTARY MORAL EDUCATION SOCIETY ll, no. 44 (March 2014): 113–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17282/ethics.2014..44.113.
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Hwang, Jung-Hyun. "Aristotle’s thought of Physical Education(18): Direction of Sports Ethics Education." Korean Journal of Physical Education 59, no. 1 (January 30, 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.23949/kjpe.2020.1.59.1.1.
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Brown, Peter G. "Ethics and Education for the Public Service in a Liberal State." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 6, no. 1 (1986): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3324081.
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Brown, Peter G. "Ethics and education for the public service in a liberal state." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.4050060106.
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Larsen, Sean. "How I think Hauerwas thinks about theology." Scottish Journal of Theology 69, no. 1 (January 25, 2016): 20–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930615000757.
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AbstractThis paper highlights two aspects of Stanley Hauerwas's thought: philosophical ethics, which consists of second-order methodological claims; and moral theology, which consists of first-order, local, unsystematic moral descriptions. I show how the philosophical ethics relates to the moral theology by proposing a set of rules that constitute a ‘grammar’ of Hauerwas's thought. These rules are asymmetrical in that later rules presuppose earlier rules but earlier rules do not presuppose later rules. Each rule corresponds to texts that Hauerwas recommends and relies upon. The first rule prioritizes MacIntyre's concept of non-foundational ‘practical wisdom’. The second rule, which draws on Aristotle, Wittgenstein, Anscombe and Kovesi to stress the impossibility of separating agent from act, influences the third rule that ethics is moral description. The fourth rule uses ‘postliberal’ theologians and draws on the liturgy alongside Barth and Yoder, in order to redescribe the shape of Christian life in liberal modernity.
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Birkelund, Regner. "Ethics and Education." Nursing Ethics 7, no. 6 (November 2000): 473–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096973300000700603.
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In the debate concerning the education of nurses that is currently taking place in Denmark, two widely differing views are apparent regarding the best way of training nurses such that the ethical aspect of their work is adequately considered. The first of these is based on the premise that practical care is fundamental to and justified by theories on nursing, care and ethics, which is why the theoretical part of nurse education deserves a higher priority. The second view is based on the premise that social care cannot be taught by means of theories, but can be learnt only through practice. The master-apprentice principle of ancient Greece is stressed in connection with this as being a viable alternative to the theoretical model of education. These two very different views can be traced back to Plato’s and Aristotle’s ideas on ethics and teaching respectively; indeed, those engaged in the debate make specific reference to these philosophers. In Denmark, a third fundamental viewpoint exists, known as ‘ontological ethics’. Phenomenologist KE Løgstrup is one of the best-known representatives of this view. Basing the line of argument on Løgstrup’s ethics and the view of education associated with this, this article questions the relevance of ancient Greek thought to today’s world by illustrating a number of problems that are connected with the theoretical model of nurse education and with the master-apprentice principle. Løgstrup associates ethics with the aesthetic principle that ‘the useless is the most useful’ in human life and with the view we also see in Kierkegaard’s and NFS Grundtvig’s writings that ethics can be imparted only by indirect means. Løgstrup bases his understanding of ethics on the Judaeo-Christian concept of Genesis and the view that human beings were created with an ethical potential that is best nourished by aesthetic impressions.
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Katz, Marion H. "Sexual Ethics and Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 4 (October 1, 2007): 100–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i4.1515.
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Kecia Ali’s Sexual Ethics and Islam is a fresh and incisive examination of avariety of issues related to marriage and sexuality. Its primary objective is to engage with the values and aspirations of contemporary American Muslims,although it should also find a broad non-Muslim audience in undergraduatecourses and among non-specialist readers. Throughout the book, Ali analyzesthe concerns of a Muslim community striving both to realize a visionof justice and equality informed by contemporary social realities as well asto cultivate a genuine and honest commitment to Islam’s teachings.Although she sometimes addresses the internal dynamics of the Muslimcommunity (both American and international) in ways that may resonatemost with a faith-based audience, non-Muslim readers and students will befascinated by the degree of Muslim social and theological diversity that shedescribes.Ali identifies strongly with “progressive” Muslims, although she doesnot hesitate to critique liberal and conservative orthodoxies. She engagesintensively with an emerging canon of English-language progressiveIslamic thought, frequently citing such authors as Amina Wadud, AsmaBarlas, Khaled Abou El Fadl, Omid Safi, and Farid Esack. One of the book’sstriking (and useful) aspects is that it does not assume that the Islamic “center”lies in the Muslim-majority countries of the Middle East or South andSoutheast Asia; it unapologetically (and accurately) assumes that theMuslims of North America and other minority communities can produceautonomous and valid developments in Islamic thought and practice.Although her sympathies clearly lie with, for instance, those who wouldseek to accommodate the religious and personal aspirations of Muslim homosexuals(chapter 5), she also displays an unsparing commitment to internalconsistency and intellectual rigor. She neither resorts to easy platitudesabout Islam’s egalitarianism and justice nor tolerates them in the argumentsof others ...
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Dylan, Arielle. "Safety in the Classroom: Safeguarding Liberal Arts Education from the Neo-Liberal Threat." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 42, no. 2 (August 31, 2012): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v42i2.183581.
