Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Le Fier d'Ars (France)"

The execution of King Charles I in 1649 sparked outrage across Europe: after years of civil war, the anointed sovereign of England, Scotland, and Ireland was to die by parliamentary order. While conspicuous attention was devoted to this event in 17th-century Italian historiography, author Girolamo Graziani repurposed it as the subject for his five-act tragedy Il Cromuele (1671). Built around the dichotomy between the king and his rival, the tyrant Cromuele (Oliver Cromwell), Graziani’s work which is dedicated to King Louis XIV of France– blurs ideological lines and points to an evident fascination for the political novelty embodied by the leader of the parliamentarians against the backdrop of ancien régime. This tragedy, I argue, highlights at once the crisis of divine right and contrasts it with the emergence of a new type of political leader, influenced by the post-Machiavellian theory of ragion di stato.

Dans un contexte d’élévation du niveau de la mer, les rapports entre les humains et les littoraux sont étudiés via la place jouée par les digues à l’aide d’une approche sensible et cognitive. La collecte des matériaux artistiques et scientifiques s’est concentrée sur trois marais côtiers de Charente-Maritime : le marais du Fier d'Ars (Île de Ré), le marais de Tasdon (Ville de La Rochelle) et le marais de Moëze-Brouage (au sud de Rochefort). La représentation des digues est au cœur de l’œuvre artistico-scientifique en permettant d’observer autrement la place que l’homme laisse à la nature dans ses aménagements. En effet, les digues illustrent notre relation au monde, saisie avec ses forces et ses faiblesses : élever des murs pour se protéger des submersions marines ou laisser revenir la nature en laissant s’effondrer les murs. Ces investigations ont été enrichies par une réflexion en termes d’éthique environnementale. Les relations à la nature et les représentations qui leur sont associées orientent les discours comme les actions, les décisions de protection ou de conservation des éléments naturels jugés sensibles, voire irremplaçables. Cette perspective conduit également à s’interroger sur les dimensions spatiale et temporelle qui façonnent les marais, qui les délimitent et qui les bordent en élevant des frontières physiques avec des digues.

Reading Gaspar Noé’s 2018 film Climax against the grain of the majority of critical reactions and the director’s own pronouncements, this article argues that this is a deeply political film. In line with West’s analysis of the films of the New French Extremity as works that are not (as suggested by Quandt) passive but a committed and politically engaged form of cinema, this article suggests that Climax can be read as an allegory of France’s current Realpolitik. Noé’s vision of this reality is revealed to be particularly bleak, for in line with the metaphysical stance of his other films, his is a universe ruled by entropic forces. The ramifications for Climax’s commentary on contemporary France are devastating, for the ideals of the Republic are shown to be no longer operational or capable of bringing people together, nor are they replaceable by any other form of identity politics.

Nous ne sommes plus au XIXe ou au XXe siècle, et pourtant les tâches pénibles n’ont pas disparu : tant physiquement que psychologiquement. Dans ce derniers cas, ce sont les mauvaises conditions de travail qui vont altérer la santé des travailleurs, quel que soit leur poste ou leur contexte de travail : primaire, secondaire ou tertiaire.Les conditions de travail se manifestent à travers leurs conséquences : mais comment les définir ?Maladies, troubles, douleurs, usure professionnelle relèvent d’une politique de prévention. Mais le travail est aussi, ou devrait être, un puissant opérateur de construction de la santé.En France, cette problématique est portée essentiellement par des chercheurs en psychologie du travail. Elle se nourrit des apports de disciplines voisines : ergonomie, sociologie, psychosomatique et psychanalyse. Deux courants de pensée existent : la psychodynamique du travail et l’approche par les risques psycho-sociaux. Le premier est plus centré sur la notion de souffrance, comme « un concept critique pertinent, fondé sur des références théoriques adossées à la psychopathologie générale, la psychanalyse et la psychosomatique ».Le second axe son raisonnement autour du stress dans toutes ses dimensions. La prévention et la gestion du stress seraient alors des leviers puissants pour améliorer la qualité de vie au travail.Ces deux orientations sont-elles incompatibles ? Sont-elles complémentaires ?Y-a-t-il des approches utiles pour les praticiens dans ces deux types d’approches ? Nous montrerons que, en fonction de la place qui est la nôtre, la connaissance des deux est indispensable, mais leur utilisation ne sera pas la même.

