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1
Aligica, Paul Dragos, Peter J. Boettke, and Vlad Tarko. Public Governance and the Classical-Liberal Perspective. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190267032.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Classical liberalism entails not only a view about the proper scope of government and its relationship with the market but also a distinct theory about how government should operate within its proper area. This book presents the basic governance theory and political economy principles underpinning this vision. Building upon the works of diverse authors such as Friedrich Hayek, James Buchanan, and Vincent and Elinor Ostrom, the book offers a profound challenge to how public governance is commonly understood, by shifting the focus along several dimensions. First, it challenges the technocratic-epistocratic perspective in which social goals are set and experts simply provide the means to attain them. Instead, the focus is on the diversity of opinions in any society regarding “what should be done,” and on the design of democratic and polycentric institutions capable of limiting social conflicts and satisfying the preferences of as many people as possible. Second, the book explains the knowledge and incentive problems associated with technocratic-epistocratic governance. This has deep implications for how public governance itself should be construed. The book’s three parts reconstruct the theoretical foundations of the position, then explore its nature and development at the interface between public choice and public administration, and finally illustrate via a set of concrete governance issues how it operates at the applied level. The book thus fills a large gap in the academic literature, as well as the public discourse, about the ways decision makers understand the nature and administration of the public sector.
2
Bader, Veit. Secularisms or Liberal-Democratic Constitutionalism? Edited by Phil Zuckerman and John R. Shook. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199988457.013.21.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter begins with the concepts “secular,” “secularity,” “secularization,” and “secularism” and summarizes core results of social science studies into the changing role of religions in contemporary societies, Then it discusses problems with the construction of models of the governance of religious diversity in the social sciences and presents some empirically grounded normative models of relations between (organized) religions and societies, cultures, politics, law, and the state in order to draw some normative lessons. The chapter provides a critical discussion of first- and second-order normative principles that should govern the these relations. For rich empirical descriptions and explanations in the social sciences, grand narratives or umbrella concepts such as secularization, secularism, and postsecularism fail to capture different complexities, configurations, and trade-offs. The different meanings of “the principle of secularism” are discussed and a proposal to replace them by rights and principles of liberal-democratic constitutionalism offered.
3
Sorell, Tom, and John Guelke. Liberal Democratic Regulation and Technological Advance. Edited by Roger Brownsword, Eloise Scotford, and Karen Yeung. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199680832.013.5.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter considers an array of new technologies developed for bulk collection and data analysis that are sometimes connected by critics with mass surveillance. While the use of such technologies can be compatible with democratic principles, the NSA’s system of bulk collection has been likened to that practised by the Stasi in the former German Democratic Republic. Drawing on Pettit’s concept of domination, we dispute the comparison, conceding nevertheless that bulk collection carries risks of intrusion, error, and damage to trust. Allowing that some surveillance is bound to be secret, we insist that secrecy must be limited, and subject to democratic oversight. Even if NSA-type surveillance is not a modern reincarnation of Stasi oppression failures of oversight make it objectionable from the perspective of democratic theory. More generally, surveillance technologies interfere with individual autonomy, which liberal democratic states are committed to protecting, whether the agent making use of them is a state or private company.
4
Smith, Tony. Eisenhower and His Legacy, 1953–1977. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter examines Dwight D. Eisenhower's legacy in the area of liberal democratic internationalism during the period 1953–1977. Until 1947, the American foreign policy choice had been between a Wilsonian advocacy of democracy and a Rooseveltian preference for nonintervention. A third option had emerged since then: intervention for dictatorships, even against indigenous political forces that might be seeking to create constitutional, democratic regimes. The chapter first provides an overview of American realism and mass politics in the twentieth century, with emphasis on the modernity of fascism, communism, and democracy, before discussing American foreign policy during the Eisenhower years. In particular, it considers the Eisenhower administration's policy decisions with respect to Iran, Guatemala, and Vietnam. It also explores the geopolitical realism of American support for democratic governments abroad.
5
Hartley, Christie. The Moral Foundation of Public Justification and Public Reason. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190683023.003.0003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter discusses the moral foundation of public justification for political liberals. Two conceptions of liberal democracies are contrasted together with their distinctive accounts of public justification. It is argued that political liberals view liberal democracies as a shared project among persons with the end of living on terms of mutual respect with others and that this leads to a shared reasons view of public justification. This view is shown to be superior to the convergence account of public justification on the grounds that (1) convergence accounts of public reason fail to capture what is distinctive about democratic decision-making, namely, that it represents a kind of collective willing, and (2) convergence accounts lack normative stability. Political liberalism offers both.
6
Schupmann, Benjamin A. Carl Schmitt's State and Constitutional Theory. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198791614.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This book analyzes Carl Schmitt’s state and constitutional theory and shows how he conceived it in response to the Weimar crisis. Schmitt modeled his theory on past state theory, particularly Hobbes’ Leviathan. Schmitt sought to address the unique problems posed by mass democracy. Extremists recognized a path to legal revolution lay in the constitution’s combination of democratic procedures, total neutrality toward political goals, and positive law. To prevent the subversion of the state and civil war, Schmitt theorized ways to depoliticize conflicts and restore the state’s authority. He argued the constitution imposed absolute limits on democratic will. And he insisted those limits were determined by the liberal democratic constitution’s prior commitment to basic rights. Schmitt’s state and constitutional theory remains important today because the problems he identifies within liberal democratic states have not gone away. Schmitt’s thought anticipated “constrained” or “militant” democracy, a type of constitution that guards against subversive expressions of popular sovereignty and whose mechanisms include the entrenchment of basic constitutional commitments and party bans. Although today’s political challenges are not identical to those Weimar faced, the threat of constitutional democracy committing suicide has not gone away. Liberal democrats can learn from Schmitt’s analysis and theory to address today’s challenges.
7
Dorrien, Gary. American Democratic Socialism. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300253764.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The USA has a rich tradition of democratic socialism despite its long tradition of denigrating democratic socialism as un-American. The former American tradition has sought to Americanize democratic socialism by speaking the language of individual liberty, trying to build a coalition party of the democratic left, and grappling with American racism, cultural diversity, exceptionalist mythology, and activist religion. Democratic socialists founded the nation’s first industrial unions, proposed every plank of what became the New Deal, and played leading roles in the civil rights movement. Today democratic socialists are leading the struggles for economic equality and the Green New Deal, unsettling the convention that democratic socialism is un-American.
