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Статті в журналах з теми "Legitimaly"

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Сергей Валентинович, Козлов,. "ON THE QUESTION OF «LEGITIMASY» NOTION CONCEPTUALIZATION IN THE MAX WEBER’S «INTERPRETIVE SOCIOLOGY»." Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия: Философия, no. 3(61) (December 1, 2022): 146–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vtphilos/2022.3.146.

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Анотація:
Понятие легитимности играет важную роль в многообразных современных социальных дискурсах. В статье рассматриваются основные принципы концептуализации понятий «легитимность», «легитимный порядок» в «понимающей социологии» М. Вебера. Анализируются ключевые понятия его концепции, затрагивается вопрос о ее философско-методологических основаниях. Веберовская трактовка понятия «легитимность» сопоставляется с трактовкой данного понятия в духе традиции правового позитивизма; обосновывается утверждение, что именно веберовская концептуализация «легитимности» стимулировала вхождение понятия «легитимность» в широкий обществоведческий оборот. «Legitimasy» notion plays an important role in diverse social discourses. The article examines the main principles of conceptualization of the notions of «legitimacy», «legitimacy order» in the M. Weber’s «interpretive sociology». The basic notions of his concept are considered; the issue of its philosophical and methodological foundations is addressed. The Weberian interpretation of «legitimesy» notion is compared with the interpretation of this notions in legal positivism. The author substantiates the assertion, according to which the M. Weber’s conceptualization of «legitimacy» stimulated the entering of «legitimesy» notion into a wide social sciens circulation.
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Tambunan, Derwin. "POLITICS AND POWER: A CRITICAL PERSPECTIVE ON LEGITIMACY." Journal of Social Political Sciences 2, no. 4 (November 27, 2021): 328–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v2i4.82.

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We know from research into politics and power that these two variables are widely discussed as interrelated concepts. However, what remains poorly understood is that politics is not only interrelated with the concept of power, but politics itself is about how power is exercised legitimately. This research aims to ascertain whether politics can be reduced to power and, if so, what precisely the concept of power can explain the essence of politics. A literature study was deployed in order to answer these questions. The findings showed that power is the essence of politics; politics are enterprises sharing and shaping power. However, politics can be adequately understood if power is viewed as a legitimate capacity to act. Approaching politics outside of this definition cannot be said as a proper definition of politics because legitimacy is the heart and essential to power, and only by applying this definition politics can be adequately interpreted. If politics is seen as a right to govern and power is understood as the legitimate capacity to act, thus, these two elements will create a political obligation that is vital in a political concept. Consent and legitimacy are the two aspects necessary to achieve the right to exercise governments' political authority. If power is exercised legitimately, then it will draw people trust. People trust is the precondition in political concepts and political legitimacy, which indicates the rightfulness to govern conferred by people to political regimes or political sovereignty established in the collective advantage or common good.
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Frederking, Brian, and Christopher Patane. "Legitimacy and the UN Security Council Agenda." PS: Political Science & Politics 50, no. 02 (March 31, 2017): 347–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909651600278x.

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ABSTRACTIs the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) a legitimate organization? Do the veto powers legitimately pursue international security, or do they protect their narrow national interests? One way to evaluate the legitimacy of the UNSC is through its agenda. Does it address the most significant conflicts in world politics? Or is it influenced by the national interests of the veto powers? This article addresses these questions with a dataset that includes the number of UNSC meetings held and resolutions passed on 40 conflicts from 1991 to 2013. This analysis provides evidence for the legitimacy of the UNSC—conflicts with more refugees and more deaths are significantly more likely to be on the agenda. The analysis does not support critics of the UNSC—the national interests of the veto powers, measured as arms sales to and trade with the conflict participants, do not significantly alter the UNSC agenda.
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Fleet, Nicolás. "Racionalización y poder La cuestión de la legitimidad en Weber como referente de la acción política." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 12 (January 23, 2017): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.12.224.