Alain Viala, dans sa tentative de définition, propose l’idée que la notion de « classique » serait une valeur relative à une logique de réception à la fois de la part des lecteurs, des éditeurs, de l’École et des chercheurs. Si l’on accepte l’idée de se fier à la réception, on est obligé d’accepter l’idée que cette réception peut évoluer dans le temps et que les « classiques » d’aujourd’hui ne puissent ni être les « classiques » d’hier ni ceux de demain. La série des « Caroline » de Pierre Probst est une série qui a marqué plusieurs générations de lecteurs des deux sexes. Hachette a longtemps fait de cette série la pièce maîtresse de son secteur jeunesse en France et à l’étranger. Les libraires et les bibliothèques ne semblent plus trop lui accorder d’intérêt. Dans cet article, nous montrerons que la série « Caroline » est à la fois un classique populaire et un « Grand classique ». Nous finirons par analyser les causes possibles de sa déclassicisation. Mots clés : série, déclassicisation, album-géographe, classique populaire, réception.

Les périodes de crise ou d’incertitudes sont toujours propices aux craintes les plus folles en matière de déformation de l’information. « La Grande peur », du complot aristocratique, des « brigants » voire des « Anglois », de juillet 1789, à la suite de la prise de la Bastille, fait s’effondrer le système social de l’Ancien Régime en moins de trois semaines. Ainsi certaines fausses informations produisent d’heureux effets, avec l’abolition des privilèges en 1789 ! Voilà bien toute la difficulté du sujet, surtout dans une société où l’émotionnel a remplacé à peu près partout la connaissance et la logique ! A quels experts alors se fier ? Faut-il suivre le pessimisme du philosophe québécois Alain Deneault qui pense que « l’expertise consiste de plus en plus souvent à vendre son cerveau à des acteurs qui en tirent profit » ? Les idées reçues, c’est-à-dire « les caprices téméraires de la volonté » comme le dit si bien Pascal, fonctionnent « sans le conseil du raisonnement » dans nos démocraties aussi. Il y a donc bien lieu que, dans le domaine qui est le sien, les sciences de gestion essaient d’appréhender la connaissance des caractéristiques des réponses des êtres humains aux stimuli cognitifs et émotionnels qu’ils reçoivent. C’est l’objet du second dossier, un dossier marketing de ce deuxième numéro de 2022, composé de quatre articles : « consommation, consommateurs et utilité sociale » ! Comme dans le numéro précédent, notre champ d’application est le monde. Trois auteurs français et québécois dont nous tenons à saluer la mémoire de l’un d’entre eux, le Professeur Gabriel Mircea Chirita, qui nous a quitté, ouvrent une idée quasi neuronale avec la molécule du métabesoin qui devrait permettre aux entrepreneurs de mieux répondre aux besoins complexes des consommateurs (page…) ! La performance des services financiers au Burkina Faso (page…), l’identité, les valeurs et la transmission chez les propriétaires de marques allemandes Volkswagen et Porsche (page…) et les dépenses vertes dans les PME camerounaises qui suit l’article du précédent numéro, le 313 (page…) apportent des éléments d’analyse complémentaires. Mais le marketing n’est pas loin de là, le domaine de réflexion de notre thème. Nous l’avons rappelé les nouvelles technologies sont souvent vues comme un accroissement des moyens de manipulation. En cette période électorale en France comme en Slovénie notamment, il n’est pas inutile d’offrir une réflexion sur la possibilité que présente Internet pour lutter contre l’opacité des organisations publiques (page…). La mise en œuvre de l’orientation du marché par l’orientation des technologies de l’information appliquées cette fois aux PME manufacturières françaises et québécoises (page…) et la qualité du service perçue de la part d’une plateforme virtuelle d’apprentissage sur les réactions des apprenants (page…) sont les deux approches additionnelles de ce chapitre consacré à « l’information au service des organisations ». Alors le cerveau est-il cette part « offerte à Coca-Cola » ou « aux besoins des entreprises » comme aime à le répéter le recteur de l’Université de Montréal, Guy Breton voilà bien une question majeure philosophique, politique, anthropologique… et cela concerne bien les sciences de gestion. Le cerveau est bien un enjeu ! Le Centre pour la recherche et l’innovation dans l’enseignement (CERI), de l’OCDE intitulé « Sciences de l’apprentissage et recherche sur le cerveau » a été lancé en 1999. Le but premier de ce projet novateur était d’encourager la collaboration entre, d’une part, sciences de l’apprentissage et recherche sur le cerveau, et, de l’autre, chercheurs et décideurs politiques. Comme toujours, appuyé sur les faits, les études de cas, nous espérons avoir sélectionné un ensemble de contributions qui par petites touches apportent modestement quelques éléments de réponse de la science de gestion.

