Статті в журналах з теми "Late Forming Dark Matter (LFDM)"

Abstract We propose a novel mechanism where primordial black hole (PBH) dark matter is formed much later in the history of the universe, between the epochs of Big Bang nucleosynthesis and cosmic microwave background photon decoupling. In our setup, one does not need to modify the scale-invariant inflationary power spectra; instead, a late-phase transition in a strongly interacting fermion–scalar fluid (which occurs naturally around redshift 106 ≤ z T ≤ 108) creates an instability in the density perturbation as the sound speed turns imaginary. As a result, the dark matter perturbation grows exponentially in sub-Compton scales. This follows the immediate formation of an early dense dark matter halo, which finally evolves into PBHs due to cooling through scalar radiation. We calculate the variance of the density perturbations and the PBH fractional abundances f(M) by using a nonmonochromatic mass function. We find that the peak of our PBH mass function lies between 10−16 and 10−14 solar mass for z T ≃ 106, and thus that it can constitute the entire dark matter of the universe. In PBH formation, one would expect a temporary phase where an attractive scalar balances the Fermi pressure. We numerically confirm that such a state indeed exists, and we find the radius and density profile of the temporary static structure of the dark matter halo, which finally evolves into PBHs due to cooling through scalar radiation.

Abstract We analyze circular velocity profiles of seven ultradiffuse galaxies (UDGs) that are isolated and gas-rich. Assuming that the dark matter halos of these UDGs have a Navarro–Frenk–White (NFW) density profile or a Read density profile (which allows for constant-density cores), the inferred halo concentrations are systematically lower than the cosmological median, even as low as −0.6 dex (about 5σ away) in some cases. Alternatively, similar fits can be obtained with a density profile that scales roughly as 1/r 2 for radii larger than a few kiloparsecs. Both solutions require the radius where the halo circular velocity peaks ( R max ) to be much larger than the median expectation. Surprisingly, we find an overabundance of such large- R max halos in the IllustrisTNG dark-matter-only simulations compared to the Gaussian expectation. These halos form late and have higher spins compared to median halos of similar masses. The inner densities of the most extreme among these late-forming halos are higher than their NFW counterparts, leading to a ∼1/r 2 density profile. However, the two well-resolved UDGs in our sample strongly prefer lower dark matter densities in the center than the simulated ones. Comparing to IllustrisTNG hydrodynamical simulations, we also find a tension in getting both low enough circular velocities and high enough halo mass to accommodate the measurements. Our results indicate that the gas-rich UDGs present a significant challenge for galaxy formation models.

Abstract The late stages of precipitation in aluminum-rich Al –Ag alloys with silver contents from 3 at.% to 22 at.% were studied with transmission electron microscopy. Shapes, sizes, and arrangements of plates of the stable hexagonal Ag2Al phase forming on {111} planes of the f.c.c. matrix were analysed. The high-angle annular dark-field contrast in scanning transmission electron microscopy is calibrated. This calibration allows for the quantitative measurement of plate thicknesses from high-angle annular dark-field scanning transmission electron micrographs of Ag2Al plates inclined to the electron beam. Results from these measurements are in good agreement with direct bright-field micrographs of plates viewed edge-on. For samples with silver contents above 12 at.% a parallel lamellar arrangement of fine γ-plates and Al-rich matrix is found after extended heat treatments.

Context. Irregular dwarf galaxies of the Local Group have very varied properties and star formation histories. Some of them formed the majority of their stars very late compared to others. Extreme examples of this are Leo A and Aquarius, which reached the peak of star formation at z < 1 (more than 6 Gyr after the Big Bang). This fact seemingly challenges the ΛCDM cosmological framework because the dark matter halos of these galaxies on average should assemble the majority of their masses before z ~ 2 (<3 Gyr after the Big Bang). Aims. We investigate whether the delayed star formation histories of some irregular dwarf galaxies might be explained purely by the stochasticity of their mass assembly histories coupled with the effect of cosmic reionization. Methods. We developed a semi-analytic model to follow the accretion of baryonic matter, star formation, and stellar feedback in dark matter halos with present-day virial masses 109 M⊙ < Mdm,0 < 1011 M⊙ and with different stochastic growth histories obtained using the PINOCCHIO code based on Lagrangian perturbation theory. Results. We obtain the distributions of observable parameters and the evolution histories for these galaxies. Accretion of baryonic matter is strongly suppressed after the epoch of reionization in some models, but the galaxies continue to accrete dark matter and eventually reach enough mass for accretion of baryonic matter to begin again. These “reborn” model galaxies show delayed star formation histories that are very similar to those of Leo A and Aquarius. Conclusions. We find that the stochasticity caused by mass assembly histories is enhanced in systems with virial masses ~1010 M⊙ because of their sensitivity to the photoionizing intergalactic radiation field after the epoch of reionization. This results in qualitatively different star formation histories in late- and early-forming galaxies, and it might explain the peculiar star formation histories of irregular dwarf galaxies such as Leo A and Aquarius.

We review the causal backreaction paradigm, in which the need for Dark Energy is eliminated via the generation of an apparent cosmic acceleration from the causal flow of inhomogeneity information coming in from distant structure-forming regions. The formalism detailed here incorporates the effects of "recursive nonlinearities": the process by which already-established metric perturbations will subsequently act to slow-down all future flows of inhomogeneity information. Despite such effects, we find viable cosmological models in which causal backreaction successfully serves as a replacement for Dark Energy, via the adoption of relatively large values for the dimensionless "strength" of the clustering evolution functions being modeled. These large values are justified by the hierarchical nature of clustering and virialization in the universe, which occurs on multiple cosmic length scales simultaneously; moreover, the clustering model amplitudes needed to match the apparent acceleration can be moderated via the incorporation of a model parameter representing the late-time slow-down of clustering due to astrophysical feedback processes. In summary, an alternative cosmic concordance can be achieved for a matter-only universe in which the apparent acceleration observed is generated entirely by causal backreaction effects. Lastly, considering the long-term fate of the universe, while the possibility of an "eternal" acceleration due to causal backreaction seems unlikely, this conclusion does not take into account the large-scale breakdown of cosmological isotropy in the far future, or the eventual ubiquity of gravitationally-nonlinear perturbations.

Hydrogen Lyman-α (Lyα) emission has been one of the major observational probes for the high-redshift Universe since the first discoveries of high- z Lyα-emitting galaxies in the late 1990s. Due to the strong Lyα emission originated by resonant scattering and recombination of the most abundant element, Lyα observations witness not only Hii regions of star formation and active galactic nuclei (AGNs) but also diffuse Hi gas in the circumgalactic medium (CGM) and the intergalactic medium (IGM). Here, we review Lyα sources and present theoretical interpretations reached to date. We conclude the following: ▪ A typical Lyα emitter (LAE) at z ≳ 2 with a L* Lyα luminosity is a high- z counterpart of a local dwarf galaxy, a compact metal-poor star-forming galaxy (SFG) with an approximate stellar (dark matter halo) mass and star-formation rate of 108−9M⊙ (1010−11M⊙) and 1–10 M⊙ year−1, respectively. ▪ High- z SFGs ubiquitously have a diffuse Lyα-emitting halo in the CGM extending to the halo virial radius and beyond. ▪ Remaining neutral hydrogen at the epoch of cosmic reionization makes a strong dimming of Lyα emission for galaxies at z > 6 that suggests the late reionization history. The next-generation large-telescope projects will combine Lyα emission data with Hi Lyα absorptions and 21-cm radio data that map out the majority of hydrogen (Hi+Hii) gas, uncovering the exchanges of ( a) matter by outflow and inflow and ( b) radiation, relevant to cosmic reionization, between galaxies and the CGM/IGM.