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Анотація:
ResumenEste artículo desarrolla, en tres pasos, una perspectiva original de la teoría de la dominación de Max Weber. El primer paso establece un vínculo necesario entre las formas típicas de dominación política y los intereses sociales, de modo que toda acción política debe legitimarse ante el interés general. El segundo paso explica las crisis de legitimación como una respuesta a cambios de identidad en la base social de la dominación política, de tal forma que se introduce un concepto dinámico de legitimidad. El tercer paso establece que los valores que habitan en las formas legitimas de dominación política son usados como orientaciones simbólicas por parte de intereses sociales y acciones políticas particulares, de manera que toda forma de legitimación de la autoridad encierra, en sus propias premisas, los argumentos que justifican luchas políticas hacia la modificación de los esquemas de dominación.Palabras clave: legitimidad, dominación, acción política, democratización.Abstract This article develops, in three steps, an orignal perspective of Weber’s legitimacy theory. The first one, establishes a necessary link that exists between the typical forms of legitimate domination and the social interests, in such a way that every political action that purse the realization of its interests has to legitimate itself before the general will. The second explains the legitimation crises as a response to indentity changes at the social base of the political domination and, in so doing, it introduces a dinamic concept of legitimacy. The third step states that the values that dwell in legitimate forms of political domination are used as symbolic orientations by particular social intersts and political actions, in a way that each form of authority legitimation encapsulate, in its own premises, the arguments that justify political struggles aiming toward the modification of the domination schemes.Key words: legitimacy, domination, political action, democratization.
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Fleet, Nicolás. "Racionalización y poder La cuestión de la legitimidad en Weber como referente de la acción política." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 12 (January 23, 2017): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196458.12.224.

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Анотація:
ResumenEste artículo desarrolla, en tres pasos, una perspectiva original de la teoría de la dominación de Max Weber. El primer paso establece un vínculo necesario entre las formas típicas de dominación política y los intereses sociales, de modo que toda acción política debe legitimarse ante el interés general. El segundo paso explica las crisis de legitimación como una respuesta a cambios de identidad en la base social de la dominación política, de tal forma que se introduce un concepto dinámico de legitimidad. El tercer paso establece que los valores que habitan en las formas legitimas de dominación política son usados como orientaciones simbólicas por parte de intereses sociales y acciones políticas particulares, de manera que toda forma de legitimación de la autoridad encierra, en sus propias premisas, los argumentos que justifican luchas políticas hacia la modificación de los esquemas de dominación.Palabras clave: legitimidad, dominación, acción política, democratización.Abstract This article develops, in three steps, an orignal perspective of Weber’s legitimacy theory. The first one, establishes a necessary link that exists between the typical forms of legitimate domination and the social interests, in such a way that every political action that purse the realization of its interests has to legitimate itself before the general will. The second explains the legitimation crises as a response to indentity changes at the social base of the political domination and, in so doing, it introduces a dinamic concept of legitimacy. The third step states that the values that dwell in legitimate forms of political domination are used as symbolic orientations by particular social intersts and political actions, in a way that each form of authority legitimation encapsulate, in its own premises, the arguments that justify political struggles aiming toward the modification of the domination schemes.Key words: legitimacy, domination, political action, democratization.
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Coakley, Mathew. "On the value of political legitimacy." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 10, no. 4 (January 31, 2011): 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x10387272.

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Анотація:
Theories of political legitimacy normally stipulate certain conditions of legitimacy: the features a state must possess in order to be legitimate. Yet there is obviously a second question as to the value of legitimacy: the normative features a state has by virtue of it being legitimate (such as it being owed obedience, having a right to use coercion, or enjoying a general justification in the use of force). I argue that it is difficult to demonstrate that affording these to legitimate states is morally desirable, and that obvious alternative conceptions of the value of legitimacy (notably epistemic and instrumental) are not without problems of their own. The intuitive triviality of establishing the value of normative legitimacy may mask a serious problem.
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Philpott, Daniel. "Response to “On Communitarian and Global Sources of Legitimacy”." Review of Politics 73, no. 1 (2011): 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670510000902.