Murray Forman’s text The ‘Hood Comes First: Race, Space, and Place in Rap and Hip-Hop provides insightful commentary on the workings of and relationship between place and space. To highlight the difference of scale between these two parameters, he writes that, “place defines the immediate locale of human interaction in the particular, whereas space is the expanse of mobile trajectories through which subjects pass in their circulation between or among distinct and varied places” (25). This statement reflects Doreen Massey’s earlier observation from her book Space, Place, and Gender that “one view of a place is as a particular articulation” of the spatial (5). These descriptions clarify how human action shapes, and is shaped by, what Forman describes as the “more narrowly circumscribed parameters” of place (25) and the broader realm of space. Clearly, these two terms describe interconnected components that are socially constructed and dynamic: that is, they operate at different scales but are constructed in time, constantly reshaped by human action and perception. “Space and time are inextricably interwoven,” states Massey. She continues: “It is not that the interrelations between objects occur in space and time; it is these relationships themselves which create/define space and time” (261). If place and space represent different scales of social interaction and space and time are interconnected, place and time must be linked as well.While this indicates that human experience and representation operate on different scales, it is important to note that these two factors are also interrelated. As Stuart Hall writes, “[I]t is only through the way in which we represent and imagine ourselves that we come to know how we are constituted and who we are” (473). There is no objective experience, only that which is subjectively represented through various means. Through depictions of these relationships between place, space, and time, rap music shapes listeners’ comprehension of these parameters. DJs, MCs, producers, and other creative artists express personal observations through the influence of both the local and global, the past and present. In rap lyrics and their musical accompaniment, countries, cities, neighbourhoods, and even specific government housing developments inform the music, but the identities of these places and spaces are not fixed – for the performers or for the audience. They are more than the backdrop for what happens, inanimate structures or coordinates of latitude and longitude. Their dynamic nature, and their representation in music, serves to continually redefine “how we are constituted and who we are” (473).In MC Solaar’s Léve-toi et Rap from his 2001 album Cinquième as and his song Nouveau Western, from 1994’s Prose Combat, this is demonstrated in two very different ways. Léve-toi et Rap, a personal history told in the first person, clearly demonstrates both American hip-hop lineage and the transnational influences of Solaar’s upbringing. This song serves as an example of the adoption of American musical and lyrical techniques as means through which personally empowering, often place-based stories are told. In Nouveau Western, the narrative demonstrates the negative effects of globalization through this story about a geographically and temporally transported American cowboy. This track employs musical materials in a way that reflects the more critical lyrical commentary on the repercussions of American cultural and economic power. Through the manner of his storytelling, and through the stories themselves, MC Solaar explicitly demonstrates his own agency in representing, and thus constructing the meaning of, dynamic place and space as they are defined from these two perspectives.As a Paris-based French rapper, MC Solaar often makes his affiliation to this geographic focal point significant in his lyrics. This is especially clear in Léve-toi et Rap, in which Parisian banlieues (HLM government housing projects), nightclubs, and other places figure prominently in the text. From the lyrics, one learns a great deal about this rapper and his background: MC Solaar was born in Senegal, but his parents brought him to France when he was young (MC Solaar, “Léve-toi et Rap”; Petetin, 802, 805). He grew up struggling with the isolation and social problems of the banlieues and the discrimination he faced as an immigrant. He began rapping, established a musical career, and now encourages others to rap as a means of making something constructive out of a challenging situation. In the excerpt below, MC Solaar explains these origins and the move to the banlieues (Solaar, “Lève-toi et rap;” All translations by the author).Lève-toi et rap elaborates on the connection between the local and global in rap music, and between place, space, and time. The lyrics and music represent these properties in part by appropriating American rap’s stylistic practices. The introductory chorus incorporates sampled lyrics of the American