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1

Faingold, Eduardo D. "Official English in the constitutions and statutes of the fifty states in the United States." Language Problems and Language Planning 36, no. 2 (August 10, 2012): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.36.2.03fai.

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The constitutions and legislative statutes of the fifty states in the United States are given an exhaustive screening to identify legal language defining the linguistic obligations of the state and the language rights of individuals and groups. The author suggests that in the United States, “hands-off” is good language policy not only nationwide but also statewide because states adopting a hands-off linguistic policy are consistent with the Constitution of the United States while states adopting a “hands-on” policy are in conflict with it. States adopting hands-on language legislation in their constitutions or statutes are deemed to be “nativist” because they seem unfavorable toward speakers of minority languages, while states adopting a hands-off policy are “non-nativist” because they seem favorable (or at least neutral) toward speakers of minority languages.
2

MADRID, ARTURO. "Official English: A False Policy Issue." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 508, no. 1 (March 1990): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716290508001006.

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Making English the official language of the United States is a false policy issue. The evidence does not support arguments that the use of English is declining or that the use of other languages debilitates the social fabric of the United States. On the contrary, attempts to impose English on the U.S. population have served historically to divide the nation. The facts do not support linguistic or social fragmentation. English is the language of state and the common language of the U.S. population. Immigrants continue to enter the United States because of the protections and opportunities it offers, and they give highest priority to learning English. The real language-policy issues have to do with literacy and high-level multilingual skills. A sane national language policy would give primacy to literacy and would promote multilingualism. The nation's energies must be directed at language policies that empower all citizens rather than punish some.
3

Ruiz, Richard. "Language Policy and Planning in the United States." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 14 (March 1994): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500002841.

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While the United States has never declared a national official language, the primacy of English in public affairs has been well-established since the time of the earliest colonies (Crawford 1992a, Ruiz 1988). This is so in spite of the reluctance on the part of the British colonial authorities and, later, leaders of the early republic, to legislate matters of language—considered traditionally one of the most fundamental freedoms of civilized societies (Heath 1992). English even at that time was considered a language of political, economic, and social power and prestige; its preeminence in the United States, as elsewhere, has been reinforced in recent times by its establishment as a language of technology.
4

Kaplan, Robert B., and Richard B. Baldauf. "Language policy spread." Language Problems and Language Planning 31, no. 2 (July 26, 2007): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.31.2.02kap.

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Except for a few large scale projects, language planners have tended to talk and argue among themselves rather than to see language policy development as an inherently political process. A comparison with a social policy example, taken from the United States, suggests that it is important to understand the problem and to develop solutions in the context of the political process, as this is where decisions will ultimately be made.
5

McQueeney, Krista B., and Ronald Schmidt Sr. "Language Policy and Identity Politics in the United States." Contemporary Sociology 30, no. 6 (November 2001): 623. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089028.

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6

Mitchell, James D. "Refugee resettlement in the United States: Language, policy, pedagogy." Critical Inquiry in Language Studies 15, no. 2 (February 23, 2017): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15427587.2017.1285505.

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7

Hero, Rodney E. "Language policy and identity politics in the United States." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 21, no. 1 (2002): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.1052.

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8

Perea, Juan F. "Language Policy and Identity Politics in the United States." Journal of American Ethnic History 21, no. 1 (October 1, 2001): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27502785.

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9

Tennery, Susan, and Bill Piatt. "¿Only English? Law and Language Policy in the United States." TESOL Quarterly 26, no. 1 (1992): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3587376.

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10

Lyon, Ted, and Bill Piatt. "?Only English? Law and Language Policy in the United States." Rocky Mountain Review of Language and Literature 45, no. 1/2 (1991): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1346941.

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11

Faingold, Eduardo D. "Language rights in the constitutions, organic acts, and statutes of the territories of the United States and the Freely Associated States." Language Problems and Language Planning 41, no. 2 (October 27, 2017): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.41.2.01fai.

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Abstract The constitutions, organic acts, and statutes of the territories of the United States and the Freely Associated States are given an exhaustive screening to identify legal language defining the linguistic obligations of each territory or associated state and the language rights of individuals and groups dwelling within. The author suggests that the territories of the United States and the Freely Associated States are well served by “hands-on” policies declaring provisions that protect the rights of language minority groups, or of all people living in the territory (i.e., Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and American Samoa) and associated states (i.e., the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and the Republic of Palau). As in many states in the United States, the absence of an explicit language policy in the United States Virgin Islands has not prevented it from practicing implicit language policies that promote the use of English while also allowing minority languages to be used in the territory. Unlike many states in the United States which declare English as the sole official language and/or enact provisions to protect official English, none of the territories and associated states of the United States declares English as the sole official language or establishes provisions that hinder the rights of language minority groups.
12

Palozzi, Vincent J. "Assessing Voter Attitude Toward Language Policy Issues in the United States." Language Policy 5, no. 1 (March 2006): 15–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10993-005-5624-8.