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Анотація:
Amitai Etzioni advances arguments about two forms of legitimacy, what I will call empirical legitimacy and substantive legitimacy. Empirical legitimacy is a matter of what people consider to be legitimate. It is assessed through the methods of social science—conducting surveys, for instance. Substantive legitimacy is a matter not of what people happen to think but of what is legitimate in the sense of being just or morally right. Etzioni's argument about empirical legitimacy, namely, that it is shaped through collective processes that involve emotions as well as reason, I find broadly plausible. Then he makes an argument about substantive legitimacy, one that explains how we are to know if an “act” (a term he uses broadly) is truly just or moral. This latter argument I wish to explore further and to raise questions about.
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Blount-Hill, Kwan-Lamar. "Advancing a Social Identity Model of System Attitudes." International Annals of Criminology 57, no. 1-2 (May 2019): 114–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cri.2020.8.

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AbstractThe connection between social identity and attitudes toward the criminal justice system (CJS) is an area of interest among criminologists and legitimacy scholars. Previous work has proposed a social identity theory of legitimation, positing that individuals categorize CJS officials as either in-group (i.e. legitimate authority) or out-group (i.e. illegitimate enforcer). Subsequently, how individuals perceive their CJS – including the sincerity of its commitment to the rule of law – is tied to this relationship. Those viewing the government as an out-group oppressor are less likely to accept its legitimacy. This article explores this thesis. From the perspective of system justification theory, how the CJS is categorized should depend on how strongly an individual identifies as belonging to a group disadvantaged by the CJS. System justification theorists hypothesize that system justification (including acceptance of system legitimacy) is more likely when members of disadvantaged groups believe that group interests are less important. Alternative models that explain attitudes toward the system by using social identity theory suggest the opposite: Those who identify more strongly with disadvantaged groups and hold their interests to be more important nonetheless justify oppositional systems and view them legitimately. The present study uses a sample of Black Americans (a disadvantaged group in the American CJS) to determine whether group identification predicts system justification.
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Kholifah, Nisa Amalia, Farid Setiawan, Nurullita Almunawaroh, Afaf Wafiqoh Nusaibah, Silviana Putri Kusumawati, Shella Masrofah, and Fika Wahyu Nurita. "URGENSI LEGITIMASI DAN KOMUNIKASI DALAM MENYUSUN KEBIJAKAN PENDIDIKAN." AL-MUADDIB: Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Kependidikan 4, no. 2 (June 21, 2022): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.46773/muaddib.v4i2.347.

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ABSTRACTThis article will discuss the urgency of legitimacy and communication in formulating education policy. The purpose of this research is to describe a process and problems and then analyze the importance of communication and legitimacy in education policy. The research method is a qualitative research with a literature study approach. The results of the study indicate that the legitimacy of educational policies is needed so that a policy that has been formulated can be ratified as a valid policy to be enforced. Likewise, communication in policy making is also very necessary so that there are no obstacles in the form of misunderstandings in the preparation of education policies. So it can be concluded that legitimacy and communication are very urgent factors in the formulation of educational policies.Keywords: Urgency, Legitimacy, Communication, Education Policy ABSTRAKArtikel ini akan membahas mengenai urgensi dari legitimasi serta komunikasi dalam menyusun kebijakan pendidikan. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah memaparkan suatu proses serta problem-problem selanjutnya menganalisis pentingnya komunikasi dan legitimasi dalam kebijakan pendidikan. Metode penelitian yang dilakukan berupa penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa legitimasi kebijakan pendidikan diperlukan agar suatu kebijakan yang telah dirumuskan dapat disahkan sebagai kebijakan yang valid untuk diberlakukan. Begitupun dengan komunikasi dalam penyusunan kebijakan juga sangat diperlukan agar tidak terjadi hambatan yang berupa kesalah pahaman dalam penyusunan kebijakan pendidikan. Sehingga dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa legitimasi dan komunikasi menjadi faktor yang sangat urgent dalam perumusan kebijakan pendidikan.Kata kunci : Urgensi, Legitimasi, Komunikasi, Kebijakan Pendidikan
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Cumsille, Patricio, Nancy Darling, Brian P. Flaherty, and M. Loreto Martínez. "Chilean adolescents’ beliefs about the legitimacy of parental authority: Individual and age-related differences." International Journal of Behavioral Development 30, no. 2 (March 2006): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025406063554.