8
Leuprecht, Christian, and Hayley McNorton. Intelligence as Democratic Statecraft. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192893949.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Democracy needs to be defended, and intelligence is the first line of defence. However, the liberal-democratic norm of limited state intervention in the lives of citizens means that security and accountability are in tension insofar as their first principles are diametrically opposed: whereas openness and transparency are hallmarks of democratic governance, operational secrecy—in relation to other states, to democratic society, and to other parts of government—is the essence of intelligence tradecraft. Intelligence accountability reconciles democracy and security through transparent standards, guidelines, legal frameworks, executive directives, and international law. Evolving executive, legislative, judicial, and bureaucratic mechanisms for intelligence oversight and review have become a distinct feature of democratic regimes. Over recent decades legislative and judicial components have been added to complement administrative and executive accountability. Using a most-similar systems design to compare intelligence accountability in the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, this book expands compliance as the sine qua non of intelligence to gauge effectiveness, efficiency, and innovation across the intelligence community. In the context of changing technology and threat vectors that have significantly affected, altered, and expanded the role, powers, and capabilities of intelligence, this book compares the institutions, composition, practices, characteristics, and cultures of intelligence accountability systems across the world’s oldest and most powerful intelligence alliance. In an asymmetric struggle against unprincipled adversaries, accountability has to reassure a sceptical public that the intelligence and security community plays by the same rules that democracies are committed to defend.
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Pappas, Takis S. Populism and Liberal Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837886.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Based on an original definition of modern populism as “democratic illiberalism” and many years of meticulous research, Takis Pappas marshals extraordinary empirical evidence from Argentina, Greece, Peru, Italy, Venezuela, Ecuador, Hungary, the United States, Spain, and Brazil to develop a comprehensive theory about populism. He addresses all key issues in the debate about populism and answers significant questions of great relevance for today’s liberal democracy, including: • What is modern populism and how can it be differentiated from comparable phenomena like nativism and autocracy? • Where in Latin America has populism become most successful? Where in Europe did it emerge first? Why did its rise to power in the United States come so late? • Is Trump a populist and, if so, could he be compared best with Venezuela’s Chávez, France’s Le Pens, or Turkey’s Erdoğan? • Why has populism thrived in post-authoritarian Greece but not in Spain? And why in Argentina and not in Brazil? • Can populism ever succeed without a charismatic leader? If not, what does leadership tell us about how to challenge populism? • Who are “the people” who vote for populist parties, how are these “made” into a group, and what is in their minds? • Is there a “populist blueprint” that all populists use when in power? And what are the long-term consequences of populist rule? • What does the expansion, and possibly solidification, of populism mean for the very nature and future of contemporary democracy? Populism and Liberal Democracy will change the ways the reader understands populism and imagines the prospects of liberal democracy.
10
Dixon, Rosalind, and David Landau. Abusive Constitutional Borrowing. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192893765.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
We live in a golden age of comparative constitutional law. Liberal democratic ideas have diffused readily around the world, and certain features such as judicial review and constitutional rights are now nearly universal. At the same time, recent years have seen a pronounced trend toward the erosion of democracy. This book argues that the rhetorical triumph of liberal democratic constitutionalism, and the tendency toward democratic retrenchment, are fully consistent phenomena. Legal globalization has a dark side: norms intended to protect and promote liberal democratic constitutionalism can often readily be used to undermine it. Abusive constitutional borrowing involves the appropriation of liberal democratic constitutional designs, concepts, and doctrines to advance authoritarian projects. Some of the most important hallmarks of liberal democratic constitutionalism—including constitutional rights, judicial review, and constituent power—can be turned into powerful instruments to demolish rather than defend democracy. The book offers a wealth of examples, selected both to shed new light on well-known cases such as Hungary, Poland, and Venezuela, as well as to expand discussions by considering contexts such as Cambodia, Rwanda, and Fiji. It also discusses the implications of the phenomenon of abusive constitutional borrowing for those who study and promote liberal democracy and related fields like human rights. It suggests ways in which the construction of norms might be improved to protect against abuse (what we call ‘abuse-proofing’), as well as ways in which monitoring regimes might be more attuned to the threat. Finally, it suggests recasting debates about liberal democracy to emphasize contestation, rather than mimicry.
11
Jubb, Robert. Unjust Authority. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198938095.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This book addresses a systematic weakness in contemporary political theory and philosophy. Most contemporary political theorists and philosophers are unable to explain, vindicate, or justify the authority of the liberal democratic institutions most of them live under. Instead, they endorse moralist accounts of the right to rule which require governments to meet impossibly high standards to avoid condemnation as illegitimate usurpers. This is true not just of the dominant Rawlsian mainstream, but of many of its radical critics, whose membership of more critical traditions leaves them sceptical of the value of existing institutions, even where they provide stable, decent rule. The book instead provides a realist account of the authority of liberal democratic rule focused on impersonal rule and regulated democratic competition. It uses groundbreaking work in political economy to explain how, at least under reasonably favourable conditions, these two mechanisms can be expected to combine to generate a growing surplus whose fruits will be made widely available. The prosperity and protection provided by liberal democratic rule to most of those it governs forms the basis of its authority, even though the hierarchies and exclusions that remain leave liberal democratic societies a long way from justice. Understanding liberal democratic authority in this way allows us to reassess challenges to it. Protest and resistance must accept impersonal rule and regulated democratic competition. While anger, and even violence, may then be acceptable and even appropriate, even peaceful attempts to remove the winners of democratic elections must be condemned.
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Espejo, Paulina Ochoa. Populism and the Idea of The People. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.30.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The idea of “the people” motivates populist politics, but scholars are often skeptical that it can justify the populists’ claims. Who then are “the people” that both populists and democrats invoke? This chapter describes the logical paradoxes that arise when defining a democratic people and a long-standing debate on the nature and function of the demos in a democracy. These show that scholars’ definitions and judgments of populism depend on whether they conceive of the people as a historical fact (as populists do) or as a hypothetical ideal for guiding legislation (the liberals’ view). The chapter proposes instead an account of the democratic “people as process.” This account explains why populists betray the democratic ideals they claim to endorse.