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13

Coulmas, Florian. "Language Policy and Planning: Political Perspectives." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 14 (March 1994): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500002804.

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Since World War II, the political order that divided the world into nationstates has been remarkably stable. The balance of terror during the Cold War prevented major changes in the world system. With minor exceptions, such as the emergence of Singapore as an independent polity shortly after the foundation of Malaysia and the breakup of highly artificial geographically divided Pakistan into two separate states, even most of the countries that had come into existence as the result of decolonization did not change their borders. However, while the bi-polar system of the political and military stand-off of the two superpowers continued, a triangular world system developed on the economic plane. During the 1970s Japan became a major economic force, while the integration of the European Economic Community continued. Since the end of World War II, the United States has had close economic ties with both of the economic powers.
14

Reagan, Timothy. "LANGUAGE AND POLITICS IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA: MYTHS AND REALITIES.Thomas Ricento and Barbara Burnaby (Eds.). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 1998. Pp xv + 357. $39.95 paper." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 22, no. 1 (March 2000): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263100221062.

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This book is an outstanding contribution to the literature on language policy, language planning, and language rights. It provides a fascinating comparative treatment of developments related to issues of language and politics in the United States and Canada. Divided into five sections, the book includes chapters that present broad overviews of the demographic and policy situations in the two nations, chapters on indigenous languages in North America, chapters on the legal implications of official language policies, chapters on educational issues related to language policies, and finally, chapters addressing issues of language services and language rights.
15

James, Michael Rabinder. "Language Policy and Identity Politics in the United States. Ronald Schmidt, Sr." Journal of Politics 63, no. 3 (August 2001): 961–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jop.63.3.2691727.

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16

Padilla, Raymond V. "Title VII ESEA: The Ambivalence of Language Policy in the United States." Bilingual Research Journal 22, no. 1 (January 1998): iii—viii. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15235882.1998.10668669.

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17

ADAMS, KAREN L. "¿Only English? Law and Language Policy in the United States . BILL PIATT." American Ethnologist 20, no. 2 (May 1993): 402–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1993.20.2.02a00220.

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18

Hult, Francis M., and Sarah E. Compton. "Deaf Education Policy as Language Policy: A Comparative Analysis of Sweden and the United States." Sign Language Studies 12, no. 4 (2012): 602–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sls.2012.0014.

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19

BIANCO, JOSEPH LO. "Uncle Sam and Mr Unz." English Today 20, no. 3 (July 2004): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078404003037.

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In the United States today, two developments – concern for national security and the concerns of private citizens – have catapulted languages onto the national policy agenda. The first requires more Americans to learn foreign languages while the second seeks to ban bilingual education. ‘Uncle Sam wants you to learn a foreign language!’
20

Kunnan, Antony John. "POLITICS AND LEGISLATION IN CITIZENSHIP TESTING IN THE UNITED STATES." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 29 (March 2009): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190509090047.

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Politics and legislation have been entangled in language planning and policy in the United States since 1776. Regulations for immigration and citizenship (naturalization) have been in place since the Naturalization Act of 1790. This article examines the history of immigration and citizenship legislation that started with this act up to the more recent act of 1952, which included regulations requiring ability in English language and knowledge of history and government. It concludes with brief examinations of the old and redesigned Naturalization Tests.
21

Sperling, Jessica. "Improving immigrants' access to public services in the United States: language access policy and policy implementation1." Current Issues in Language Planning 10, no. 4 (November 2009): 405–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664200903555013.

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22

Van Delden, Maarten. "Carlos Fuentes, Mexico, and the United States." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 128, no. 3 (May 2013): 723–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900123041.

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The United States looms large in the Latin American literary imagination. From Domingo Sarmiento and José Martí in the nineteenth century to Octavio Paz and Alberto Fuguet in the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, many Latin American writers have depicted the United States in their writings and pondered the cultural and historical significance of their powerful neighbor to the north. But perhaps no Latin American writer has had as close—and complicated—a relationship with the United States as Carlos Fuentes. Fuentes was a fierce critic of American culture and United States foreign policy; at the same time, there was much that he admired about the United States, and it was clear that he was eager to have his voice heard here.
23

Gándara, Patricia, and Russell W. Rumberger. "Immigration, Language, and Education: How Does Language Policy Structure Opportunity?" Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 111, no. 3 (March 2009): 750–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810911100303.