ABSTRACT We explore two widely used empirical models for the galaxy–halo connection, subhalo abundance matching (SHAM) and the halo occupation distribution (HOD), and compare them with the hydrodynamical simulation IllustrisTNG (TNG) for multiple statistics quantifying the galaxy distribution at $n_{\rm gal}\approx 1.3\times 10^{-3}\, ({\rm Mpc}\,h^{-1})^{-3}$. We observe that in their most straightforward implementations, both models fail to reproduce the two-point clustering measured in TNG. We find that SHAM models that use the relaxation velocity, Vrelax, and the peak velocity, Vpeak, perform best, and match the clustering reasonably well, although neither captures adequately the one-halo clustering. Splitting the total sample into sub-populations, we discover that SHAM overpredicts the clustering of high-mass, blue, star-forming, and late-forming galaxies and underpredicts that of low-mass, red, quiescent, and early-forming galaxies. We also study various baryonic effects, finding that subhaloes in the dark-matter-only simulation have consistently higher values of their SHAM-proxy properties than their full-physics counterparts. We then consider a 2D implementation of the HOD model augmented with a secondary parameter (environment, velocity anisotropy, σ2Rhalf-mass, and total potential) tuned so as to match the two-point clustering of the IllustrisTNG galaxies on large scales. We analyse these galaxy populations adopting alternative statistical tools such as galaxy–galaxy lensing, void–galaxy cross-correlations, and cumulants of the density field, finding that the hydrodynamical galaxy distribution disfavours σ2Rhalf-mass and the total potential as secondary parameters, while the environment and velocity anisotropy samples are consistent with full physics across all statistical probes examined. Our results demonstrate the power of examining multiple statistics for determining the secondary parameters that are vital for understanding the galaxy–halo connection.

We present the apparent stellar angular momentum over the optical extent of 300 galaxies across the Hubble sequence using integral-field spectroscopic (IFS) data from the CALIFA survey. Adopting the same λR parameter previously used to distinguish between slow and fast rotating early-type (elliptical and lenticular) galaxies, we show that spiral galaxies are almost all fast rotators, as expected. Given the extent of our data, we provide relations for λR measured in different apertures (e.g. fractions of the effective radius: 0.5 Re, Re, 2 Re), including conversions to long-slit 1D apertures. Our sample displays a wide range of λRe values, consistent with previous IFS studies. The fastest rotators are dominated by relatively massive and highly star-forming Sb galaxies, which preferentially reside in the main star-forming sequence. These galaxies reach λRe values of ∼0.85, and they are the largest galaxies at a given mass, while also displaying some of the strongest stellar population gradients. Compared to the population of S0 galaxies, our findings suggest that fading may not be the dominant mechanism transforming spirals into lenticulars. Interestingly, we find that λRe decreases for late-type Sc and Sd spiral galaxies, with values that occasionally set them in the slow-rotator regime. While for some of them this can be explained by their irregular morphologies and/or face-on configurations, others are edge-on systems with no signs of significant dust obscuration. The latter are typically at the low-mass end, but this does not explain their location in the classical (V/σ, ε) and (λRe, ε) diagrams. Our initial investigations, based on dynamical models, suggest that these are dynamically hot disks, probably influenced by the observed important fraction of dark matter within Re.

Rotation curves have traditionally been difficult to trace for early-type galaxies (ETGs) because they often lack a high-density disk of cold gas as in late-type galaxies (LTGs). In this work, we derive rotation curves for three lenticular galaxies from the ATLAS3D survey, combining CO data in the inner parts with deep HI data in the outer regions, extending out to 10−20 effective radii. We also use Spitzer photometry at 3.6 μm to decompose the rotation curves into the contributions of baryons and dark matter (DM). We find that (1) the rotation-curve shapes of these ETGs are similar to those of LTGs of a similar mass and surface brightness; (2) the dynamically-inferred stellar mass-to-light ratios are small for quiescent ETGs but similar to those of star-forming LTGs; (3) the DM halos follow the same scaling relations with galaxy luminosity as those of LTGs; and (4) one galaxy (NGC 3626) is poorly fit by cuspy DM profiles, suggesting that DM cores may exist in high-mass galaxies too. Our results indicate that these lenticular galaxies have recently transitioned from LTGs to ETGs without altering their DM halo structure (e.g., via a major merger), and they could be faded spirals. We also confirm that ETGs follow the same radial acceleration relation as LTGs, reinforcing the notion that this is a universal law for all galaxy types.

ABSTRACT The existence of hot, accreted gaseous coronae around massive galaxies is a long-standing central prediction of galaxy formation models in the ΛCDM cosmology. While observations now confirm that extraplanar hot gas is present around late-type galaxies, the origin of the gas is uncertain with suggestions that galactic feedback could be the dominant source of energy powering the emission. We investigate the origin and X-ray properties of the hot gas that surrounds galaxies of halo mass, $(10^{11}\!-\!10^{14}) \, \mathrm{M}_\odot$, in the cosmological hydrodynamical eagle simulations. We find that the central X-ray emission, ≤0.10Rvir, of haloes of mass $\le 10^{13} \, \mathrm{M}_\odot$ originates from gas heated by supernovae (SNe). However, beyond this region, a quasi-hydrostatic, accreted atmosphere dominates the X-ray emission in haloes of mass $\ge 10^{12} \, \mathrm{M}_\odot$. We predict that a dependence on halo mass of the hot gas to dark matter mass fraction can significantly change the slope of the LX–Mvir relation (which is typically assumed to be 4/3 for clusters) and we derive the scaling law appropriate to this case. As the gas fraction in haloes increases with halo mass, we find a steeper slope for the LX–Mvir in lower mass haloes, $\le 10^{14} \, \mathrm{M}_\odot$. This varying gas fraction is driven by active galactic nuclei feedback. We also identify the physical origin of the so-called ‘missing feedback’ problem, the apparently low X-ray luminosities observed from high star-forming, low-mass galaxies. This is explained by the ejection of SNe-heated gas from the central regions of the halo.

ABSTRACT We study the galactic bulges in the Auriga simulations, a suite of 30 cosmological magneto-hydrodynamical zoom-in simulations of late-type galaxies in Milky Way sized dark matter haloes performed with the moving-mesh code arepo. We aim to characterize bulge formation mechanisms in this large suite of galaxies simulated at high resolution in a fully cosmological context. The bulges of the Auriga galaxies show a large variety in their shapes, sizes, and formation histories. According to observational classification criteria, such as Sérsic index and degree of ordered rotation, the majority of the Auriga bulges can be classified as pseudo-bulges, while some of them can be seen as composite bulges with a classical component; however, none can be classified as a classical bulge. Auriga bulges show mostly an in situ origin, $21{{\ \rm per\ cent}}$ of them with a negligible accreted fraction (facc < 0.01). In general, their in situ component was centrally formed, with ${\sim}75{{\ \rm per\ cent}}$ of the bulges forming most of their stars inside the bulge region at z = 0. Part of their in situ mass growth is rapid and is associated with the effects of mergers, while another part is more secular in origin. In $90{{\ \rm per\ cent}}$ of the Auriga bulges, the accreted bulge component originates from less than four satellites. We investigate the relation between the accreted stellar haloes and the bulges of the Auriga simulations. The total bulge mass shows no correlation with the accreted stellar halo mass, as in observations. However, the accreted mass of bulges tends to correlate with their respective accreted stellar halo mass.