13
Cohen, Jean L. Sovereignty, the Corporate Religious, and Jurisdictional/Political Pluralism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198794394.003.0007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
We typically associate sovereignty with the modern state, and the coincidence of worldly powers of political rule, public authority, legitimacy, and jurisdiction with territorially delimited state authority. We are now also used to referencing liberal principles of justice, social-democratic ideals of fairness, republican conceptions of non-domination, and democratic ideas of popular sovereignty (democratic constitutionalism) for the standards that constitute, guide, limit, and legitimate the sovereign exercise of public power. This chapter addresses an important challenge to these principles: the re-emergence of theories and claims to jurisdictional/political pluralism on behalf of non-state ‘nomos groups’ within well-established liberal democratic polities. The purpose of this chapter is to preserve the key achievements of democratic constitutionalism and apply them to every level on which public power, rule, and/or domination is exercised.
14
Chan, Steve. Progress in the Democratic Peace Research Agenda. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.280.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
According to the democratic peace theory, democracies are hesitant to engage in armed conflict with other identified democracies. Contrary to theories explaining war engagement, it is a “theory of peace” outlining motives that dissuade state-sponsored violence. The proposition that democracies are more peaceful than autocracies has spawned a huge literature. Much of the relevant quantitative research has shown that democracies indeed rarely, if ever, fight each other, although they are not necessarily less aggressive than autocracies in general. Although, statistically, the probability of war between any two states is considerably low, the absence of war among liberal democracies across a wide range of different historical, economic, and political factors suggests that there is a strong predisposition against the use of military violence between democratic states. According to scholars, the democratic peace theory can elaborate on the empirical phenomena previously explained by the earlier dominant research program, realism in international relations; in addition, the initial statement that democracies do not, or rarely, wage war on one another, has been followed by a rapidly growing literature on novel empirical regularities. This democratic peace proposition not only challenges the validity of other political systems, but also the prevailing realist account of international relations, which emphasizes balance-of-power calculations and common strategic interests.
15
Wagner, Wolfgang. The Democratic Politics of Military Interventions. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846796.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
According to a widely shared notion, foreign affairs are exempted from democratic politics, i.e., party-political divisions are overcome—and should be overcome—for the sake of a common national interest. This book shows that this is not the case. Examining votes in the US Congress and several European parliaments, the book demonstrates that contestation over foreign affairs is barely different from contestation over domestic politics. Analyses of a new collection of deployment votes, of party manifestos, and of expert survey data show that political parties differ systematically over foreign policy and military interventions in particular. The left/right divide is the best guide to the pattern of party-political contestation: support is weakest at the far left of the spectrum and increases as one moves along the left/right axis to green, social democratic, liberal, and conservative parties; amongst parties of the far right, support is again weaker than amongst parties of the centre. An analysis of parliamentary debates in Canada, Germany, and the United Kingdom about the interventions in Afghanistan and against Daesh in Iraq and Syria shows that political parties also differ systematically in how they frame the use of force abroad. For example, parties on the right tend to frame their country’s participation in the US-led missions in terms of national security and national interests whereas parties on the left tend to engage in ‘spiral model thinking’, i.e., they critically reflect on the unintended consequences of the use of force in fuelling the conflicts with the Taliban and Daesh.
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Long, William J. Tantric State. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190843397.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Bhutan’s unique Buddhist-based democracy and economy provides an authentic basis for theoretical and empirical comparison with democracies and economies founded on liberal, Enlightenment principles. Bhutanese Buddhist and Western liberal conceptualizations of the individual “self,” “human nature,” and “the pursuit of happiness”—the building blocks of democratic and market-based economic theory—differ profoundly. Hence, Buddhist and liberal conceptions of what constitutes good government and appropriate economic development diverge in important ways, even though both Buddhist and liberal approaches are “democratic” and “market-based.” Because the two approaches—liberal and Buddhist—are based on distinctive philosophical traditions, this comparison elucidates new questions, frames of inquiry, and alternative understandings of democracy and development. The book describes how democratic political institutions and markets emerged and function in Bhutan, demonstrating how, in real-world terms, Bhutan organizes and operates a political and economic system consistent with its Buddhist worldview. It considers the nature of Bhutan’s unique political institutions and its economic touchstone, the pursuit of “Gross National Happiness (GNH)” (rather than Gross National Product), as its ordering principle for policy. The book concludes by reflecting on whether Bhutan’s unique model can withstand the forces of globalization and what insights Bhutan might have to share with the rest of us about dilemmas facing Western democracies and the need to pursue development in a more holistic and sustainable way.
17
Rasch, William. Carl Schmitt’s Defense of Democracy. Edited by Jens Meierhenrich and Oliver Simons. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199916931.013.32.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Carl Schmitt accommodated himself to the ascendency of democratic thinking in the post–World War I world of the 1920s. No sovereign authority, he argued, could fail to acknowledge “the people” as the constituent power of an established political order. Consequently, democracy and “the political” become synonymous in his Constitutional Theory (1928). To champion democracy, however, Schmitt emphasized the historical distinction between democracy, based on equality and homogeneity of the collective, and liberalism, which features the primacy of the private individual’s liberty. This chapter shows that key to understanding Schmitt’s defense of democracy against liberalism are his notions of representation, acclamation, and plebiscitary leadership, as well as a strong sense of the public persona of the citizen. The chapter argues that even though we shun his reading of democracy today, a full understanding of the liberal-democratic compromise that we now call democracy benefits from a close reading of Schmitt.
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Lichtenstein, Nelson. Market Triumphalism and the Wishful Liberals. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037856.003.0013.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter focuses on the triumphalism of the free market that emerged in the decade that followed the end of the Cold War. The idea that capitalist markets are essential to, or even define, the democratic idea has always been present in the West, but the idea achieved a near hegemonic power after the fall of the Berlin Wall. New Dealers and old-fashioned populists once held that laissez-faire capitalism presented the gravest danger to freedom, democracy, equality, and the material well-being of most citizens. But Americans were now told to believe that democracy and the free market are identical. And in a maddening piece of ideological larceny, market triumphalists invoked that ultimate sanction—once the principal asset of the left—the stamp of historic inevitability.