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Individual and age-related differences in the patterning of adolescents’ beliefs about the legitimacy of parental authority were examined in a sample of 3425 Chilean adolescents (Mage = 15.0). During early, middle, and late adolescence, three analogous patterns of beliefs about the legitimacy of parental authority were identified using latent class analysis (LCA). Youth in the Parental Control class ceded parents legitimate control over issues in the multi-faceted and prudential domains and were relatively likely to cede parental control over the personal domain. Those in the Shared Control class differentiated the prudential from other domains. Those in the Personal Control class denied parents legitimate authority over issues in all domains. Within analogous classes, younger adolescents were more likely to grant parents legitimate authority than older adolescents. Results are consistent with prior research documenting age-related differences, but raise important questions about the normative nature of age-related change in legitimacy beliefs. The advantages of studying sub-groups and variability in the patterning of legitimacy beliefs are discussed.
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Дисертації з теми "Legitimaly"

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Galassini, Margherita. "Religion and Liberal Legitimacy." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/204075.

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Mitchell, Sommer. "Becoming Legitimate: How PMSCs are Seeking Legitimacy in the International System." Scholar Commons, 2018. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7197.

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Анотація:
The use of private military and security companies (PMSC) by state governments has raised many questions regarding the role of the private security industry (PSI) in conflict. This use of PMSCs by states has resulted in much debate in the public and academic spheres (Avant 2005, Dunigan 2011, Kinsey 2006, Leander 2005, Singer 2008). The PSI and PMSCs are altering the international system of norms and redefining what it means to be secure and make war. States are no longer the only entity in the international system with security needs. Intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and multinational corporations (MNCs) also purchase security services provided by PMSCs. With the ever-growing presence of PMSCs in conflicts, peacekeeping, and humanitarianism, the legitimization of PMSCs is vital for their missions to succeed. Furthermore, companies that operate at the international level as well as their clients have vested interests in changing their image from ‘mercenaries’ and ‘dogs of war’ to ‘private warriors’ and ‘legitimate soldiers’. This dissertation addresses why and how PMSCs seek legitimacy in the international system. I argue that PMSCs desire and need legitimacy to justify their existence and support the claim that their actions are desirable, proper, lawful, and just because they follow a socially constructed system of norms. My dissertation builds on private security literature by drawing on constructivist approaches to norms and legitimacy and employing discourse analysis. Through my analysis, I identify rebranding and self-regulation as measures taken by PMSCs and the PSI to build and solidify the perception of legitimate security providers. PMSCs and the PSI developed their own discourse through the creation and implementation of the Montreux Document, International Code of Conduct for Private Security Service Providers (ICoC), and the ICoC Association to counter the negative perceptions created by media coverage and controversial incidents involving PMSC personnel. The rebranding and self-regulation efforts of PMSCs and the PSI supports the argument that they need and desire legitimacy. Without legitimacy and a shift in perception, the actions of PMSCs and their contractors will always be questioned and full integration into the state and international security apparatus will remain out of reach.
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Richter, Fabian Felix. "Legitimate to whom? : comparing national perspectives on the legitimacy of the European Union." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1614/.