I review the excursion set theory with particular attention toward applications to cold dark matter halo formation and growth, halo abundance, and halo clustering. After a brief introduction to notation and conventions, I begin by recounting the heuristic argument leading to the mass function of bound objects given by Press and Schechter. I then review the more formal derivation of the Press–Schechter halo mass function that makes use of excursion sets of the density field. The excursion set formalism is powerful and can be applied to numerous other problems. I review the excursion set formalism for describing both halo clustering and bias and the properties of void regions. As one of the most enduring legacies of the excursion set approach and one of its most common applications, I spend considerable time reviewing the excursion set theory of halo growth. This section of the review culminates with the description of two Monte Carlo methods for generating ensembles of halo mass accretion histories. In the last section, I emphasize that the standard excursion set approach is the result of several simplifying assumptions. Dropping these assumptions can lead to more faithful predictions and open excursion set theory to new applications. One such assumption is that the height of the barriers that define collapsed objects is a constant function of scale. I illustrate the implementation of the excursion set approach for barriers of arbitrary shape. One such application is the now well-known improvement of the excursion set mass function derived from the "moving" barrier for ellipsoidal collapse. I also emphasize that the statement that halo accretion histories are independent of halo environment in the excursion set approach is not a general prediction of the theory. It is a simplifying assumption. I review the method for constructing correlated random walks of the density field in the more general case. I construct a simple toy model to illustrate that excursion set theory (with a constant barrier height) makes a simple and general prediction for the relation between halo accretion histories and the large-scale environments of halos: regions of high density preferentially contain late-forming halos and conversely for regions of low density. I conclude with a brief discussion of the importance of this prediction relative to recent numerical studies of the environmental dependence of halo properties.

In China, marine and land transitional fine-grained rocks (shale, mudstone, and so on) are widely distributed and are known to have large accumulated thicknesses. However, shale gas explorations of these types of rock have only recently been initiated, thus the research degree is very low. Therefore, this study was conducted in order to improve the research data regarding the gas accumulation theory of marine and continental transitional fine-grained rock, as well as investigate the shale gas generation potential in the Late Paleozoic fine-grained rock masses located in the Huanghebei Area of western Shandong Province. The hydrocarbon generation characteristics of the epicontinental sea coal measures were examined using sedimentology, petrography, geochemistry, oil and gas geology, tectonics, and combined experimental testing processes. The thick fine-grained rocks were found to have been deposited in the sedimentary environments of the tidal flats, barriers, lagoons, deltas, and rivers during the Late Paleozoic in the study area. The most typical fine-grained rocks were located between the No. 5 coal seam of the Shanxi Formation and the No. 10 coal seam of the Taiyuan Formation, with an average thickness of 84.8 m. These formations were mainly distributed in the western section of the Huanghebei Area. The total organic carbon content level of the fine-grained rock was determined to be 2.09% on average, and the higher content levels were located in the western section of the Huanghebei Area. The main organic matter types of the fine-grained rock were observed to be kerogen II, followed by kerogen III. The vitrinite reflectance ( Ro) of the fine-grained rock was between 0.72 and 1.25%, which indicated that the gas generation of the dark fine-grained rock was within a favorable range, and the maturity of the rock was mainly in a medium stage in the northern section of the Huanghebei Area. It was determined that the average content of brittle minerals in the fine-grained rock was 55.7%. The dissolution pores and micro-cracks were the dominating pores in the fine-grained rock, followed by intergranular pores and intercrystalline pores. It was also found that both the porosity and permeability of the fine-grained rock were very low in the study area. The desorption gas content of the fine-grained rock was determined to be between 0.986 and 4.328 m3/t, with an average content of 2.66 m3/t. The geological structures were observed to be simple in the western section of the Huanghebei Area, and the occurrence impacts on the shale gas were minimal. However, the geological structures were found be complex in the eastern section of the study area, which was unfavorable for shale gas storage. The depths of the fine-grained rock were between 414.05 and 1290.55 m and were observed to become increasingly deeper from the southwestern section to the northern section. Generally speaking, there were found to be good reservoir forming conditions and great resource potential for marine and continental transitional shale gas in the study area.

Abstract If the formation of central galaxies in dark matter haloes traces the assembly history of their host haloes, in haloes of fixed mass, central galaxy clustering may show dependence on properties indicating their formation history. Such a galaxy assembly bias effect has been investigated by Lin et al. (2016), with samples of central galaxies constructed in haloes of similar mass and with mean halo mass verified by galaxy lensing measurements, and no significant evidence of assembly bias is found from the analysis of the projected two-point correlation functions of early- and late-forming central galaxies. In this work, we extend the the investigation of assembly bias effect from real space to redshift (velocity) space, with an extended construction of early- and late-forming galaxies. We carry out halo occupation distribution modelling to constrain the galaxy-halo connection to see whether there is any sign of the effect of assembly bias. We find largely consistent host halo mass for early- and late-forming central galaxies, corroborated by lensing measurements. The central velocity bias parameters, which are supposed to characterise the mutual relaxation between central galaxies and their host haloes, are inferred to overlap between early- and late-forming central galaxies. However, we find a large amplitude of velocity bias for early-forming central galaxies (e.g. with central galaxies moving at more than 50% that of dark matter velocity dispersion inside host haloes), which may signal an assembly bias effect. A large sample with two-point correlation functions and other clustering measurements and improved modelling will help reach a conclusive result.

Abstract We present deep imaging of the ultra-diffuse Andromeda XIX dwarf galaxy from the Advance Camera for Surveys on the Hubble Space Telescope which resolves its stellar populations to below the oldest main sequence turn-off. We derive a full star formation history for the galaxy using MATCH, and find no evidence of star formation in the past 8 Gyr. We calculate a quenching time of τ90 = 9.7 ± 0.2 Gyr, suggesting Andromeda XIX ceased forming stars very early on. This early quenching, combined with its extremely large half-light radius, low density dark matter halo and lower than expected metallicity make it a unique galaxy within the Local Group and raises questions about how it formed. The early quenching time allows us to rule out feedback from bursty star formation as a means to explain its diffuse stellar population and low density dark matter halo. We find that the extended stellar population, low density halo and star formation could be explained by either tidal interactions (such as tidal shocking) or by late dry mergers, with the latter also explaining its low metallicity. Proper motions and detailed abundances would allow us to distinguish between these two scenarios.

Abstract One of the primary goals when studying galaxy formation is to understand how the luminous component of the Universe, galaxies, relates to the growth of structure which is dominated by the gravitational collapse of dark matter haloes. The stellar-to-halo mass relation probes how galaxies occupy dark matter haloes and what that entails for their star formation history. We deliver the first self-consistent empirical model that can place constraints on the stellar-to-halo mass relation down to log stellar mass log10(m*/M⊙) ≤ 5.0 by fitting our model directly to Local Group dwarf data. This is accomplished by penalising galaxy growth in late-forming, low-mass haloes by mimicking the effects of reionization. This process serves to regulate the number density of galaxies by altering the scatter in halo peak mass $M^{\mathrm{peak}}_{h}$ at fixed stellar mass, creating a tighter scatter than would otherwise exist without a high-z quenching mechanism. Our results indicate that the previously established double-power law stellar-to-halo mass relation can be extended to include galaxies with $\log _{10}(M^{\mathrm{peak}}_{\mathrm{h}}/{\rm M}_{\odot })\gtrsim 10.0$. Furthermore, we show that haloes with $\log _{10}(M^{\mathrm{peak}}_{\mathrm{h}}/{\rm M}_{\odot })\lesssim 9.3$ by z = 4 are unlikely to host a galaxy with log10(m*/M⊙) &gt; 5.0.

Abstract Using the DIANOGA hydrodynamical zoom-in simulation set of galaxy clusters, we analyze the dynamics traced by stars belonging to the Brightest Cluster Galaxies (BCGs) and their surrounding diffuse component, forming the intracluster light (ICL), and compare it to the dynamics traced by dark matter and galaxies identified in the simulations. We compute scaling relations between the BCG and cluster velocity dispersions and their corresponding masses (i.e. $M_\mathrm{BCG}^{\star }$– $\sigma _\mathrm{BCG}^{\star }$, M200– σ200, $M_\mathrm{BCG}^{\star }$– M200, $\sigma _\mathrm{BCG}^{\star }$– σ200), we find in general a good agreement with observational results. Our simulations also predict $\sigma _\mathrm{BCG}^{\star }$– σ200 relation to not change significantly up to redshift z = 1, in line with a relatively slow accretion of the BCG stellar mass at late times. We analyze the main features of the velocity dispersion profiles, as traced by stars, dark matter, and galaxies. As a result, we discuss that observed stellar velocity dispersion profiles in the inner cluster regions are in excellent agreement with simulations. We also report that the slopes of the BCG velocity dispersion profile from simulations agree with what is measured in observations, confirming the existence of a robust correlation between the stellar velocity dispersion slope and the cluster velocity dispersion (thus, cluster mass) when the former is computed within 0.1R500. Our results demonstrate that simulations can correctly describe the dynamics of BCGs and their surrounding stellar envelope, as determined by the past star-formation and assembly histories of the most massive galaxies of the Universe.