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Moore, Rebecca R. NATO's New Mission. Praeger, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400689994.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Reports of NATO's death have been greatly exaggerated. Characterizations of NATO as a relic of the past do not square with the fact that the Alliance is busier today than at any time in its history. As Europe has become more unified and more democratic, NATO has assumed new layers of significance in the global security environment. In a post-September 11 world, the old 1990s debate about what is in area and what is out of area is a luxury that the Alliance can no longer afford. Decisions made at the 2004 Istanbul summit aimed at enhancing NATO's partnerships with the states of Central Asia and extending the partnership concept to the Greater Middle East reflect the Alliance's new, more global presence as do new military missions in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Sudan. Moore argues that a careful analysis of NATO's new, more global focus suggests that it's not the nature of NATO's mission that has changed, but rather its scope. NATO is approaching its new out of area missions with the political tools developed after the Soviet threat faded in the early 1990s when the Allies agreed that, rather than merely defend an old order, they would now create a new one grounded in liberal democratic values, including individual liberty and the rule of law. Indeed, the mission of projecting stability eastward was understood to be inextricable from the promotion of these values. This new mission required that NATO devote greater attention to its political dimension. In fact, as the United States turned to promoting democracy around the world in the wake of September 11, it ultimately sought to enlist NATO in its mission of extending democracy beyond Europe to Central Asia and the Middle East. As Moore demonstrates in her attempt to provide a full and comprehensive understanding of the new NATO, while divisions within the Alliance persist as to just how global NATO should be, the post-September 11 security environment ensures that NATO's survival depends upon its willingness to project security beyond Europe. That mission will be as much political as it is military.
20
Geismer, Lily. Political Action for Peace. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691157238.003.0006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter demonstrates how the Vietnam War forced residents to grapple with the central role of defense spending in shaping the economy and labor market of the Route 128 area. The MIT scientists and Raytheon engineers who got involved in activities such as the McCarthy campaign and anti-ABM (antiballistic missiles) movement exposed their complex position about the dependency of their professions on defense spending. These attitudes challenge the assumption that residents of Cold War suburbs who worked in defense-related industries, regardless of partisan affiliation, were uniformly and reflexively supportive of national security issues. The decision of some of this contingency to voice their opposition to the war through electoral politics underscores their faith in the liberal ideal of working within the system to create change, which would have a reverberating impact on the direction of liberalism, the Democratic Party, and the antiwar cause.
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Morris, Irwin L. Movers and Stayers. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190052898.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Democrats once dominated the “Solid South.” By the turn of the 21st century, Republicans had taken control. We are in the midst of the dawning of new, more progressive era. Theories explaining Republican growth provide little guidance, but a new perspective—Movers and Stayers theory—explains this recent growth in Democratic support and the ways in which population growth has produced it. Migratory patterns play a significant role in southern politics. Young, well-educated in-migrants fostered Republican growth in the last century. Today, these increasingly progressive young, well-educated movers are growing the Democratic Party. Movers bring their politics to their new communities. Their progressivism fosters the same among long-term residents (stayers) in their new communities. But the declining communities they left show the effects of their exit. In our racialized partisan environment, white stayers respond to the threat of declining communities by shifting to the right and identifying with the Republican Party. Conversely, African Americans respond to community threat by maintaining their progressivism. Few Latinos live in declining communities; Latino stayers in fast growing communities become more Democratic. While movers of retirement age are more conservative than younger movers, they are more liberal than those who retire in place—not quite the demographic windfall Republicans in aging areas have hoped for. These dynamics are altering the southern political landscape, and differences between growing areas and declining areas are accelerating. Absent a wholesale reinvention of southern politics along the lines of class or (possibly) age, the current partisan trajectory does not bode well for Republicans. The COVID-19 pandemic will not change that.
22
Mill, John Stuart. On Liberty, Utilitarianism and Other Essays. Edited by Mark Philp and Frederick Rosen. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/owc/9780199670802.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
‘it is only the cultivation of individuality which produces, or can produce, well developed human beings’ Mill's four essays, 'On Liberty', 'Utilitarianism', 'Considerations on Representative Government', and 'The Subjection of Women' examine the most central issues that face liberal democratic regimes - whether in the nineteenth century or the twenty-first. They have formed the basis for many of the political institutions of the West since the late nineteenth century, tackling as they do the appropriate grounds for protecting individual liberty, the basic principles of ethics, the benefits and the costs of representative institutions, and the central importance of gender equality in society. These essays are central to the liberal tradition, but their interpretation and how we should understand their connection with each other are both contentious. In their introduction Mark Philp and Frederick Rosen set the essays in the context of Mill's other works, and argue that his conviction in the importance of the development of human character in its full diversity provides the core to his liberalism and to any defensible account of the value of liberalism to the modern world. ABOUT THE SERIES: For over 100 years Oxford World's Classics has made available the widest range of literature from around the globe. Each affordable volume reflects Oxford's commitment to scholarship, providing the most accurate text plus a wealth of other valuable features, including expert introductions by leading authorities, helpful notes to clarify the text, up-to-date bibliographies for further study, and much more.
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Bellamy, Richard. Citizenship. Edited by George Klosko. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199238804.003.0034.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Normative theorizing about citizenship has been dominated by three different models—the republican, the legal, and the liberal democratic—reflecting respectively the civic experiences of city republics, empires, and nation-states. The first two originated in ancient Greece and Rome. These provided the classical models of citizenship not only by belonging to the “classical” period of history but also in setting the terms of much later debate. The key contemporary debate surrounds whether we are witnessing the emergence of a fourth, cosmopolitan, model of citizenship appropriate to a global age, and how far it departs from these earlier three. Aristotle's Politics provides the canonical text of the Greek version of republican citizenship, with ancient Athens as the model. Legal citizenship has private interests and their protection at its heart. The sociologists T. H. Marshall and Stein Rokkan established what has become the standard narrative of the evolution of modern democratic citizenship. This article also discusses liberal democratic citizenship and cosmopolitan citizenship.