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The thesis compares national perspectives on the legitimacy of the European Union. It develops a definition of legitimacy as a dual concept. Formal legitimacy describes the constitutional nature of a political system, whereas felt legitimacy is defined as the aggregate citizen beliefs about the legitimacy of their political system. Legitimacy is important for the EU because it is a necessary condition for its efficacy and long-term stability. The EU's need for legitimacy also increases in proportion to the degree of integration. The legitimacy of the EU is unusual in that it varies among the member state from whose perspective it is evaluated. That is because the EU's legitimacy is contingent on the constitutional structure and national identity of its member states. An empirical analysis of the legitimacy of the EU from the perspective of Britain and Germany reveals that the EU suffers from a legitimacy deficit relative to the British and German political systems. The nature and severity of the deficit depend on country-specific factors, but the single most significant cause from both countries' perspective is the lack of a European identity. Europeans do not regard themselves as one political community, and they feel limited attachment or trust towards each other. This diagnosis implies that the legitimacy deficit can only be remedied either by creating a European identity or by reducing the need for its creation. The legitimising potential of these two strategies differs between Britain and Germany, reflecting country-specific variations in their perspective on the legitimacy deficit of the EU. While the legitimacy deficit can in principle be resolved, the varying effectiveness of these two strategies, and the reluctance of political decision-makers in the EU to pursue either strategy, make an effective resolution of the legitimacy deficit unlikely to occur in the forseable future.
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Flinkfeldt, Marie. "Legitimacy Work : Managing Sick Leave Legitimacy in Interaction." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-267405.

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This thesis studies how sick leave legitimacy is managed in interaction and develops an empirically driven conceptualization of ‘legitimacy work’. The thesis applies an ethnomethodological framework that draws on conversation analysis, discursive psychology, and membership categorization analysis. Naturally occurring interaction is examined in two settings: (1) multi-party meetings at the Swedish Social Insurance Agency, in which participants assess and discuss the ‘status’ of the sick leave and plan for work rehabilitation; (2) peer-based online text-in-interaction in a Swedish forum thread that gathers people on sick leave. The thesis shows how mental states, activities and alternative categories function as resources for legitimacy work. However, such invocations are no straight-forward matter, but impose additional contingencies. It is thus crucial how they are invoked. By detailed analyses of the interaction, with attention to aspects such as lexicality and delivery, the thesis identifies a range of discursive features that manage sick leave legitimacy. Deployed resources are also subtle enough to be deniable as legitimacy work, that is, they also manage the risk of an utterance being seen as invested or biased. While legitimate sick leave is a core concern for Swedish policy-making, administration, and public debate on sick leave, previous research has for the most part been explanatory in orientation, minding legitimacy rather than studying it in its own right. By providing detailed knowledge about the legitimacy work that people on long-term sick leave do as part of both institutional and mundane encounters, the thesis contributes not only new empirical knowledge, but a new kind of empirical knowledge, shedding light on how the complexities of sick leave play out in real-life situations. Traditional sociological approaches have to a significant extent treated legitimacy as an entity with beginnings and ends that in more or less direct ways relate to external norms and cognitive states, or that focus on institutions, authority or government. By contrast, the herein emerging concept ‘legitimacy work’ understands legitimacy as a locally contingent practicality – a collaborative categorially oriented accomplishment that is integral to the interactional situation.
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Musonda, Anthony M. "Political Legitimacy." Diss., lmu, 2006. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:19-58134.

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Thrandardottir, Erla. "What makes NGOs legitimate? : an analysis of Amnesty International UK's, Greenpeace UK's and Cafod's legitimacy claims in the UK national context." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/what-makes-ngos-legitimate-an-analysis-of-amnesty-international-uks-greenpeace-uks-and-cafods-legitimacy-claims-in-the-uk-national-context(2ee6e680-4a18-4bb0-b3dd-7923bed7bdf2).html.