The release of the film Fight Club (Dir. David Fincher, 1999) was met with an outpouring of contradictory reviews. From David Ansen’s [Newsweek] claim that “Fight Club is the most incendiary movie to come out of Hollywood in a long time” (Fight Club DVD insert) to LA Times’s Kenneth Turan who proclaimed Fight Club to be “…a witless mishmash of whiny, infantile philosophising and bone-crushing violence that actually thinks it’s saying something of significance” (Fight Club DVD insert), everyone, it seemed, needed to weigh in with their views. Whether you think the film is a piece of witless and excessive trash, or believe, as Fight Club novelist Chuck Palahniuk hopes “it would offer more people the idea that they could create their own lives outside the existing blueprint for happiness offered by society,” this is a film that people react strongly to (Fight Club DVD insert). Whether or not the film is successful in the new ‘blueprint’ area is debatable and one focus of this essay. It isn’t difficult to spot the focus of the film Fight Club. The title and the graphic, edgy trailers for the film leave no doubt in the viewer’s mind that this film is about fighting. But fighting what and why are the questions that unveil the deeper edge to the film, an edge that skirts the abyss of deep psychological schism: man’s alienation from man, society and self, and the position of the late twentieth century male whose gendered potentialities have become muted thanks to corporate cookie-cutter culture and the loss of a ‘hunter-gatherer’ role for men. In a nutshell, the film explores the psychic rift of the main character, unnamed for the film, but conventionally referred to as “Jack” (played by Ed Norton). Jack leads a life many late twentieth century males can identify with, a life without real grounding, focus or passion. It is the kind of life that has become a by-product of the “me” generation and corporate/consumer culture. Aside from Jack’s inability to find real satisfaction in his love life, friendships, job, or sense of self, he also suffers from an identity disorder. While there are few people who are unaware of the mind-numbing (and in some cases, audience-alienating) “twist” offered near the end of the film, it bears repeating that the compelling character of Tyler Durden (played by Brad Pitt) who shapes and influences the changes in Jack’s life is actually revealed near the end of the film as a manifestation of Jack’s alter ego. Jack and Tyler are the same person. The two conspire to start ‘Fight Club’, where men hit other men. Hard. The Club becomes an underground sensation, expanding to other communities and cities and eventually spawns the offshoot Project Mayhem whose goal it is to ultimately erase individual debt so everyone (all consumers) can start at zero. In order to manage this affair, several large buildings are slated for destruction by the Mayhem team. Of course no people will be in the buildings at the time, but all the records will be destroyed. This is the core of the film, but there are several other interesting sidelights that will become important to this discussion, including the lone female character Marla who becomes the love interest of Jack/Tyler, and the friend Bob, whom Jack meets during his insomniac foray into the seedy underworld of the self help meeting. The film itself seems to cry out for a psychoanalytic reading. Its thinly veiled references to Freudian concepts and subliminal tricks aside, it also makes the inner world of the protagonist its landscape and backdrop. In a film dominated by a psychological and psychical problem, psychoanalysis seems an excellent tool for delving more deeply into the symbols and attitudes of the piece. I have chosen both Kleinian object relations and Julia Kristeva’s understanding of abjection to help illuminate some issues in the film. Object relations helps to make clear both the divergence of personality and the emergence of a ‘repaired’ protagonist at the end of the film as Jack first creates and then destroys his alter ego. Kristeva initially explored abjection theory via literature in Powers of Horror (1982), but Barbara Creed’s Monstrous Feminine: Film, Feminism and Psychoanalysis (1993) opened wide the door for applications of the theory to film studies. Creed uses abjection to explore issues of gender in the horror film, focusing on the role and depiction of women as abject. Here, I have adapted some of her ideas and intend to explore the role of abjection in the male identification process. In this film fighting operates as both reality and metaphor, on both the physical and psychical levels, encompassing the internal and external fight within the mind and body of the protagonist. Jack’s main problem is a lack of concrete identity and self-realization. Numbed by his willing and eager participation in consumer culture and his tacit compliance with the gritty underworld of his job as an automotive ‘recall coordinator’, his life’s work is estimating the cost effectiveness of saving lives by calculating the cost of death. In Jack’s world, meaning is derived solely through the external—external products he consumes and collects. Jack’s consumer-based emasculation is expressed when he states, “Like so many others I had become a slave to the Ikea nesting instinct.” In this sentence he clarifies his disempowerment and feminisation in one swoop. Having few, if any, relationships with human beings, meaningful or otherwise, Jack never reaches a level of social maturity. His only solace comes from visiting anonymous help groups for the terminally ill. Although Jack is physically fine (aside from his insomnia) a part of him is clearly dying, as his sense of who he is in a postmodern culture is hopelessly mediated by advertisements that tell him what to be. In the absence of a father, Jack appears to have had no real role models. Made ‘soft’ by his mother, Jack exhibits a not so subtle misogyny that is illustrated through his relationship with fellow ‘tourist’ in the self-help circles, Marla Singer. Jack’s identity issues unfold via various conflicts, each of which is enmeshed in the club he starts that revolves around the physical pain of hand-to-hand, man-on-man combat. Jack’s conflicts with himself, others and society at large are all compressed within the theme and practice of fighting and the fight clubs he institutes. Fighting for Jack (and the others who join) seems the answer to life’s immediate problems. This essay looks deeply into Jack’s identity conflict, viewing it as a moment of psychic crisis in which Jack creates an alternate personality deeply steeped in and connected to the ‘abject’ in almost every way. Thus, Jack forces himself to confront the abject in himself and the world around him, dealing with abjection on several levels all with a view to expelling it to restore the ‘clean and proper’ boundaries necessary in the ‘whole’ self. Viewed though the lens of psychoanalysis, particularly Klein’s work on object relations and Kristeva’s work with abjection, allows a reading in which the film expresses the need for and accomplishment of a self-activated encounter with the abject in order to redraw ‘clean and proper’ boundaries of self. This film’s tag lines, ‘Mischief, Mayhem and Soap’—illustrate both the presence (Mischief, Mayhem) and function (Soap) of the abject—the interaction with the abject will lead to a ‘clean’ subject—a proper subject, a restored subject. Before continuing, a brief discussion of abjection and object relations and the ways in which they are utilized in this essay is essential here. One of Klein’s major propositions is that “the neonate brings into the world two main conflicting impulses: love and hate” (Mitchell 19). Each of these conflicting impulses must be dealt with, usually by either “bringing them together in order to modify the death drive along with the life drive or expelling the death drive into the outside world” (19). Along with this conflict arises the conflict of a primary relationship with the mother, which is seen as both satisfying and frustrating, and then later complicated with the addition of the father. The main conflicting love/hate binary is reflective of a number of ‘sets’ of dualities that surface when looking into the mother/child relationship. Besides love and hate, there is the ‘good’ and ‘bad’ mother, the