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Bonotti, Matteo. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198739500.003.0011.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since its publication in 1993, John Rawls’s Political Liberalism (2005a) has been central to contemporary debates in normative political theory. Rawls’s main goal in this book was to explain how citizens endorsing diverse conceptions of the good (ethical, religious, and philosophical) could live together under liberal democratic institutions. For this reason, his theory has strongly influenced contemporary debates concerning political legitimacy, democratic theory, toleration, and multiculturalism. Yet, despite the immense body of literature which has been produced since Rawls’s book was published, very little has been said or written regarding the place of political parties and partisanship (by which I mean participation in politics through political parties) within political liberalism. This is surprising. In spite of the ongoing decline of party membership across the western world, parties still remain central players in the democratic game of liberal democratic polities, and still play an important role in articulating diverse social demands. One would have therefore expected political theorists who, like Rawls, are concerned with issues of pluralism and diversity, to take an interest in the role of parties. Yet Rawls’s references to parties are brief and scattered, and it is not clear from his work (or from the work of those scholars who have examined his theory in detail) what role (if any) parties can play within political liberalism....
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Frank, Jason. Populism and Praxis. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.29.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter argues that contemporary democratic theory’s approach to populism has been unduly influenced by Carl Schmitt’s theory of political identification. Both liberal critics and radical democratic admirers of populism have focused attention on the question of who the people are (“the boundary problem”) while neglecting the related question of how the people act (“the enactment problem”). This framework obscures the central importance of populism’s experimentation with different forms of egalitarian praxis, and how these forms come to shape political subjectivity. The formative praxis of populism is clearly indicated in the nineteenth-century American case.
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Smith, Tony. America's Mission. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.001.0001.
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This book provides a comprehensive historical review of American liberal democratic internationalism. It argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to America's impact on international affairs. The book documents the extraordinary history of how American foreign policy has been used to try to promote democracy worldwide, an effort that enjoyed its greatest triumphs in the occupations of Japan and Germany but suffered huge setbacks in Latin America, Vietnam, and elsewhere. With new chapters and a new introduction and epilogue, this expanded edition also traces U.S. attempts to spread democracy more recently, under presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, and assesses America's role in the Arab Spring. The book argues that liberal internationalism is built on powerful global historical trends, and the liberal internationalist streak in American foreign policy has been responsible for shaping a liberal world order conducive to American security and economic interests.
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Austin, Algernon. America Is Not Post-Racial. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400609862.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This book is the first in-depth examination of the 25 million Americans with the most intense hatred of President Obama—arguably the most Republican-friendly of recent Democratic presidents—and what the mindsets of these "Obama Haters" teach us about race and ethnicity in America today. Despite the fact that President Obama was raised by a white mother and white grandparents, and has two degrees from Ivy League universities, he has still been subject to intense racial hatred from a large number of Americans. Even after Obama's presidency, the "Obama Haters"—and their xenophobia, Islamophobia, and racism—will continue to shape American politics. America is certainly not post-racial, argues author Algernon Austin, PhD, a noted sociologist and author on racial issues who consults on race, politics, and economics in Washington, DC. In this book, he uses the Obama Haters as an appropriate jumping-off point to consider what strategies might begin to reduce racial animosity in the United States—a real concern, considering that demographic trends are likely to exacerbate and escalate race-based hatred in our society. Austin sets the stage for the discussion by establishing that President Obama is hardly liberal in the eyes of liberal political activists, raising the question of why Obama is so intensely hated by some conservatives. He then compares the views of the Obama Haters—estimated to be some 25 million strong—with conservatives, moderates, and liberals who are not Obama Haters. The author shows how the Obama Haters are distinctly more xenophobic, Islamophobic, and racist than political conservatives who are not Obama Haters, underscoring the fact that the Obama Haters are motivated by more than just conservatism.
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Holtug, Nils. The Politics of Social Cohesion. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198797043.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In contemporary liberal democracies, it is difficult to find a policy issue as divisive as immigration. A common worry is that immigration poses a threat to social cohesion, and so to the social unity that underpins cooperation, stable democratic institutions, and a robust welfare state. At the heart of this worry is the suggestion that social cohesion requires a shared identity at the societal level. The Politics of Social Cohesion considers in greater detail the impact of immigration on social cohesion and egalitarian redistribution. First, it critically scrutinizes an influential argument, according to which immigration leads to ethnic diversity, which again tends to undermine trust and solidarity and so the social basis for redistribution. According to this argument, immigration should be severely restricted. Second, it considers the suggestion that, in response to worries about immigration, states should promote a shared identity to foster social cohesion in the citizenry. It is argued that the effects of immigration on social cohesion do not need to compromise social justice and that core principles of liberty and equality not only form the normative basis for just policies of immigration and integration, as a matter of empirical fact, they are also the values that, if shared, are most likely to produce the social cohesion among community members providing the social basis for implementing justice. This argument draws heavily on both normative political philosophy and empirical social science. The normative framework defended is cosmopolitan, liberal egalitarian, and to some extent multicultural.
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Vallier, Kevin. Must Politics Be War? Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190632830.001.0001.
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Americans are far less likely to trust their institutions, and one another, than in decades past. This collapse in social and political trust arguably inspires our increasingly ferocious ideological conflicts and hardened partisanship. Many believe that our previously high levels of trust and bipartisanship were a pleasant anomaly and that today we live under the historic norm. For politics itself is nothing more than a struggle for power between groups with irreconcilable aims. Contemporary American politics is war because political life as such is war. This book argues that our shared liberal democratic institutions have the unique capacity to sustain social and political trust between diverse persons. Constitutional rights and democratic governance prevent any one faith or ideology from dominating the rest, and so protect each person’s freedom to live according to her values and principles. Illiberal arrangements, where one group’s faith or ideology reigns, turn those who disagree into unwilling subversives, persons with little reason to trust their regime or to be trustworthy in obeying it. Liberal arrangements, in contrast, incentivize trust and trustworthiness because they protect the conscience of all, and so allow people with diverse and divergent ends to act from conviction. Diverse people become trustworthy because they can all obey the rules of their society without acting against their ideals. A liberal society is thereby one at moral peace with a politics that is not war.