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This article examines the elusive concept of safety in liberal arts classrooms which are often contoured by a plurality of social, cultural, political, psychological, historical, and discursive forces and performances. Using select principles from adult education and social work with groups as an organizing metaphor, the article discusses the classroom as a large group, the changing student body, and, especially, the impact of diversity and inclusivity in liberal arts settings. Because the aim of liberal arts education is usually to promote independent and critical thinking, open-mindedness, and greater communication and decision-making skills, its goals foster, to a great degree, citizen engagement that empowers persons to participate in collective actions toward greater equality and justice in communities both locally and globally. Classroom safety is essential to these aims because it increases opportunity for free, critical, and independent thought necessary for progressive, egalitarian, and justice pursuits. The article explores safety, including dialogic practices and reflection on relations of power within the classroom, for its significant role in fulfilling liberal arts aspirations.
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Ciulla, Joanne B. "Ethics and Critical Thinking in Leadership Education." Journal of Leadership Studies 3, no. 3 (July 1996): 110–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107179199700300311.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
If you want to teach students to be ethical and socially responsible, you have to develop their moral imaginations, critical thinking skills and evoke their emotions or passion to act on what is morally right. Moral learning must reach the body, the head, and the heart. Punishment and rewards act on the body to behaviorally reinforce lessons about right and wrong. Teachers educate the head by giving students information about the world that is necessary for ethical decision making. Educating the heart is perhaps the most difficult and ignored part of teaching ethics, because it is about cultivating the emotions and feelings necessary for morality, and the will or desire to be moral. In this paper I focus on educating the head and the heart. I argue that critical thinking skills are crucial to ethics education and that the point of ethics courses should be to develop moral sentiment, will and imagination. My comments will specifically address the relevancy of these areas to leadership studies, but what I have to say applies in general to the liberal arts.
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Noddings, Nel. "Principles, feelings and reality." Theory and Research in Education 4, no. 1 (March 2006): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477878506060680.
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Two of Susan Moller Okin’s articles are discussed:‘Reason and feeling in thinking about justice’, Ethics 99(2), 1989: 229-49 and ‘Mistresses of their own destiny: group rights, gender, and realistic rights of exit’, Ethics 112(2), 2002: 205-30. Her argument on the foundation necessary for Rawls’s original position is accepted and extended. Her argument on the handling of illiberal groups in a liberal society is largely accepted, but a question is raised on how to address First Amendment precedents.
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So, Byung-chul. "An Essay on the Utility of Discourse Ethics in the Liberal Education." JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES STUDIES 120 (September 30, 2020): 63–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46346/tjhs.120..3.
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Roosevelt, Grace. "The Triumph of the Market and the Decline of Liberal Education: Implications for Civic Life." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 108, no. 7 (July 2006): 1404–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810610800709.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this article is to argue that the growing commercialization of education and the simultaneous decline of what has traditionally been called “liberal education” will limit the range of political discourse and thus have negative effects on civic life. In a context driven mainly by the profit motive, not-for-profit educational institutions have until recently provided one of the few protected spaces (besides the church) in which the profit motive itself may be openly questioned. But with today's new emphasis on marketable products, measurable outcomes, and business skills, many institutions of higher education are unlikely to expose students to visions of justice and equality that challenge the ethics of the market system. Debates over the extent to which profit making should be regulated in the public interest are crucial to the vitality of any political community. Without the political imagination and broad-based critical thinking that liberal learning has traditionally fostered, there is little hope that liberal politics can continue to survive. The article includes (1) some salient facts about the commercialization of education in the United States today, (2) a brief overview of the history of the idea of liberal education, and (3) concluding reflections about the link between liberal education and liberal politics.
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Prioletta, Jessica. "Unequal Education in Preschool." Girlhood Studies 11, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2018.110207.
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In this article, I explore how the beliefs of preschool teachers that equality is the norm in their classrooms shape play periods in ways that may work to disadvantage girls. I argue that equality discourses mask the gender power children must negotiate in their play and that this leaves girls with fewer choices when they are accessing the play environment. With research grounded in fieldwork carried out in four public schools in a Canadian metropolis, I illustrate how liberal notions of equality reinforced the traditional gender binary in children’s play. Moreover, drawing on the work of Jane Roland Martin, I show that liberal understandings of equality work to sustain a male-centered education for all students in preschool. To explore ways to attend to such gender inequalities, I turn to Nel Noddings’s concept of an ethics of care and point to the need to challenge the gender binary in early learning.
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Lloyd, Vincent. "Constantinian Toleration." Studies in Christian Ethics 31, no. 3 (April 11, 2018): 296–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946818770329.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Recent secular theorists of toleration have turned to Christian thought as a resource to overcome problems faced by secular-liberal accounts of toleration. This review essay examines three such projects, one in the tradition of Thomistic virtue ethics, another in the tradition of Frankfurt School critical theory, and another in political theory. While Christian ethics can learn from the methods and theoretical machinery deployed in these studies, each study assumes that the question of toleration is posed from a position of power and privilege. The essay asks what it might mean to consider toleration from the perspective of a marginalized community—like the early Christians.