artists Lords of the Underground, the Beastie Boys, Nas, and Redman (Various Contributors, “‘Lève-toi et rap’ Direct Sample of Vocals/Lyrics,” whosampled.com.). A bassline originally recorded by the funk group The Crusaders grounds the musical accompaniment that begins with the first verse (partially printed above), in which MC Solaar begins to depict his own place and space as he has experienced it temporally.In this chorus, the first sample is “I remember way back in the days on my block” from Lords of the Underground’s song Tic-Toc. This leads to “Oh My God” and “Ah, Ah, Ah,” both samples from Q-Tip’s contribution to the Beastie Boys’ song Get It Together. “I Excel,” which appears in Nas’s It Ain’t Hard to Tell comes next. The last sample, “Who Got the Funk,” is from Can’t Wait by Redman (Lords of the Underground, “Tic-Tic;” Beastie Boys and Q-Tip, “Get It Together;” Nas, “It Ain’t Hard to Tell;” The Crusaders, “The Well’s Gone Dry”).Scratching begins the introductory chorus (printed below), which ends with a voice announcing “MC Solaar.” At this point, the sampled bassline from The Crusaders’ 1974 song The Well’s Gone Dry begins.[Scratching]I remember back in the days on my block... Lords of the UndergroundOh my God... Ah, Ah, Ah... Beastie Boys and Q-TipI excel… NasWho got the funk... RedmanMC Solaar[Crusaders sample begins] The rap samples all date from 1994, the year Solaar released his well-received album Prose Combat and most are strategically placed: the first sample originated in the last verse of Tic-Toc, the Q-Tip samples in the middle are from the middle of Get It Together, and the last sample, “I Excel,” is from the first line of It Ain’t Hard to Tell. As Lève-toi et rap continues, MC Solaar’s statement of the song title itself replaces the iteration “MC Solaar” of the first chorus. In a sense, “Lève-toi et rap” becomes the last sample of the chorus. Through these American references, Solaar demonstrates an affiliation with the place in which rap is commonly known to have originally coalesced. For French rappers consciously working to prove their connection to rap’s lineage, such demonstrations are useful (Faure and Garcia, 81-82). Achieved by sampling music and lyrics from 1974 and 1994 from sources that are not all that obvious to a casual listener, Solaar spatially connects his work to the roots of rap (Shusterman, 214). These particular samples also highlight a spatial relationship to particular styles of rap that represent place and space in particular ways. Nas and Lords of the Underground, for instance, have added to the discourse on street credibility and authenticity, while Q-tip has provided commentary on social and political issues. MC Solaar’s own story widens the parameters for illustrating these concepts, as he incorporates the personally significant places such as Senegal, Chad, and the Saint Denis banlieue to establish street credibility on a transnational scale; the lyrics also describe serious social and political issues, including the “skinheads” he encountered while living in Paris. Dynamic place is clear throughout all of this, as everything occurring in these places is meaningful in part because of the unavoidable relationship with the passing of time – Solaar’s birth, his upbringing, and his success occurred through his choices and social interactions in specific places.Looking more closely at the representation of place and time, Lève-toi et rap is less than straightforward. As discussed previously, some of the vocal samples are rearranged, demonstrating purposeful alteration of pre-recorded material; in contrast, the use of a repeated funk bassline sample during a clear narrative of Solaar’s life juxtaposes a linear story with a non-linear musical accompaniment. To this, MC Solaar made a contemporary textual contribution to later choruses, with the title of the song added as the chorus’s last line. Such manipulation in the context of this first-person narrative to express this movement supports the conclusion that, far from being a victim of political and economic forces, MC Solaar has used them to his advantage. After all, the title of the song itself, Lève-toi et rap, translates roughly to “get up and rap.”In addition to manipulating the materials of American rap and funk for this purpose, Solaar’s use of verlan, a type of slang used in the banlieues, brings another level of locality to Lève-toi et rap. The use of verlan brings the song’s association with French banlieue culture closer: by communicating in a dialect fluently understood by relatively few, rappers ensure that their message will be understood best by those who share the constellation of social and temporal relations of these housing developments (Milon, 75). Adding verlan to other slang and to unique grammatical rules, the rap of the banlieues is to some extent in its own language (Prévos, “Business” 902-903).Referring to MC Solaar’s 1994 album Prose Combat, André Prévos observed that this material “clearly