mother as symbolic of both life and death, the symbolic (paternal) and semiotic (maternal), total oneness and total autonomy. The curious ‘split’ nature of the infant’s perception of the maternal figure recalls a kind of doppelganger, a doubling of the maternal (in positive and negative incarnations), that can be seen as abject. In the film, this informs the relationship between both Jack and Marla and Jack and Tyler, as I argue Tyler and Marla serve as parental substitutes at one part in the film. This is clarified in Jack’s statements about his relationship with the two of them: “My parents pulled this exact same act for years” and “I am six years old again, passing messages between parents.” This imaginary relationship allows Jack to re-experience some of his early identification processes, while effectively trading out the gender responsibilities to the point where Tyler symbolically takes the place of the ‘mother’ and Marla the place of the ‘father’. The result of this action is an excess of male gendered experiences in which Jack in crisis (emasculated) is surrounded by phalluses. Kristeva’s work with abjection is also important here. I am especially interested in her understanding of the mother/child relationship as connected with abjection, particularly the threat the mother represents to the child as wanting to return to a state of oneness. The abject functions in Fight Club as a means for the protagonist to re-configure his own autonomy. For Kristeva, the abject is that which is cast out in order that “I” may exist. It exists at the borders of the self and continually draws the subject into it. As the subject revolts and pulls away, its resistance cues the process of defining itself as separate, proper and autonomous. When the narrative of Jack’s life refuses to make sense to him, and his experiences seem like “a copy of a copy of a copy,” Jack turns inward for help. Kristeva says that the abject is “experienced at the peak of its strength when that subject, weary of fruitless attempts to identify with something on the outside, finds the impossible within” (5). Thus Jack ‘finds’ Tyler. The abject, [represented by Bob, Tyler and Marla in the film] is that which disturbs “identity, system, order. What does not respect borders, positions, rules” (Kristeva 4). As the abject is that which blurs boundaries borders and classification, the film itself is steeped in abject images and ideas. The discrete categories of inside/outside, asleep/awake, male/female, and self/other are continually troubled throughout the narrative. The two most confused binaries are male/female and self/other. As the film is about Jack’s own experience of emasculation it is not until the male/female gender issues are resolved that his self/other issues can be resolved. Through the re-ordering of gender he is able to take his place in society alongside Marla, finally viewed as not his mother or friend but lover. Jack Versus Himself: A Cult Of One Jack is able to re-vamp his personality through exposure to the abject and the replaying of certain key object relations moments in his childhood. He engages with this ‘inner child’ to reconnect with psychically difficult moments in which his ‘self’ emerged. Jack, however, twists the typical plot of maternal and paternal bonding in ways that speak to the underlying misogyny of the film and of late twentieth century society as well. While the story begins with both male and female characters in unnatural roles with unnatural and abject body parts, by the end of the film, these ‘abnormalities’ or abject objects are erased, ejected from the text so Jack is restored to the ‘safety’ of a compulsory heterosexuality. Bob, Tyler and Marla’s characters are three examples of gender twisting expressed in the film. In psychoanalytic literature, the child bonds first to the mother (via feeding from the breast and in-utero existence) and experiences a feeling of total oneness impossible to duplicate. Eventually the child seeks autonomy and breaks from the mother and her clinging ways with the help of the father and the phallus. So in basic terms, the female is abject, representing infantile regression and oneness, and the male represents taking the proper place in the symbolic order. When the female (mother) is denied, the male accepts his natural place in culture and society. However, in this film, Tyler (the male) is the abject presence in the text, that which threatens to consume and subsume the narrator’s personality. It is Marla, the phallic woman, who interposes herself in this dyad and becomes the correct choice for Jack, allowing him to proceed into ‘normal relations.’ Early in the film, Jack is unable to envision a female partner with whom he can open up and share, instead substituting Bob—and his doubly signified ‘bitch-tits’—as a locus of comfort. In Bob’s ample bosom, Jack finds the release he is looking for, though it is unnatural in more ways than one. The feminised Bob [testicular cancer patient] comforts and coddles Jack so much that he feels the same idyllic bliss experienced by the infant at the mother’s breast; Jack feels “lost in oblivion, dark and silent and complete.” That night he is able for the first time in months to sleep: “Babies don’t sleep this well.” This illustrates Jack’s longing for the safety and security of the mother, complicated by his inability to bond with a female, replaced with his deep need for identification with a male. Continuing the twist, it is Marla who foils Jack’s moment of infantile bliss: “She ruined everything” with her presence, Jack sneers. Jack’s regression to this infantile bliss with either man or woman would be perceived as abject, (disrupting system and order) but this particular regression is at least doubly abject because of Bob’s unnatural breasts and lack of testicles. Both Bob, and to some degree Tyler, offer abjection to Jack as a way of dealing with this complexities of autonomous living. While my argument is that Tyler takes the traditional ‘female’ role in the drama, as a figure (like Bob) who lures Jack into an unnatural oneness that must ultimately be rejected, it is true that even in his position as abject ‘female’ (mother), Tyler is overwhelmingly phallic. His ‘jobs’ consist of splicing shots of penises into films, urinating and masturbating into restaurant food and engaging in acrobatic sex with Marla. Since Marla, who occupies the position of father bringing Jack into society away from the influence of Tyler, is also coded phallic, Jack’s world is overwhelmingly symbolically male. This appears to be a response to the overwhelming physical presence of Jack’s mother of which Tyler comments, “We’re a generation of men raised by women. I am wondering if another woman is really the answer we need?” During this same scene, Jack clarifies his regressive dilemma: “I can’t get married, I am a thirty year old boy.” Thus while Tyler campaigns for a world without women, Jack must decide if this is the correct way to go. Immersion in the world of uber-maleness only seems to make his life worse. It is only after he ‘kills’ Tyler and accepts Marla as a partner that he can feel successful. In another help meeting, one of the guided meditations emphasizes his regression by asking him to go to his “cave” and locate his “power animal.” This early in the film, Jack can only envision his power animal as a rather silly penguin, which, although phallic to some extent, is undercut by the fact that it speaks with a child’s voice. In the next visualization of the ‘power animal’, the animal becomes Marla—clarifying her influence over Jack’s subconscious. The threat of Marla’s sexuality is on one level explored with Jack’s counterpart Tyler, the one who dares to go where Jack will not, but their encounters are not shown in a ‘natural’ or fully mature light. They are instead equated with childhood experimentation and regressive fantasies as Marla responds that she “hasn’t been fucked like that since grade school” and Tyler proclaims the relationship is mere “sportfucking.” It is Tyler who discovers Marla’s oversized dildo proudly displayed on a dresser, of which she states “Don’t worry its not a threat to you.” This phallicized Marla refers to herself as “infectious human waste,” clearly abject. Marla’s power must be muted before Jack can truly relate to her. This is