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This thesis examines how non-governmental organisations (NGOs) claim legitimacy in the UK national context with the aim of increasing the understanding of how NGOs’ access to power is justified. The thesis argues that the limits of current theories on NGOs and legitimacy do not enable proper scrutiny of the organisational complexities involved and proposes that Beetham’s approach to legitimacy is more fruitful. A Beethamite analysis is based on scrutinising NGOs’ legitimacy-in-context. This involves examining NGOs’ normative structures and internal organisation of power in order to explain and assess their legitimacy claims. It explores the legitimacy claims of three UK NGOs by applying a Beethamite analysis to interrogate their legitimacy claims. The NGOs that are my unit of analysis are enmeshed in complex organisational hierarchies that extend beyond the UK territory. Understanding the internal organisation of power in these hierarchies is important for identifying legitimacy sources that underpin NGOs’ legitimacy claims. The three NGOs are Amnesty International UK, Greenpeace UK and Cafod. The case study of Amnesty International UK shows how the legitimation of power is justified internally where the members of the UK section legitimise the representational powers of the International Secretariat. This is contrasted with the normative sources of legitimacy that are more commonly used to justify Amnesty International UK's legitimacy claims and which ignore members as an important source of authority. The analysis in the case study of Greenpeace UK demonstrates how it is a representative unit of Greenpeace International. It also highlights how scientific knowledge has become a legitimacy source that justifies Greenpeace UK's legitimacy claims with implications for how to assess their legitimacy claims. The case study of Cafod analyses how Cafod claims legitimacy as a Catholic agency and how it is institutionally embedded in the Holy See. Cafod is primarily a social agency of the Catholic Church in England and Wales. The case study demonstrates how Cafod's sources of legitimacy are primarily Catholic and that this causes legitimacy problems when Cafod uses secular rather than theological sources of legitimacy to justify its policies. One of the main conclusions of the thesis is that a differentiated approach is needed for analysing NGOs’ legitimacy claims, one that takes into consideration the context of NGOs’ legitimacy claims, their internal process of legitimation and their sources of legitimacy, when assessing their access to power. The lack of an appropriate regulatory framework, and in particular the systematic exclusion of politically oriented NGOs by UK regulators, hinders the advancement of proper assessment and understanding of NGOs’ role in society.
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Carlson, Heidi M. "Perceptions of regime legitimacy in Mozambique Legitimacy in transition? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FCarlson.pdf.

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Анотація:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Letitia Lawson, Jessica Piombo. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-64). Also available in print.
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Wolff, Immanuel. "Afghanistan and the Problem of Legitimacy in International Public Law Implications for the Legitimate Use of Force in Response to Terrorist Attacks /." St. Gallen, 2008. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/05610720001/$FILE/05610720001.pdf.

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Walshe, Garvan David. "Libertarianism after legitimacy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/libertarianism-after-legitimacy(8c587d90-db47-4ceb-8b1c-674340049f2d).html.

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Анотація:
This thesis rejects the position, dominant in political philosophy since Plato that the authority of states may be explained by means of a moral theory of legitimacy. It denies that it is possible even in principle to determine a principle that can endow a state with the moral entitlement to rule and create for its citizens a moral obligation of obedience which thereby authorises it to coerce them. The thesis argues that a Lockean understanding of the state leads more naturally to the position that the state is properly understood as a necessary evil granted qualified justification to coerce in order to protect people from each other. It locates this ambiguity in the moral psychology of the individuals from which a Lockean state must derive its powers and through whom it acts. It further claims that, Government officials being no different in character than the individuals over whom they rule, further coercion may be justified to raise funds by taxation to set up political institutions such as a separation of powers, and to ensure that citizens may equip themselves with the skills needed to avoid being financially dependent on the state. This justification is nonetheless provisional, and the responsibility to weigh the necessity of public coercion against the evil that it involves falls upon individual voters as much as parliamentarians and prime ministers.
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Tosi, Justin R. "Legitimacy and Fairness." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/579109.

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Анотація:
The essays included in this dissertation develop a fair play account of state legitimacy. I argue for a modest revision to the traditional analysis of legitimacy. I then defend the principle of fair play against common objections. Next, I argue that the principle of fair play is capable of generating all the rights included in the new analysis of legitimacy defended earlier. Finally, I argue that the principle of fair play grounds the legitimacy of existing reasonably just states.
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Книги з теми "Legitimaly"

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Pardo, Italo, and Giuliana B. Prato, eds. Legitimacy. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96238-2.