illustrates the continuity of this tradition, all the while adding an identifiable element of social and personal protest as well as an identifiable amount of ‘signifying’ also inspired by African American hip-hip lyrics” (Prévos, “Postcolonial” 43). While it is clear at this point that this is also true for Lève-toi et rap from Cinquème as, Nouveau Western from Prose Combat demonstrates continuity in different way. To start, the samples used in this song create a more seamless texture. A sample from the accompaniment to Serge Gainsbourg’s Bonnie and Clyde from 1967 undergirds the song, providing a French pop reference to a story about an American character (Various Contributors, “Nouveau Western” whosampled.com). The bassline from Bonnie and Clyde is present throughout Nouveau Western, while the orchestral layer from the sample is heard during sections of the verses and choruses. Parts of the song also feature alto saxophone samples that provide continuity with the jazz-influenced character of many songs on this album.The contrasts with Lève-toi et rap continue with the lyrical content. Rather than describing his own process of acquiring knowledge and skill as he moved in time from place to place, in Nouveau Western MC Solaar tells the story of a cowboy named “Harry Zona” who was proud and independent living in Arizona, hunting for gold with his horse, but who becomes a victim in contemporary Paris. In the fabled west, the guns he carries and his method of transportation facilitate his mission: Il erre dans les plaines, fier, solitaire. Son cheval est son partenaire [He wanders the plains, proud, alone. His horse is his partner.]. After suddenly being transported to modern-day Paris, he orders a drink from an “Indian,” at a bistro and “scalps” the foam off, but this is surely a different kind of person and practice than Solaar describes Harry encountering in the States (MC Solaar, “Nouveau Western”).After leaving the bistro, Harry is arrested driving his stagecoach on the highway and shut away by the authorities in Fresnes prison for his aberrant behaviour. His pursuit of gold worked for him in the first context, but the quest for wealth advanced in his home country contributed to the conditions he now faces, and which MC Solaar critiques, later in the song. He raps, Les States sont comme une sorte de multinationale / Elle exporte le western et son monde féudal / Dicte le bien, le mal, Lucky Luke et les Dalton [The States are a kind of multinational”/ “They export the western and its feudal way/ Dictate the good the bad, Lucky Luke and the Daltons] (MC Solaar, “Nouveau Western”).Harry seems to thrive in the environment portrayed as the old west: as solitary hero, he serves as a symbol of the States’ independent spirit. In the nouveau far west [new far west] francophone comic book characters Lucky Luke and the Daltons sont camouflés en Paul Smith’s et Wesson [are camouflaged in Paul Smith’s and Wesson], and Harry is not equipped to cope with this confusing combination. He is lost as he negotiates le système moderne se noie l’individu [the modern system that drowns the individual]. To return to Bonnie and Clyde, these ill-fated and oft-fabled figures weren’t so triumphant either, and in Gainsbourg’s song, they are represented by 1960s French pop rather than by even a hint of local 1930s musical traditions. “Harry Zona” is not the only person whose story unfolds through the lens of another culture.While Solaar avoids heavy use of verlan or other Parisian slang in this song, he does use several American cultural references, some of which I have already mentioned. In addition, the word “western” refers to western movies, but it also serves as another term for the United States and its cultural exports. “Hollywood” is another term for the west, and in this context MC Solaar warns his listeners to question this fictional setting. Following his observation that John Wayne looks like Lucky Luke, “well groomed like an archduke,” he exclaims Hollywood nous berne, Hollywood berne! [Hollywood fooled us! Hollywood fools!]. This is followed by, on dit gare au gorille, mais gare à Gary Cooper [as they say watch out for the gorilla, watch out for Gary Cooper]. Slick characters like the ones Gary Cooper played have ultimately served as cultural capital that has generated economic capital for the “multinational” States that Solaar describes. As Harry moves “epochs and places,” he discovers that this sort of influence, now disguised in fashion-forward clothing, is more influential than his Smith and Wesson of the old west (MC Solaar, “Nouveau Western”).It is important to note that this narrative is described with the language of the cultural force that it critiques. As Geoffrey Baker writes, “MC Solaar delves into the masterpieces and linguistic arsenal of his colonizers in order to twist the very foundations of their linguistic oppression against them” (Baker, 241). These linguistic – and cultural – references facilitate this ironic critique