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Shadle, Matthew A. Progressive Catholicism in the United States. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190660130.003.0011.
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American Catholicism has long adapted to US liberal institutions. Progressive Catholicism has taken the liberal values of democratic participation and human rights and made them central to its interpretation of Catholic social teaching. This chapter explores in detail the thought of David Hollenbach, S.J., a leading representative of progressive Catholicism. Hollenbach has proposed an ethical framework for an economy aimed at the common good, ensuring that the basic needs of all are met and that all are able to participate in economic life. The chapter also looks at the US Catholic bishops’ 1986 pastoral letter Economic Justice for All, which emphasizes similar themes while also promoting collaboration between the different sectors of American society for the sake of the common good.
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Post, Robert. Concluding Thoughts. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190465544.003.0013.
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This chapter reflects on the volume as a whole. It asks how we should imagine and deal with hatred within a legal order that is both liberal and democratic. The chapter traces the traditional treatment of hatred in the Anglo-American legal tradition, focusing on concepts of malice and libel. It discusses how contemporary concepts of hate crime and hate speech differ from this treatment: the former primarily seeks to achieve socio-political integration of groups rather than to preserve forms of respect that individuals owe each other. Trading on traditional ideas of hatred, modern legal sanctions may themselves contribute to the polarization and intolerance that they aim to destroy. Persons branded as “haters” are effectively excommunicated from the polity, and so have little to lose from a politics of resentment. The chapter suggests that antidiscrimination law may be a better model for achieving socio-political integration than contemporary evocations of “hatred.”
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Fox, Jonathan. Political Secularism and Democracy in Theory and Practice. Edited by Phil Zuckerman and John R. Shook. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199988457.013.7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
An overwhelming majority of democracies, no matter how the concept of democracy is defined, restrict the religious practices and institutions of minority religions, substantially support religion, and give de jure and de facto preferences to a single religion or a few religions. Since so few democracies meet any standard of political secularism, political secularism is either not essential to liberal democracy or these countries’ status as liberal democracies must be questionable. Political secularism as an ideology is not as influential in the practical politics of democratic states as many believe. An important question is whether political secularism is the best model for democracy or whether the best models are those that integrate state support for religion with checks and balances that protect religious freedom.
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d'Ambruoso, William L. American Torture from the Philippines to Iraq. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197570326.001.0001.
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What accounts for the United States’ recurring turn to torture in wars against insurgents and terrorists over the past hundred-plus years? After all, torture is an abhorrent and risky interrogation method. Drawing on archival and bibliographic research, the book argues that the antitorture norm has two features that can lead to torture. First, the antitorture norm can, paradoxically, encourage torture by attracting those who believe unscrupulous methods confer advantages on those who use them. Second, because it is difficult to separate torture from milder acts, the norm lacks specificity. This gray area allows practitioners to portray their behavior as something short of torture and redefine torture to exclude their behavior. The two explanations interact as well: torture occurs because actors believe that it is harsh enough to work, and the definition of torture is blurry enough that actors believe they can sell their methods as legitimate. The book confirms these patterns in three comparable but disparate settings from the history of U.S. foreign policy: the Philippine-American War (1899–1902), the early Cold War up to the Vietnam War, and the post-2001 war on terror. In one extension of the argument, the book shows how the pervasive belief that autocrats have an edge over rule-bound democracies has tempted certain elected officials to chip away at their own liberal-democratic institutions.
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Charles-Maxime, Panaccio. Part V Rights and Freedoms, A Litigating and Interpreting the Charter, Ch.31 The Justification of Rights Violations: Section 1 of the Charter. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780190664817.003.0031.
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This chapter is about the interpretation of section 1 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Section 1 allows ‘limits’ to constitutional rights insofar as they are reasonable and justified in a free and democratic society. It asks the state for moral justification when a right has been infringed by state action. Moral justification has formal and substantive aspects; therefore the application of section 1 deploys a formal framework of proportionality nestled within a thin conception of liberal democratic political morality. The chapter also addresses the relative moral importance of the notion of ‘rights’, as well as the relevance of institutional considerations. It concludes that the section 1 framework follows a standard model of moral justification and cannot be significantly improved upon.
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Mitchell, Thomas G. Native vs. Settler. Praeger, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400689925.
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Settler-native conflicts in Northern Ireland, Israel/Palestine, and South Africa serve as excellent comparative cases as three areas linked to Britain where insurgencies occurred during roughly the same period. Important factors considered are settler parties, settler mythology, the role of native fighters, settler terror, the role of liberal parties, and the conduct of the war by security forces. Settlers and natives in each area share similar attitudes, liberal parties operate in similar fashions, and there are common explanations for the formation of splinter liberation groups. However, according to Mitchell, the key difference between the cases lies in the behavior of British security forces in comparison to South African and Israeli forces. Mitchell's chapter on liberal parties includes an independent account of the Progressive Federal Party of South Africa, the official parliamentary opposition from 1977 to 1987, along with the first major published account of the Alliance Party in Northern Ireland. His study of splinter group formation contains the first major account since 1964 of the Pan-Africanist Party of Azania, including its insurgency campaign in the 1980s and 1990s. Mitchell also contrasts behavior among the Inkatha Party and Labour Party in South Africa with the Social Democrat and Labour Party in Northern Ireland.
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Retallack, James. Politics in a New Key. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199668786.003.0013.
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In October 1909 Saxony’s new plural suffrage was tested for the first and only time. This chapter begins with an examination of Social Democratic strength and the election campaign. The chapter ends by citing different answers to a question that had resonance beyond Saxony’s borders: Did the plural suffrage save the existing social and political order from Social Democracy, or was it a grave miscalculation? In between, sections are devoted to the actions and reactions of anti-socialist groups during the campaign; to the role of left-liberal and National Liberal parties between Left and Right; to statistical analysis of plural voting and its impact on the parliamentary representation of workers and the lower-middle classes; and to contemporaries’ realization that statistical predictions about the plural suffrage’s effect on voting outcomes were flawed.
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Singer, Abraham A. A Framework for a Political Theory of the Corporation. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190698348.003.0002.