illustrated in two separate ‘visions’ of sexual intercourse—one between Marla and Tyler early in the film in which Marla assumes the dominant position, and then later near the end of the film when the same encounter is replayed with Jack taking Tyler’s place, Marla now in the standard missionary position on her back: Proper. Jack’s struggle with self is played out via his relationship with Tyler (and Marla to some degree). Once Jack has been exposed to the various levels of abject behaviour offered by Tyler and Project Mayhem, he chooses to go it alone, no longer needing the double he himself created. After experiencing and rejecting the abject, Jack redraws his boundaries and cleanses his soul. Jack Versus Society—The Personal Is Political Jack’s personal struggle becomes political—and communal. Another attempt at forming identity, Fight Club is bound to fail because it offers not autonomy but a group identity substituted for an individual one. While Jack loathes his ‘single serving life’ before Fight Club, he must come to realize that a group identity brings more problems than solutions in an identity crisis. While the comfort of ‘oneness’ is alluring, it is also abject. As Jack is able to finally refuse the safely and oneness offered by Tyler’s existence, he must also deny the safety in numbers offered by Fight Club itself. The cult he creates swallows members whole, excreting them as the “all singing all dancing crap of the world.” They eat, drink and sleep Fight Club and eventually its ‘evolutionary’ offshoot, Project Mayhem. During his involvement with Fight Club and Project Mayhem, Jack is exposed to three levels of abjection including food loathing, bodily wastes, and the corpse, each of which threaten to draw him to the “place where meaning collapses” (Kristeva 2). Jack’s first experience involves Tyler’s (a)vocation as a waiter who urinates and probably masturbates into patrons’ food. This mingling of bodily wastes and nourishment represents the most elementary form of abjection: food loathing. While Jack appears amused at Tyler’s antics in the beginning, by the end of the film, he illustrates his movement closer to self-identification, by calling for “clean food, please” signalling his alliance with the clean and proper. Bodily wastes, the internal made visible, represent the most extended contact Jack has with the abject. These experiences, when what is properly outside ends up inside and vice versa, begin with bloody hand-to-hand combat, including Tyler’s vomiting of blood into the mouth of an unwilling Fight Club participant “Lou”, causing another witness to vomit as well. The physical aversion to abject images (blood, pus, excrement) is part of the redrawing of self—the abject is ejected –via nausea/vomiting. Kristeva explains: “I give birth to myself amid the violence of sobs, of vomit” (3). The images continue to pile up as Jack describes life in the Paper Street house: “What a shit hole.” The house slowly decomposes around them, leaking and mouldy, releasing its own special smell: the rot of a “warm stale refrigerator” mixed with the “fart smell of steam” from a nearby industrial plant. While at Paper Street, Tyler decides to make soap. Soap in itself is an agent of cleanliness, but in this context it is abject and defiled by being composed of human waste. In a deeply abject moment, Jack is accidentally covered in refuse that spills from a ripped bag full of human fat pilfered from a liposuction clinic. Even at this profoundly disturbing moment, Jack is unwilling to give up his associations with Tyler and Project Mayhem. It is only after his encounter with a corpse that he changes his tune. While Fight Club attempted to blur physical boundaries via hand-to-hand combat and exchange of blood and blows, Project Mayhem threatens the psychic boundaries of self, a deeper danger. While a loud speaker drones “we are all part of the same compost heap” and a fellow occupant reminds Jack “In project mayhem we have no names,” Jack realizes he is truly losing himself, not gaining strength. Mayhem’s goal of ‘oneness’, like the maternal and infant experience, is exposed via slogans like “you are not a beautiful and unique snowflake. You are the same decaying organic matter as everything else.” Tyler finally puts his cards on the table and asks Jack to “stop trying to control everything and just let go.” For Kristeva, “If dung signifies the other side of the border, the place where I am not and which permits me to be, the corpse, the most sickening of wastes, is a border that has encroached upon everything”(3). The corpse of Bob causes Jack to confront the boundaries of life and death, both spiritual and physical, as he opens his eyes to the damaging effects of the cult-like environment into which he has fallen. Jack’s momentary indecision morphs into action after Bob’s death becomes just one more mantra for the zombie-like Project Mayhemers to chant: “His name was Robert Paulson.” Jack’s internal and external struggles are compressed into one moment when he commits homo(sui)cide. Placing a gun in his mouth, he attempts to rid himself of Tyler forever, his final words to Tyler: “My eyes are open now”. At this point, Jack is psychically ready to take charge of his life and confidently eject the abject from the narrative of his life. He wants no more to do with Project Mayhem gang and is reunited with Marla with whom he finally appears ready to have a fully realized relationship. His masculinity and identity restoration are made blindingly apparent by the final splice in the film—the image of Marla and Jack hand in hand overlooking the new view out of the tower, spliced with the shot of a semi-erect penis—back to shot of Marla and Jack. The message is clear: Jack is a man, he has a woman, and he knows who he is because of it. While Fight Club novelist Palahniuk hopes the film offers options for life “outside the existing blueprint offered by society” (Fight Club DVD insert). On the other hand, it’s unclear how well the film pulls this off. On one hand, its lambasting of the numbing effects of blind and excessive consumerism seems well explored, it’s unclear what options really surface by the end of the film. Although many targeted buildings have been destroyed, through which the viewer can assume some or even most records of individual debt were erased, the building in which Marla and Jack stand (initially slated for destruction) remains. Perhaps this is meant to signify the impossibility of true financial equality in American society. But it seems to me that the more pressing issues are not the ones openly addressed in the film (that of money and consumerism) but rather the more internalised issues of self-actualisation, gender identity and contentment. In a postmodern space ripe for the redrawing and redefinition of gender stereotypes, this film carefully reinscribes not only compulsory heterosexuality but also the rigid boundaries of acceptable male and female behaviour. For this film, the safest route to repairing male identity and self-hood threatened by the emasculating practices of a consumer culture is a route back. Back to infantile and childhood fantasy. While it dances provocatively around the edges of accepting a man with ‘bitch tits’ and a woman with a dick, ultimately Bob is killed and Marla reclaimed by Jack in an ‘I’m ok you’re ok’ final scene: “Look at me Marla, I am really OK”. Jack’s immersion in an all male cult(ure) is eschewed for the comfort of real breasts. Works Cited Creed, Barbara. The Monstrous Feminine: Film, Feminism and Psychoanalysis. New York: Routledge, 1993. Fight Club. Dir. David Fincher. 1999. Fight Club DVD edition. Dir. David Fincher. 2000. Kristeva, Julia. Powers of Horror: An Essay On Abjection. New York: Columbia Press: 1982. Mitchell, Juliet. The Selected Melanie Klein. New York: The Free Press, 1986. Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Caldwell, Tracy M.. "Identity Making from Soap to Nuts" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 6.1 (2003). Dn Month Year < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0302/10-identitymaking.php>. APA Style Caldwell, T. M., (2003, Feb 26). Identity Making from Soap to Nuts. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,(1). Retrieved Month Dn, Year, from http://www.media-culture.org.au/0302/10-identitymaking.html