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Ellis, Justin R. Policing Legitimacy. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73519-7.

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Petkova, Iva. Engineering Legitimacy. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90707-9.

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Díez-De-Castro, Emilio, and Marta Peris-Ortiz, eds. Organizational Legitimacy. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75990-6.

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Larsen, Håkon. Performing Legitimacy. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31047-3.

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Kihlström, Anita. Communicative Legitimacy. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54949-7.

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Democratic legitimacy. New York: Routledge, 2009.

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Rothstein, Benjamin. Legitimate. [San Diego?: B. Rothstein, 1993.

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Kahn, Paul W. Legitimacy and history. New Hawen; London: Yale uniwersity press, 1993.

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Law and legitimacy. Copenhagen, Denmark: DJØF Publishing, 2015.

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Частини книг з теми "Legitimaly"

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Pardo, Italo, and Giuliana B. Prato. "Ethnographies of Legitimacy: Methodological and Theoretical Insights." In Legitimacy, 1–25. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96238-2_1.

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Koechlin, Lucy. "In or Out? Emerging Urban Practices of Citizenship in East Africa." In Legitimacy, 217–34. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96238-2_10.

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Andrews, Robyn. "Citizenship and Legitimacy: Kolkata’s Anglo-Indian Experiences." In Legitimacy, 235–57. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96238-2_11.

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Mollica, Marcello. "Conflicting Loyalties and Legitimate Illegality in Urban South Lebanon." In Legitimacy, 259–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96238-2_12.

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Sarfati, Liora. "Morality and Legitimacy in the Sewŏl Protest in South Korea." In Legitimacy, 281–303. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96238-2_13.

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Uherek, Zdeněk. "Romani Political Participation and Legitimization of Power Relations in the Czech Republic." In Legitimacy, 305–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96238-2_14.

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Prato, Giuliana B. "On the Legitimacy of Democratic Representation: Two Case Studies from Europe." In Legitimacy, 27–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96238-2_2.

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Pardo, Italo. "Governance Without Legitimacy: An Italian Conundrum of Democracy." In Legitimacy, 57–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96238-2_3.

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Spyridakis, Manos. "Legitimating Poverty: The Minimum Guaranteed Income Pilot Case." In Legitimacy, 83–103. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96238-2_4.

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Atalay, Z. Nurdan. "Legal but Not Legitimate: The Changing Practices of Financial Citizenship in Turkey." In Legitimacy, 105–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96238-2_5.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Legitimaly"

1

Wihlborg, Elin. "Legitimate E-Government -- Public E-Services as a Facilitator of Political Legitimacy." In 2014 47th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences (HICSS). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/hicss.2014.271.

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Pellicciari, Igor. "VIDOVDAN CONSTITUTION AS A KEY STUDY FOR UNDERSTANDING THE EUROPEAN CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.017p.

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How scientifically legitimate is the research of the history of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes? Does it make sense to deal with it today more than before? According to Weber-inspired methodology, the legitimacy of the research topic is based on the subjective (value judgment of the researcher) and the objective element (depending on the actuality of the topic and the selected professional structure). From this point of view, it seems that the answer to the initial question about legitimacy of the study on the Kingdom of SCS is confirmed. The choice of the topic of the paper is the result of personal interest and almost biographical affiliation of the author to the history and scenario of the "South Slavs"; But, on the other hand, actuality of topics can be objectively justified by the obvious interests of the scientific and professional public for the rediscovered Eastern Europe and - especially - for The Balkans, as one of its crucial geopolitical hubs.
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Tanaka, Katie G., and Amy Voida. "Legitimacy Work." In CHI'16: CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2858036.2858110.

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Ghassan, Aysar, and Mark Blythe. "On legitimacy." In CHI '13 Extended Abstracts on Human Factors in Computing Systems. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2468356.2468735.

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Lueg, Christopher. "Spam and Anti-Spam Measures: A Look at Potential Impacts." In 2003 Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2729.