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This chapter provides the methodological framework for the rest of the book. It adopts a method of laying out the assumptions that are inherent to our current social institutions, and using them to critically engage with extant corporate structures and practices. It begins by laying out two presuppositions that seem to characterize our political and economic order: (1) liberal democratic norms and institutions are preferable to others; and (2) markets should function as the basic institution for coordinating economic activity. After reviewing each of these presuppositions, the chapter shows that they are in conflict with the institution of the corporation, which uses nonliberal democratic norms and nonmarket modes of coordination to structure its operations. The discussion then articulates the key questions that a political theory of the corporation ought to address in order to resolve this puzzle.
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Heath, Joseph. The Machinery of Government. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197509616.001.0001.
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Political theorists are aware that the old-fashioned model of state power, according to which elected officials make policy decisions, which are then faithfully enacted by a loyal cadre of public servants, is hopelessly outdated. The complexity of the modern state, not to mention the difficulty of the economic and social problems it confronts, is such that a great deal of rule-making power is delegated to public servants. Yet if public servants are not merely in the business of administration, but are also deciding questions of policy, how are they making these decisions, and what normative principles inform their judgments? The Machinery of Government attempts to answer this question. The central challenge involves reconciling the tension between the traditional commitment to political neutrality on the part of the civil service with the fact that administrative discretion inevitably involves making normative judgments. State employees are in many cases unable to do their jobs effectively without some conception of where the public interest lies. It seems inevitable that this will conflict with the commitment to political neutrality, since this conception of the public interest may be tension with that of elected officials. The solution to the dilemma lies in an understanding of the constraints that liberalism imposes on popular sovereignty in a liberal-democratic polity. Not only do courts play an important role in checking the power of democratic publics, the executive branch is also the custodian of certain fundamental liberal principles.
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Dryzek, John S. 11. Ecological Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199696000.003.0011.
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This chapter summarizes the volume's main ideas, a common thread of which is a renewed democratic politics, an ecological democracy. Each of the discourses analyzed in the text offers a reasonably comprehensive account of and orientation to environmental affairs at all levels, from the global to the local, and across different issue areas such as pollution, resource depletion, biodiversity, and climate change. Of the discourses surveyed, only Promethean discourse and ecological modernization provide any coherent analysis of what to do with the liberal capitalist economic order. The chapter considers how democratic pragmatism, sustainable development, ecological modernization, and green radicalism seem to provide more possibilities for learning. It also discusses several specific claims that can be made on behalf of deliberative democracy in an environmental context and concludes by arguing that ecological democracy should transcend the boundary between human social systems and natural systems.
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Guiney, Thomas. Getting Out. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803683.001.0001.
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Getting Out explores the evolution of early release in England and Wales between 1960 and 1995. In the past three decades crime has become a highly contested political issue with implications for the humanity, fairness, and effectiveness of the criminal justice system. This book seeks to turn current crime debate on its head and examine the circumstances in which politicians and policy-makers have found it desirable to reduce the custodial element of a prison sentence and encourage the rehabilitation offenders in the community. Drawing upon a period of detailed archival research this book considers three critical moments of reform which have helped to shape the historical evolution of this secretive and little understood area of public policy. It argues that early release has always been bound up with prevailing societal justifications for punishment and the appropriate use of imprisonment within our liberal democratic system. It draws attention to the uneasy constitutional balance of power between the judiciary and the executive, and reflects upon the administrative task of governing large captive populations where the hopes and expectations of inmates do not always align with the interests of prison authorities or the community at large. This book challenges widespread assumptions about policy change and shows how the historical evolution of parole in England and Wales was shaped, to a significant degree, by the legacy of past political choices and the fluid balance of power within government.
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Gallo, Carina, and Mimi E. Kim. Crime Policy and Welfare Policy. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935383.013.46.
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This essay provides a synthesis of criminological and social welfare theoretical frameworks, along with empirical data illuminating the links between crime policy and welfare policy. It also reviews current debates regarding the extent to which European countries are undergoing a shift toward more punitive welfare or crime policies. Building upon Gøsta Esping-Andersen’s classic typology of welfare regimes, current scholarship ties liberal welfare regimes to punitive penal ideologies and high rates of incarceration and social democratic welfare regimes to lenient attitudes toward punishment and low incarceration rates. Research also underscores the significance of economic and social inequality in the production and outcomes of crime and welfare policies. Comparative empirical data supports the persistence of penal-welfarism in Europe, particularly in social democratic states, exemplified by Sweden, while indicating more punitive policies targeting marginalized sectors of the population, notably immigrants.
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Mohd Sani, Mohd Azizuddin. Media, Liberty and Politics in Malaysia: Comparative Studies on Local Dynamics and Regional Concerns. UUM Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/9789670876016.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Media, Liberty and Politics in Malaysia: Comparative Studies on Local Dynamics and Regional Concernsis based on a collection of twelve academic papers. This book traces the development and progress of Malaysia as a nation that embraces issues of media, liberty and politics as essential parts of its culture, policy and well-being of the people. In between the 2008 and the 2013 General Elections, Malaysians have transformed themselves and demanded to form a more democratic society. Issues of political freedom, human rights, good governance and human dignity have become important and will determine the future of the Malaysian society. Besides, this book also tries to compare democratic practices in Malaysia with its neighbours such as Indonesia, Thailand and Australia, plus the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an organisation to promote democratisation and strong ties between its members. This book is suitable for all particularly the academics, students of politics and international relations, journalists, legal practitioners, and the general public who are interested in the issues of media, liberty and politics in Malaysia.
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Bolt, Paul J., and Sharyl N. Cross. Russia, China, and Contemporary International Conflicts. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198719519.003.0004.
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Chapter 4 examines Russian and Chinese responses to the two major contemporary regional conflicts in Eurasia and the Middle East that are reshaping the international security environment and involving wide regional and global participation: Ukraine (2014–16), and Syria (2011–16). The cases of Ukraine and Syria demonstrate the capacity for Russia and China to serve as a counterbalancing influence to the United States and its allies in decisively influencing regional conflict situations challenging the norms and values of the liberal democratic order. Russia’s resurgence, China’s rise, and the burgeoning Sino–Russian strategic partnership suggest that the two countries possess the capacity to exert significant influence in provoking, managing, and resolving conflict situations not only in bordering areas, but on the wider global stage.