The 1900s and 1910s were a prime era for the growth and empowerment of cadet corps within Australia. Private schools in particular sought to build on a newfound spirit of nationalism following the Federation of the colonies in 1901 by harnessing enthusiasm for the nation and British Empire, and by cultivating a martial culture among their predominantly middle-class students. The principal tool harnessed in that cultivation were the school cadet corps, and the most visible symbol of those corps were their uniforms. By focussing on the cadet corps in the private schools of Sydney during this era, this article will explore the emphasis placed on cadet corps uniforms and argue that uniforms were the central element used cultivate a sense of identity and esprit de corps. When considered within the context of broader cadet corps activities, this will further demonstrate the power of uniforms as an instrument of cultural inculcation. The Federation of Australia in 1901 ushered in a new environment of national defence anxiety amongst the new nation’s middle-class citizens. The drive to Federation itself had partly been fuelled by colonial concerns regarding defence, and, in the new century, the newly federated states sought to work together to allay their combined concerns (White 114). But government policies were only one of the many ways the middle class were preparing the nation. Within the education system, middle-class private schools became a key instrument in preparing middle-class boys for their future as leaders of the nation in politics, business, and, of course, in the military. Within those schools, the cadet corps were utilised to instil core middle-class values of discipline, self-sacrifice, and responsibility in boys. As early as 1900, Sydney Grammar School authorities were proposing the resuscitation of their cadet corps following the rise in military spirit due to the Boer War (The Sydneian "Editorial", 1). The subsequent growth in both national and imperial defence-consciousness over the following years resulted in 100 boys forming a petition requesting the formation of a cadet corps in 1907 (The Sydneian "The Cadet Movement", 12). Within a year, the boys’ request was granted. With this type of enthusiasm from boys, the cadet corps increased in strength throughout the private schools of Sydney during the 1900s. Where they had already existed, they now commanded greater prestige, and where a school previously had no cadet corps, one was soon formed. In 1911, Compulsory Military Training commenced in Australia for all youths aged between 12 and 26, with a view to creating a citizens’ militia. Thus, militarism was a marked element in the new nation’s first decade. The changing nature of society during the 1900s also led to changing images of the ideal citizen, and understandably, of the ‘ideal middle-class boy’. Martin Crotty argues that in the 1900s, Australian middle-class society stressed that ‘fighting for one’s country is the peak of personal achievement and the epitome of manliness’ (9). Crotty goes on to examine the perceptions of middle-class manliness throughout the 1900s and 1910s, where masculinity was defined as the soldier serving his country, and the ‘manliest’ thing a person could do was to fight and die in war. Within this context, then, it is no surprise that private school boys welcomed the cadet system openly and were prepared to adhere to the discipline and the drill that went with it without a fuss. At St. Ignatius College, the school magazine Our Alma Mater reported in 1909 that ‘with enthusiasm on the part of the Corps, and attention to details by the officers, both commissioned and non-commissioned, the College will be in possession of a really fine corps of the future defenders of the Commonwealth’. Cadets were seen as a partial answer to middle-class fears about the defence of Australia. The cadets would provide strong, disciplined, and willing officers in an army if it was needed for the defence of country and empire. It would also make decent men of the boys, curing them of the slothful habits of modern youth. The Newington reported during the first year of Compulsory Military Training that in a year’s time we shall see a great improvement in the appearance and physique of those who have never hitherto had any instruction in the art of bodily discipline and culture. The slouch and roll so much in vogue amongst a certain class of boys will have disappeared, we hope, and a manlier, firmer walk have taken their place. (December 1911, 171) The Newington succinctly conveyed the hopes of all the private schools of Sydney, irrespective of denomination. Much has been written about the history of the cadet corps within the Australian historical literature. Craig Stockings’s The Torch and the Sword remains a seminal work in the field due to its broad focus on the general cadet movement in Australia. Beyond this, most scholarly works focus either on a specific cadet corps, specific location or region, specific theme, or on a specific period.1 However, relatively scant attention has been paid to the importance of their uniforms, and when uniforms are mentioned, it is usually only briefly and in passing. Given the centrality of the uniform to the culture and identity of the cadet corps, this is a surprising gap in the scholarship that this article seeks to address. The military uniform is ‘a relatively recent phenomenon’ (Tynan and Godson 10). While uniforms appear as far back as antiquity, their widespread adoption over the last couple of centuries is due to a convergence of social norms and technology. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, the increasing numbers of public servants meant that more civilians were uniformed whilst performing their duties (Williams-Mitchell 61). Tynan and Godson argue that ‘as state, society and nation converged towards the end of the nineteenth century uniform became part of a modern culture increasingly concerned with regulating time, space, and bodies’ (Tynan and Godson 6). The development of a regular military occurred within this space and can be seen as of part of the development of the stable nation state (Hackett 61). Standardisation of dress for large professional armies was enabled by technological developments brought about by the industrial revolution. Mass production of apparel meant that uniforms could be quickly produced and at a lower cost. In addition, the social culture of the late Victorian and early Edwardian eras in the British Empire was reflected in the material culture of their uniforms. During the First World War, military uniforms tended to be influenced by civilian fashion, while during the Second World War ‘a much more systematic approach to military uniforms could be seen’ (Craik 49). Uniforms have a psychological and social significance beyond identity. Uniforms legitimise the power of both the state and of the person wearing the uniform. The uniform seeks to overlay the image of the institution onto the person, obscuring the individual beneath. Uniforms have a power beyond just the outward appearance, they also affect us as individuals, shaping ‘how we are and how we perform our identities’ (Craik 4). This was recognised by utilitarian reformers at the turn of the twentieth century who ‘saw in the military body an efficiency that could usefully be transposed to civil society’ (Tynan and Godson 11), thereby shaping the populace’s inner as well as their outer selves (Craik 4). Further uniforms are about appearance, maintaining high standards of dress and a sense of belonging (Williams-Mitchell 111). Uniforms are instrumental in the creation of an esprit de corps (Langner 126). Being in the military is seen as more than an occupation, it is a vocation (Hackett 9), and to don a uniform communicates one’s sense of purpose. Part of this is achieved through the maintenance and correct wearing of the uniform, the discipline involved setting a moral high bar for others to measure themselves against. The use of school uniforms, particularly within the private school system, had been established by the end of the nineteenth century. While the addition of a military uniform for student cadets may at first seen incongruous, there are clear reasons why these uniforms would be appealing. Up to and during the First World War, British army officers were ‘still the preserve of young men of good social standing’ (Hackett 158), an association which no doubt appealed to schools whose remit was to prepare young men for leadership positions within society. Further, military uniforms were traditionally seen as an inherently masculine dress, with a ‘close fit between the attributes of normative masculinity as inscribed in uniform conduct and normative masculine roles and attributes’ (Craik 12-13). In Australia, wearing the cadet uniform elevated the schoolboy to a member of the Australian defence force and he was treated as such (Wise 132). As a symbol of government, the uniform endows the wearer with the authority of that same government (Langner 124). Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the various cadet corps that emerged from Sydney’s private schools were formed to fulfil a variety of middle-class priorities. But by the 1900s, rhetoric had shifted to emphasise that the cadets were instilling discipline into boys and preparing youth for the defence of Australia and the British Empire. They were also used as a means to express school pride and identity. The stern militarism surrounding most of the cadet activities allowed the instructors to impress upon cadets values of discipline, duty, and sacrifice and to promote romantic illusions of warfare, and, above all, the idea that war was an adventure. Cadets were also taught that their training was preparation for war. Rifle practice, drill, skirmishes, camps, hiding behind trees and running around hills to attack the enemy from behind, using bushes as cover to sneak up on the enemy (all while in uniform) – these were the tactics of modern warfare. And cadets were left in no doubt that they would become the officers of the nation’s defence forces when needed. Throughout the conduct of all of their activities, the cadet corps uniform served as a constant visual reminder of that message. Boys generally wore variations of dark green uniforms with a slouch hat, and at times carried rifles with either blank or live ammunition, depending on their purpose. Some schools used ethnic and cultural traditions and social links in the formation of their cadet corps which was also reflected by varieties in their uniforms. For example, the cadets at Scots College were sponsored by the New South Wales Scottish Rifles (later the 30th Battalion, New South Wales Scottish) and based its uniform on that of the Rifles. It consisted of a slouch hat with a red hackle and blue and gold puggaree, a serge jacket in the Scottish tradition, and kilts from the early 1900s until all uniforms became regulated under Compulsory Military Training in 1911. From the time a boy put on his cadet uniform to the time he took