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Background/Context According to U.S. Census figures, 11 million elementary and secondary students of immigrant families were enrolled in the public schools in October 2005, representing 20% of all students, and this figure is expected to grow in the coming years. Most of these students enter school as English learners (ELs), and most ELs have exceptionally low performance on measures of academic achievement and attainment. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study This article examines how language policy in the United States has shaped educational opportunities and outcomes for the nation's immigrant students. First, we examine the role of federal policy in shaping these students’ educational opportunities, showing how the changing political landscape in Washington has resulted in inconsistencies in funding and direction for states attempting to serve EL students. Then we focus on how two states with high concentrations of ELs— California and Texas—have responded to the needs of ELs, including the provision of bilingual education, the training and support of properly prepared teachers, and the assessments used to gauge their educational performance. Research Design The article uses secondary data sources. It draws on secondary data analysis to examine the growth of the immigrant and linguistic minority populations and their educational achievement; it draws on both historical analysis and secondary data analysis to review shifting federal policies; and it draws on demographic, achievement, and reclassification data in analyzing the education of ELs in California and Texas. Findings/Results We found that the changing political landscape in Washington has resulted in inconsistencies in funding and direction for states attempting to serve EL students. We also found that California and Texas appear to have different success rates with their EL students, with Texas reclassifying its ELs to fluent English status at higher rates and outperforming California with respect to National Assessment of Educational Progress scores for this same population. Conclusions/Recommendations The article concludes with the major recommendation that the federal government would do well to spearhead and fund a research agenda that addresses the truly important, and unanswered, questions around the education of ELs so that greater guidance can be given to the states in determining how to raise achievement and enhance the psychosocial development of these students.
24

Lo Bianco, Joseph, and Joy Kreeft Peyton. "Introduction: Vitality of Heritage Languages in the United States: The Role of Capacity, Opportunity, and Desire." Heritage Language Journal 10, no. 3 (December 30, 2013): i—viii. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.10.3.1.

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A framework to examine vitality of languages in a specific context, developed by Francois Grin and elaborated by Joseph Lo Bianco, specifies that three conditions are necessary for language vitality and revitalization: Capacity Development, Opportunity Creation, and Desire (COD). This framework was developed as a tool to help communities and governments support regional and minority languages and to promote policy development at the national level related to language revitalization and use. The framework is used in this issue as a guide for examining the vitality of languages spoken in the United States as “heritage” languages, which are spoken by individuals who have home, community, and intergenerational connections with the languages as well as some proficiency in them.
25

Arias, M. Beatriz, and Terrence G. Wiley. "Language policy and teacher preparation: The implications of a restrictive language policy on teacher preparation." Applied Linguistics Review 4, no. 1 (March 29, 2013): 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/applirev-2013-0004.

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AbstractApplied linguistics, with its sub-domains of language planning and policy can make significant contributions to language teaching. In order to explore this issue, the authors focus on the contested arena of language minority instruction in the United States. Attention is given specifically to the state of Arizona, where, recently, its educational policies have captured national and even international attention. Of particular concern is Arizona's implementation of a restrictive language policy for the instruction of English Language Learners (ELLs). The authors present a framework for reviewing the relationship between language policies and teacher preparation. Applying this framework to Arizona's teacher preparation for ELLs, we find that the state sanctioned curriculum transmitted a deficit view of students who speak a language other than English and provided prospective teachers with few alternative approaches for their instruction. In response this outcome, the authors recommend that applied linguistics content needs to be embedded within teacher preparation.
26

Schweda Nicholson, Nancy. "Language Planning and Policy Development for Court Interpretation Services in the United States." Language Problems and Language Planning 10, no. 2 (January 1, 1986): 140–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.10.2.02sch.