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The proliferation of unrestricted Internet access has brought the community spam which has become a serious problem costing companies billions of dollars per annum. Typical anti-spam measures, such as filtering and blocking techniques, exist but focus on solving the spam problem on the message transportation level. Using such techniques may have impacts beyond the realm of spam-filters and block lists. In this paper we argue that implementing typical anti-spam measures means that computers are assigned the power to assess legitimacy of email. This means, for example, that legitimate email might be rejected because the sender used the 'wrong' mail server or the wrong terminology. In this paper, we describe some of the core problems and discuss alternatives.
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Alshevsky, Vladimir. "Legitimate harm by a doctor to a patient’s health with medical intervention. Inevitability. Risk. Randomness." In Issues of determining the severity of harm caused to human health as a result of the impact of a biological factor. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/conferencearticle_5fdcb03a21f1a7.77500132.

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Medical intervention is often associated with some harm to the patient’s health. At the same time, the very concept of “harm to health” does not mean the wrongfulness of a doctor’s act. The inevitable harm to health, without which medical intervention itself is impossible, is legitimate when there is the consent of the patient. The risk of causing more than unavoidable harm to health also requires consent and compliance with reasonable risk conditions. Harm to health, the infliction of which could not be foreseen, is an accident. Accident — innocent harm that does not imply criminal prosecution. Outside of consent, harm to health can be done legitimately in an emergency.
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NICODEME, Claire. "AI Legitimacy for Sustainability." In 2021 IEEE Conference on Technologies for Sustainability (SusTech). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/sustech51236.2021.9467431.

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"Introduction “War and Legitimacy”." In Symposium of the Melammu Project. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/melammu10s99.

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Serpa, Sandro, and Carlos Miguel Ferreira. "Digital social network and legitimacy." In The 5th Human and Social Sciences at the Common Conference. Publishing Society, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18638/hassacc.2017.5.1.229.

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Soediro, Achmad, Media Kusumawardani, and Fardinant Adhitama. "Limping Toward the Sharia Legitimacy." In 5th Sriwijaya Economics, Accounting, and Business Conference (SEABC 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.200520.050.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Legitimaly"

1

Berdan, Robert, Terrence Wiley, and Magaly Lavadenz. California Association for Bilingual Education (CABE) Position Statement on Ebonics. Center for Equity for English Learners, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.15365/ceel.statement.1997.1.

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In this position statement, the authors write in support of Ebonics (also known as African American Vernacular English, Black English, Black Dialect, and African American Language) as a legitimate language. The linguistic and cultural origins of Ebonics is traced, along with its legitimacy by professional organizations and the courts. CABE asserts that the role of schools and teachers is therefore to build on students’ knowledge of Ebonics rather than replace or eradicate Ebonics as they teach standard English. This position statement has implications for teacher training.
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Sharfstein, Joshua. Legitimacy and Public Health. Milbank Memorial Fund, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1599/mqop.2021.0416.

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Weed, Jeremy. Hohenzollern Prussia: A Legacy of Legitimacy. Portland State University Library, January 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/honors.185.

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Shotwell, Charles B., and Kimberley Thachuk. Humanitarian Intervention: The Case for Legitimacy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, July 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada385894.

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Berry, Daniel M. Academic Legitimacy of the Software Engineering Discipline. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, November 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada260241.

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Marlette, Jeffrey P. Maneuver Enhancement Brigade: The Quest for Legitimacy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada520081.

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Berman, Eli, Michael Callen, Clark Gibson, and James Long. Election Fairness and Government Legitimacy in Afghanistan. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19949.

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Jebb, Cindy R. The Fight for Legitimacy: Liberal Democracy versus Terrorism. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada390205.

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O'Rear, Stephen E. Legitimacy as an Operational Factor: An Alternative Analysis. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, October 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada463914.

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Bento, Nuno, and Margarida Fontes. Legitimacy and Guidance in Upscaling Energy Technology Innovations. DINÂMIA'CET-IUL, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2019.06.

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