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Bashevkin, Sylvia. Interpreting Women, War, and Feminism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190875374.003.0002.
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Chapter 2 foregrounds the discussion of policy impact by individual foreign policy leaders. It explores the varied perspectives toward war and equality that are associated with women in Western cultures. The discussion shows how efforts to present half of humanity as a homogeneous unit have fallen short—whether those attempts portray the group as consistently pacifist, feminist, or otherwise. The chapter develops a normative proposition that in liberal democratic systems, executives should ideally carry forward disparate outlooks that roughly approximate the distribution of policy views in the general population. It argues that positions toward political conflict and women’s rights are ideally considered along a spectrum or continuum of opinion.
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Retallack, James. Red Saxony. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199668786.001.0001.
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This book throws new light on the reciprocal relationship between political modernization and authoritarianism in Germany over the span of six decades. Election battles were fought so fiercely in Imperial Germany because they reflected two kinds of democratization. Social democratization could not be stopped; but political democratization was opposed by many members of the German bourgeoisie. Frightened by the electoral success of Social Democrats after 1871, anti-democrats deployed many strategies that flew in the face of electoral fairness. They battled socialists, liberals, and Jews at election time, but they also strove to rewrite the electoral rules of the game. Using a regional lens to rethink older assumptions about Germany’s changing political culture, this book focuses as much on contemporary Germans’ perceptions of electoral fairness as on their experiences of voting. It devotes special attention to various semi-democratic voting systems whereby a general and equal suffrage (for the Reichstag) was combined with limited and unequal ones for local and regional parliaments. For the first time, democratization at all three tiers of governance and their reciprocal effects are considered together. Although the bourgeois face of German authoritarianism was nowhere more evident than in the Kingdom of Saxony, this book illustrates how Germans grew to fear the spectre of democracy. Certainly twists and turns lay ahead, yet that fear made it easier for Hitler and the Nazis to inter German democracy in 1933.
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Arnold, Richard, and Andreas Umland. The Radical Right in Post-Soviet Russia. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.29.
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This chapter introduces some basic contours of Russia’s contemporary radical right scene. It distinguishes between systemic and non-systemic ultra-nationalist groups in Putin’s Russia, the principal difference being the groups’ and individual actors’ proximity and clarity of connections to the crypto-authoritarian regime. The systemic component consists of political groups, authors, and activists that are allowed or encouraged to participate in official mass media and public life. Main actors of the mainstream radical right include Vladimir Zhirinovskii’s Liberal-Democratic Party of Russia and organizations using the “Rodina” (Motherland) label. Major expressions of government-supported Russian “uncivil society” and anti-democratic intellectual discourse include the writings of the far right political thinkers Lev Gumilev and Aleksandr Dugin. Manifestations of the non-systemic component of Russia’s extreme right include skinheads and their use of ethnic violence, political movements such as the Movement Against Illegal Immigration, other descendants of the “Pamiat” (Memory) organization in the 1980s, and their activities.
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Fawcett, Paul, Matthew Flinders, Colin Hay, and Matthew Wood. Anti-Politics, Depoliticization, and Governance. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198748977.003.0001.
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This chapter introduces the volume, sets out its key themes, and explains how the chapters interrogate the nexus between governance and anti-politics via the concept of depoliticization. It argues that the literature on governance has drawn attention to a ‘capacity gap’ between elected politicians and those who actually take decisions about essential public services, while the literature on anti-politics has highlighted a growing ‘democratic gap’ between politicians and citizens. These issues arise in a dynamic context that is captured by concepts such as meta-governance and multilevel governance but also a wider disillusionment with neo-liberal ideology. This book addresses the ‘research gap’ that arises from the relative absence of studies that have drilled down into the relationship between the ‘capacity gap’ and ‘democratic gap’, by focusing on depoliticization. Overall, we argue that studies of depoliticization are well placed to examine these questions and especially the ‘nexus’ between governance and anti-politics.
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Anderson, Elizabeth. Freedom and Equality. Edited by David Schmidtz and Carmen E. Pavel. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199989423.013.25.
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Freedom and equality are often viewed as conflicting values. But there are at least three conceptions of freedom-negative, positive, and republican-and three conceptions of equality-of standing, esteem, and authority. Libertarians argue that rights to negative liberty override claims to positive liberty. However, a freedom-based defense of private property rights must favor positive over negative freedom. Furthermore, a regime of full contractual alienability of rights-on the priority of negative over republican freedom-is an unstable basis for a free society. To sustain a free society over time, republican liberty must take priority over negative liberty, resulting in a kind of authority egalitarianism. Finally, the chapter discusses how the values of freedom and equality bear on the definition of property rights. The result is a qualified defense of some core features of social democratic orders.
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Meyer, Sabine N. Organizing into Blocs. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039355.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the politicization of Minnesota's temperance movement between the end of the Civil War and the passage of a High License Law in 1887. It shows how Minnesota's temperance activists pushed the temperance cause into the political arena, giving rise to a temperance politics that moved the temperance issue at the center of party, electoral, and state politics. It explains how the popularity of the temperance cause forced both Republicans and Democrats to engage with the arguments of both temperance reformers and opponents involving Irish and German Americans while also carefully negotiating their position within the legal battles about alcohol. It also considers how personal liberty emerged as a contentious issue in the High License debates. These debates led to an equilibrium between the Republican Party and the Democratic Party and even provoked the founding of a third party solely geared toward the extinction of the liquor traffic, the Temperance Party of Minnesota. The chapter concludes with a discussion ofd the rise of a women's temperance movement during the period.
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Dalton, Russell J. The Political Leanings of the Choir. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198733607.003.0010.
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Do unequal levels of participation across social groups correspond to unequal policy preferences in the political voices of the active citizenry? Across the established democracies, the politically active lean toward the Left at each level of social status. The end result is that the political biases of upper-social-status individuals are moderated by those who are politically active. However, this pattern varies. For traditional economic issues, there is a conservative bias among activists controlling for their social status. For cultural issues such as gay rights and protection of immigrants, political activists are more liberal than their social-status peers. This asymmetry in political voice across different issues is an under-recognized aspect of democratic participation.