of the “new Far West”: Harry suffers in the grip of a more sophisticated gold rush (MC Solaar, “Nouveau Western”).Lève-toi et rap transforms musical and verbal language as well, but the changes are more overt. Even though the musical samples are distinctly American, they are transformed, and non-American places of import to MC Solaar are described with heavy use of slang. This situates the song in American and French cultural territory while demonstrating Solaar’s manipulation of both. He is empowered by the specialized expression of place and space, and by the loud and proud references to a dynamic upbringing, in which struggle culminates in triumph.Empowerment through such manipulation is an attractive interpretation, but because this exercise includes the transformation of a colonizer’s language, it ultimately depends on understanding rap as linked to some extent to what Murray Forman and Tricia Rose describe as “Western cultural imperialism” (Rose, 19; Forman, 21). Both Rose and Forman point out that rap has benefitted from what Rose describes as “the disproportionate exposure of U.S. artists around the world,” (Rose, 19) even though this music has provided an avenue through which marginalized groups have articulated social and political concerns (Rose, 19; Forman 21). The “transnational circulation of contemporary culture industries” that Forman describes (21) has benefitted multinational corporations, but it has also provided new means of expression for those reached by this global circulation. Additionally, this process has engendered a sense of community around the world among those who identify with rap’s musical and lyrical practices and content; in many cases, rap’s connection to the African diaspora is a significant factor in the music’s appeal. This larger spatial connection occurs alongside more locally place-based connections. Lève-toi et rap clearly manifests this sense of simultaneously negotiating one’s role as a global citizen and as an individual firmly grounded in the place and space of local experience.Even though rap has been a music of resistance to hegemonic social and economic forces for people around the world, it is nonetheless important to recognize that the forces that have disseminated this music on a global scale have contributed to the unequal distribution of wealth and power. Working within this system is almost always unavoidable for rappers, many of whom criticize these conditions in their music, but depend on these transnational corporations for their success. Paul A. Silverstein writes that “hip-hop formations themselves, while enunciating an explicit critique of both state interventionism and the global market, have directly benefited from both and, to be sure, simultaneously desire their end and their continuation” (47-48). This is very clear in Nouveau Western, which Silverstein writes “portrayed neo-liberalism as a ‘new Far West’ where credit cards replace Remingtons.” (48) That this critique has reached a large audience in the francophone world and elsewhere highlights the irony of the situation: under the current system of popular musical production and circulation, such material often must reach its audience through complicity with the very system it denounces. This view on the mixture of the local and global presented in these songs illustrates this confusing situation, but from another perspective, the representation of social interaction on varying scales connects to the factors that have contributed to rap since its inception. Local places and geographically broad spatial connections have been articulated in constantly changing ways through musical and lyrical sampling, original lyrical references, and the uses that creators, listeners, and the industry enact vis-à-vis global rap culture. Whether revealed through clear references to American rap that facilitate a personal narrative or through a more complicated critique of American culture, MC Solaar’s songs Lève-toi et rap and Nouveau Western expose some accomplishments of a French rapper whose work reveals personal agency both outside and within the “multinational” United States. ReferencesBaker, Geoffrey. “Preachers, Gangsters, Pranksters: MC Solaar and Hip-Hop as Overt and Covert Revolt.” The Journal of Popular Culture 44 (2011): 233-54.Beastie Boys and Q-Tip. “Get It Together.” Ill Communication. Grand Royal Records, 1994. CD.Faure, Sylvia, and Marie-Carmen Garcia. “Conflits de Valeurs et Générations.” Culture Hip Hop Jeunes des Cités et Politiques Publiques. Paris: La Dispute SNÉDIT, 2005. 69-83. Forman, Murray. “Space Matters: Hip-Hop and the Spatial Perspective.” The ‘Hood Comes First: Race, Space and Place in Rap and Hip-Hop. Middletown: Wesleyan UP, 2002. 1- 34. Hall, Stuart. “What Is This ‘Black’ in Black Popular Culture?” Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies, Edited by David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen. London: Routledge, 1996. 