it off he was treated as part of Australia’s defence force, and no longer simply a student at school. The uniform, then, became the prominent visual marker of that shifting role and identity. J. McElhone of St. Joseph’s College wrote in the school magazine in March 1911 that ‘when we don our uniforms, and are armed with rifles, we shall then commence to take a soldierly pride in ourselves’. While in uniform the boys were expected to act like soldiers, and their instructors (also in uniform) treated them much like soldiers, with high standards of drill, discipline, and order maintained. Indeed, throughout the 1900s, the cadet corps commanded as much prestige as the rugby and rowing teams. Cleanliness, discipline, and good order during public parades were met with salutations and praise. Success in competitions with other schools in shooting or tug-of-war or other cadet activities was similarly recorded with pride. As with rugby or rowing, the honour of the school was at stake, a matter reflected in Sydney Grammar’s ruminations over the re-formation of its cadet corps in 1907. One of the school’s primary concerns was the risk of losing the honour of the school by having an unsuccessful and ill-disciplined company. The Sydneian reported in August 1907 that if a new S.G.S Cadet Corps should disgrace itself in public by slovenly drill, as it certainly would, if recruited from the “wasters” and little boys, then the Trustees would be blamed for taking a hasty step without gauging the real wishes of boys and parents … . Any New Cadet Corps must maintain the fine traditions of the old one. It must be the pride of the School – our chief object of out-door interest. All sports must give way to it, rather than that the corps, once formed, should fail. By the early 1900s Newington College and the Kings School both had reputations for the quality and conduct of their cadet corps and it was this reputation that schools such as Sydney Grammar hoped to emulate with the formation of their own cadet corps. The ‘wasters’ and the ‘little boys’ were not required. The cadet corps would bring honour to the school, the nation and empire. The peak expression of this pride came in wearing their uniform for public ceremonies. For example, at St. Ignatius College, the cadet corps served as a funeral cortège for the funeral of a master, Fr. Patrick Keating, in 1913.2 The Newington cadet corps formed a Guard of Honour for the State Governor, Sir Harry Rawson, in 1905 (The Newingtonian, March 1905, 188). As the Guard of Honour the Newington College cadet corps’ duties were extended when they were required to fix bayonets in order to keep back the crowd from the main door of Sydney Town Hall where the Governor was inside (The Newingtonian, March 1905, 188). Whilst it may seem remarkable to have teenage boys keeping crowds back from the door with rifles with fixed bayonets, in the cadet corps of the 1900s this was expected when the circumstances required; the cadets were not looked upon as immature boys, but rather as responsible and disciplined soldiers, and they were thus treated accordingly. Great crowds lined Sydney’s streets to watch the Sydney private school cadet corps parade on special occasions, and, for many youth, being seen in uniform was an exciting and memorable experience. The experience of being one of the estimated eighteen thousand cadets who marched past the Governor-General, Lord Denman, on 30 March 1912 in Centennial Park, with parents, teachers, and government and military officials watching attentively would have been one of great pride (Naughtin 142). In formation at parades, the cadets were required to be in perfect order, buttons polished and shoes shining, as government and military officials inspected them and their uniforms. Boys without complete uniforms were not allowed to attend, as they would reduce the appearance of the company. Orders were given sharply by officers to fix and unfix bayonets, march in precise line, and perform specific manoeuvres, each carried out by the cadets, it was hoped, in unison. At times, the cadet corps throughout the private schools were addressed by the Inspector-General of the army, the Governor-General of Australia, or by their headmaster, each reminding them the responsibility that each one had to their cadet corps, to their school, and to their king and country. They were told that the many hours of drill required of them was teaching them the ‘very valuable and necessary lessons of life’ (The Newingtonian, December 1911, 171). They were told that to be effective soldiers they needed to be disciplined, do as they were told by their officers, and respond to orders swiftly. Thus, these cadets were learning not only the attributes of an officer, but of middle-class society in general: respect, presentation, and acceptance of the rules of society. The cadet corps uniform also helped reinforce notions of duty. Although, prior to 1911, the cadet corps were voluntary, private schools strongly urged all students to join as ‘no true Australian can fail to regard it as his duty to fit himself, as far as he is able, to be of service in the case of a call to defend his country’ (The Torch-Bearer, April 1908, 89). School magazines regularly reported on cadet activities throughout the 1900s and 1910s, including frequent references to the fine appearance. Certainly with boys practicing drill on football fields and outside class windows it must have been difficult for some of those boys who were not cadets not to notice, and be impressed by, the presence of one hundred of their fellow schoolmates carrying their rifles, in military uniform, and in perfect order. For the students who had joined the cadet corps this sense of duty became paramount. They were inundated with rhetoric praising their dedication to the cadet corps and the sacrifices they made by being a cadet. The Sydneian asked cadets to ‘consider your Corps first. It is your duty as “Soldiers of the King”’ (E.A.W. 19). The Torch-Bearer in April 1908 made a similar point: Every boy should remember that by becoming an efficient cadet he is carrying out a duty which he owes (1) to his country by rendering himself more capable of fighting in her defence. (2) to his school by helping to send out a corps that will do her as much credit as cricket and football teams and crews have done in the past. (3) to himself, by undergoing a training which will benefit him body and soul.3 Cadets absorbed this sense of duty, believing that they were honouring their school, their country, and the British Empire. Soldiers of the King they certainly believed they were, at least in the Protestant schools. The boys would be ‘toughened by a soldier’s hard training and learn to bear the pinch of sacrifice and bear it cheerfully’ (The Torch-Bearer, April 1911, 251), unlike their peers who had not joined the cadets who were regarded derisively as ‘civilians’ (The Torch-Bearer, October, 1908, 50). Thus, in an era of growing nationalism and militarism, the cadet corps of the private schools of Sydney grew as a symbol of middle-class values. The most immediate visual representation of that symbolism was the cadet corps uniform. When boys put on their uniform, they experienced a change in their demeanour, their identity, and their sense of duty. It had an instant impact on how they saw themselves, and how they were treated by others. These ideas were inculcated into boys throughout their training, and records from across the Sydney private schools suggest that the boys eagerly embraced those lessons. The cadet corps uniform, then, was a valuable tool in the moderation of behaviour and the instillation of core values. References Craik, Jennifer. Uniforms Exposed. Oxford: Berg, 2005. Crotty, Martin. Making The Australian Male: Middle-Class Masculinity 1870-1920. Carlton South: Melbourne UP, 2001. E.A.W. "The Cadet Corps." The Sydneian Dec. 1909: 18-23. Hackett, John. The Profession of Arms. London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1984. Langner, Lawrence. "Clothes and Government." Dress, Adornment and the Social Order. Eds. Mary Ellen Roach and Joanne Eicher. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1965. Naughtin, Michael. A Century of Striving: St. Joseph's College, Hunter's Hill, 1881-1981. Hunter's Hill, NSW: St. Joseph's College, 1981.. Our Alma Mater. St. Ignatius College magazine. Midwinter 1909. St Joseph's College Magazine. Mar. 1911. Stockings, Craig. The Torch and the Sword: A History of the Army Cadet Movement in Australia. UNSW Press, 2007. The Newingtonian. Newington College Magazine, Mar. 1905. ———. December 1911 The Sydneian. "The Cadet Movement - Past and Present." Aug. 1907: 7-14. ———. "Editorial: The Proposed Resucitation of the Cadet Corps." May 1900: 1-2. The Torch-Bearer. Sydney Church of England Grammar School Magazine, Apr. 1908. ———. Oct. 1908 ———. Apr. 1911 Tynan, Jane, and Lisa Godson. "Understanding Uniform: An Introduction." Uniform: Clothing and Discipline in the Modern World. Eds. Jane Tynan and Lisa Godson. London: Bloomsbury, 2019. White, Richard. Inventing Australia: Images and Identity 1688–1980. Routledge, 2020. Williams-Mitchell, Christobel. Dressed for the Job: The Story of Occupational Costume. Poole, Dorset: Blandford Press, 1982. Wise, Nathan. "The Adventurous Cadet: Romanticism and Adventure in the Cadet Corps of the Private Schools of Sydney, 1901-1914." Australian Folklore 29 (2014). Notes 1 For several key examples focussing on this period see Martin Crotty, Making the Australian Male; Thomas W. Tanner, Compulsory Citizen Soldiers (Sydney: Alternative Publishing Co-Operative, 1980); David Jones, ‘The Military Use of Australian State Schools: 1872-1914’ (Ph.D. Thesis, La Trobe University, 1991); John Barrett, Falling In – Australians and ‘Boy Conscription’, 1911-1915 (Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1979); Nathan Wise, ‘Playing Soldiers: Sydney Private School Cadet Corps and the Great War’ (Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society 96.2 (2010)); Nathan Wise, ‘The Adventurous Cadet: Romanticism and Adventure in the Cadet Corps of the Private Schools of Sydney, 1901-1914’ (Australian Folklore 29 (2014): 127-141). 2 St. Ignatius College Archives, photo ‘Fr. Patrick Keating’s funeral leaving St. Mary’s, North Sydney, for Gore Hill Cemetary, 1913’. 3 The Torch-Bearer, Sydney Church of England Grammar School Magazine, Apr. 1908: 90. The Torch-Bearer uses the double synonym that the cadet corps were both like a sporting team and a military unit. This supports an argument of D.J. Blair’s ‘Beyond the Metaphor: Football and War, 1914-1918’ in The Journal of the Australian War Memorial 28 (Apr. 1996) that sport, particularly team sports such as football, and war were very similar. Sport assisted in the creation of the ideal man, and one best suited for military training, as it enhanced values of ‘loyalty, courage, self-discipline, and teamwork’ that would be required in war. This argument is further supported by the competitive nature of the cadet corps as examined in chapter four.