465-475. Lords of the Underground. “Tic-Tic.” Keepers of the Funk. Pendulum Records, 1994. CD.Massey, Doreen. Space, Place and Gender. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota Press, 1994. 19-24.Milon, Alain. “Pourquoi le Rappeur Chante? Le Rap comme Expression de la Relégation Urbaine.” Cités 19 (2004): 71-80.MC Solaar (Claude M’Barali). “Lève-toi et rap.” Cinquème as. Wea International, 2001. CD.———. “Nouveau Western.” Prose Combat. Cohiba, 1994. CD.Nas. “It Ain’t Hard to Tell.” Illmatic. Columbia Records, 1994. CD.Petetin, Véronique. “Slam, Rap, et ‘Mondialité.” Études 6 (June 2009): 797-808.Prévos, André J.M. “Le Business du Rap en France.” The French Review 74 (April 2001): 900-21.———. “Postcolonial Popular Music in France.” Global Noise: Rap and Hip-Hop outside the USA. Ed. Tony Mitchell. Middletown: Wesleyan UP, 2001. 39-56. Rose, Tricia. Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America. Middletown: Wesleyan UP, 1994.Shusterman, Richard. “L’Estitique Postmoderne du Rap.” Rue Deseartes 5/6 (November 1992): 209-28.Silverstein, Paul A. “‘Why Are We Waiting to Start the Fire?’: French Gangsta Rap and the Critique of State Capitalism.” Black, Blanc, Beur: Rap Music and Hip-Hop Culture in the Francophone World. Ed. Alain-Philippe Durand. Oxford: Scarecrow Press, 2002. 45-67. The Crusaders. “The Well’s Gone Dry.” Southern Comfort. ABC/Blue Thumb Records, 1974. CD.Various Contributors. “‘Lève-toi et rap’ Direct Sample of Vocals/Lyrics.” whosampled.com.———. “‘Nouveau Western’ Direct Sample of Hook/Riff.” whosampled.com.Various Contributors. “MC Solaar – ‘Lève-toi et rap’ Lyrics.” Rap Genius.

Le contexte de changement global renouvelle les défis de la gouvernance environnementale. En milieu rétro-littoral, les incidences des changements globaux se manifestent par une hausse de la fréquence et de l’intensité des submersions marines. Dans ce contexte, la préservation des zones humides (rétro-)littorales est remise en question, ce qui implique de réfléchir à l’évolution des modalités de gestion existantes. Cette thèse se propose ainsi d’éclairer le devenir possible de ces espaces particuliers au prisme des compromis patrimoniaux. Ces compromis traduisent, d’une part, le processus de mise en compatibilité d’une diversité de représentations du patrimoine (ce que les acteurs souhaitent préserver, transmettre, y compris l’usage des ressources) – que nous nommons les compromis en train de se dire. Ils renvoient d’autre part à des compromis en train de se faire, c’est-à-dire à des pratiques d’acteurs répondant à des logiques de compromis (entre exploitation et préservation), dont le déroulement dépend d’un ensemble de déterminants matériels, institutionnels et relationnels. L’originalité de la grille d’analyse que nous proposons est d’articuler l’économie institutionnaliste du patrimoine et deux approches théoriques complémentaires (économie des conventions et théorie sociale des pratiques). Cette grille a été appliquée à l’étude des marais rétro-littoraux de Brouage et du Fier d’Ars, situés en Charente-Maritime (France). Nous montrons d’abord que l’hétérogénéité des conceptions du patrimoine des marais, défendues par les acteurs (gestionnaires et exploitants), trouve une forme de compatibilité au sein de deux compromis "en train de se dire" dominants. Les pratiques des exploitants (éleveurs, sauniers, ostréiculteurs) traduisent globalement des compromis productifs en faveur de la préservation des marais, ce qui nous conduit à souligner la cohérence interne aux compromis patrimoniaux sur les deux territoires. Cette cohérence est déterminée par un ensemble de dimensions collectives matérielles, institutionnelles et relationnelles qui orientent l’action des producteurs selon des degrés variables. Nous montrons ensuite le bouleversement des compromis existants du fait du renforcement des oppositions entre acteurs, avec la prise en compte de la problématique de la submersion. Les compromis qui se feront dans le futur dépendront nécessairement des capacités de résistance au changement des pratiques. Par exemple, la forte dépendance des activités productives au milieu naturel limite les marges de manoeuvre dont disposent les exploitants pour s’adapter. La démarche empirique menée dans ce travail, conduisant au déploiement d’une méthodologie mixte de recherche et à l’imbrication de traitements qualitatifs (analyse de discours) et quantitatifs (analyse statistique multivariée, analyse de réseau), représente une avancée méthodologique pour décrypter la diversité des ressorts de l’action individuelle et collective. En outre, l’étude de la fabrique des compromis patrimoniaux (leur émergence et leur dynamique) constitue une voie de recherche pertinente pour analyser le potentiel d’adaptation des territoires face au changement globaux
The current context of global changes is renewing the challenges of environmental governance. In retro-littoral environments, these changes manifest through an increase in the frequency and intensity of extreme events, such as marine submersions. Under these conditions, the preservation of (retro)littoral wetlands is questioned, which calls for a a reevaluation of existing management approaches. This thesis aims to explore the possible future of these particular areas through the lens of heritage compromises. These compromises reflect, on the one hand, the process of making compatible a diversity of representations of heritage (what actors seek to preserve and transmit, including the use of resources) - what we call compromises in the process of being said. On the other hand, they refer to compromises in the process of being made, i.e., to the actors’ practices responding to compromise logics (between exploitation and preservation), which are shape by a set of material, institutional and relational determinants. The originality of our analytical framework is to combine an heritage approach and two complementary theoretical approaches (economics of conventions and practice theory). This framework has been applied to the retro-littoral marshes of Brouage and Fier d’Ars, located in Charente-Maritime (France). Our findings reveal that the heterogeneity of marsh heritage conceptions, defended by the actors (managers and producers), finds a form of compatibility within two dominant "in the process of being said" compromises. Farmers’ practices (breeders, salt producers, oyster farmers) generally reflect productive compromises that favor marsh preservation, highlighting the internal coherence of heritage compromises in both regions. This coherence is determined by a set of collective material, institutional and relational dimensions that guide producers’ actions to varying degrees. We then show how existing compromises are disrupted by growing oppositions between stakeholders, particularly as concerns over marine flooding have gained prominence. Future compromises will inevitably depend on the capacity of actors to resist shifts in practices. For example, the ecological dependency of production activities limits the flexibility available to farmers for adaptation. The empirical approach adopted in this work, leading to a mixed methodoly and the interweaving of qualitative (discourse analysis) and quantitative (multivariate statistical analysis, social network analysis) methods, represents a methodological advancement for deciphering the diverse drivers of individual and collective action. Furthermore, studying the emergence and dynamics of heritage compromises offers a promising pathway for assessing the adaptive potential of territories in response to global change

Les calcaires urgoniens constituent le principal aquifère karstique du massif des Bornes. La structure plissée et la fracturation conduisent à la délimitation de systèmes karstiques d'extension modeste. Entre les vallées du Borne et du Fier une douzaine de systèmes sont recensés. Ils sont essentiellement alimentés par les précipitations dont une part assez importante est temporairement stockée à leur surface sous forme de neige durant la saison froide. L'acquisition de données hydrométriques et hydrochimiques journalières durant 2 a 3 cycles hydrologiques sur les 4 principales émergences du secteur a permis la mise en évidence: 1) du caractère tres karstifié des systèmes étudiés avec cependant un drainage moins fonctionnel en période d'étiage mis en relation avec l'évolution actuelle de ces systèmes; 2) du rôle préponderant de la zone non saturée dans les modalités de transit des eaux et l'acquisition de la charge dissoute. L'expérience acquise permet de perfectionner la méthodologie d'étude des systèmes karstiques subalpins. Les faibles réserves des systèmes sont evaluées et des aménagements sont proposés pour accroitre et protéger les ressources en eau des systèmes karstiques étudiés

Les calcaires urgoniens constituent le principal aquifère karstique du massif des bornes. La structure plissée et la fracturation conduisent à la délimitation de systèmes karstiques d'extension modeste. Entre les vallées du borne et du fier une douzaine de systèmes sont recensés. Ils sont essentiellement alimentes par les précipitations dont une part assez importante est temporairement stockée a leur surface sous forme de neige durant la saison froide. L’acquisition de données hydrométriques et hydro chimiques journalières durant 2 a 3 cycles hydrologiques sur les 4 principales émergences du secteur a permis la mise en évidence: 1) du caractère très karstifié des systèmes étudiés avec cependant un drainage moins fonctionnel en période d'étiage mis en relation avec l'évolution actuelle de ces systèmes; 2) du rôle prépondérant de la zone non saturée dans les modalités de transit des eaux et l'acquisition de la charge dissoute. L’expérience acquise permet de perfectionner la méthodologie d'étude des systèmes karstiques subalpins. Les faibles réserves des systèmes sont évaluées et des aménagements sont proposés pour accroitre et protéger les ressources en eau des systèmes karstiques étudiés