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RESUMO Lingvo-planado kaj evoluigo de politiko por kortuminterpretaj servoj en Usono Ene de la ĝenerala tereno de lingvo-planado kaj politiko-evoluigo, lastatempe okazis akcelo en organizitaj klopodoj liveri altkvalitajn kortuminterpretajn servojn al neparo-lantoj de la angla lingvo, kiuj havas kontakton kun la usona kortuma sistemo. La nuna artikolo resumas la historion de federaciaj leĝoj, kiuj koncernas utiligon de in-terpretistoj, kun speciala atento al la plej lasta federacia leĝa preskribo, la Lego pri Kortumaj Interpretistoj de 1978 (Publika Lego 95-539). Ĝi ankaǔ detale esploras la Rajtigekzamenon por Hispanaj/Anglaj Interpretistoj en Federaciaj Kortumoj, kiun elformulis la Administra Fako de la Usonaj Kortumoj. Je la stata nivelo, oni ankau pridiskutas kelkajn problemojn pri la selekto de kortuminterpretistoj en la juraj sistemoj de Kalifornio kaj Novjorko. Krome, oni priskribas lastatempajn klopodojn evoluigi koheran kaj inkluzivan politikon pri utiligo de interpretistoj en la Distrikto Kolumbio kaj la Ŝtato Nov-Ĵerzeo. Fine, estas prezentataj kelkaj ĝeneralaj proponoj por plibonigi la mezan kvaliton de interpretaj servoj en kortumaj procedoj. SUMARIO Planeamiento del lenguaje y politica a desarrollar para los servicios de interpretation en la corte de los Estados Unidos Dentro del amplio campo de acción para el planeamiento del lenguaje y la politica de desarrollo, se han organizado y recientemente acelerado esfuerzos para proveer de alta calidad a los servicios de interpretación de la corte, para personas que no hablan el inglés y que entran en contacto con el sistema judicial americano. Este articulo sigue la historia de las leyes federales referentes al uso de interpretes; destacando la mas re-ciente provisión del estatuto federal: el acto de intérpretes de la corte en 1978 (ley publica 95-539). Tambien explora en detalle el exámen elaborado por la oficina administrativa de la corte de los E.U. para obtener el certificado de interprete de la corte federal en espanol/-inglés. A nivel estatal se discuten varios problemas respecto a la selección de los intérpretes de la corte dentro del sistema legal de California y Nueva York. Además se describen los esfuerzos recientes para elaborar una politica coherente y amplia para uso de los interpretes en los distritos de Columbia y Nueva Jersey. Final-mente el articulo delinea algunas propuestas generales para el mejoramiento de la calidad de los servicios de interpretación en los procedimientos judiciales.
27

Rojas, Nelson. "Review of Schmidt (2000): Language Policy and Identity Politics in the United States." Language Problems and Language Planning 25, no. 2 (December 31, 2001): 213–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.25.2.15roj.

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28

Gándara, Patricia, Rachel Moran, and Eugene Garcia. "Chapter 2: Legacy of Brown: Lau and Language Policy in the United States." Review of Research in Education 28, no. 1 (January 2004): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0091732x028001027.

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29

Tollefson, James W. "Covert Policy in the United States Refugee Program in Southeast Asia." Language Problems and Language Planning 12, no. 1 (January 1, 1988): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.12.1.03tol.

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RESUMO Kaŝa politiko en la usona programo por rifuĝintoj en Sudorienta Azio La Usonaj Centroj por Traktado de Rifuĝintoj (RPC) en Sudorienta Azio, kiujn oni in-aǔguris en 1980, konsistigas multe reklamatan kaj forte financatan trejnadan programon por faciligi la memsufiĉon de rifuĝintoj frue post ilia translokigo en Usonon. La donitaĵoj tamen montras, ke trejnado per RPC malmulte efikis je la lingvokapabloj, lertoj prepare al dungiĝo, kaj kapablo je kultura adaptiĝo, de la rifuĝintoj. La nuna artikolo klarigas la malsukceson de trejnado per RPC, aludante kaŝajn politikajn celojn en la usona programo por rifuĝintoj, kiuj certigas, ke edukado per RPC malsukcesas. Surbaze de analizoj de la plenumo de kaŝa politiko en la centroj RPC, la aǔtoro proponas kvin ĝeneralajn karak-terizojn de situacioj en kiuj rolas kaŝa politiko. SOMMAIRE La politique cachée du Programme Américain pour Réfugiés en Asie du Sud-Est Mis en place en 1980 et disposant depuis lors de subventions et d'une publicité importantes, les Centres Américains d'Entraînement pour Réfugiés en Asie du Sud-Est ont pour but de préparer des réfugiés à se suffire à eux seuls bientôt après être rétablis aux Etats-Unis. L'évidence des données révèle pourtant, que cette formation acquise aux Centres ne donne chez les réfugiés que de très faibles résultats pour ce qu'il y a de leur niveau de communication en anglais, leur compétence technique pour un métier éventuel et leur capacité de s'intégrer à la nouvelle culture. Les causes de l'échec de la formation pourvue dans les Centres sont exposées dans cet article en tenant compte des objectifs de la politique cachée du Programme Américain pour Réfugiés qui assurent l'inéfficacité de son instruction. L'auteur établit un modèle formé de cinq composants d'ordre général ressortant des cas de politique cachée, à partir d'une analyse de la mise en oeuvre de cette politique dans les Centres.
30

Heineke, Amy J., Kristin J. Davin, and Amy Bedford. "The Seal of Biliteracy: Considering equity and access for English learners." education policy analysis archives 26 (August 6, 2018): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.26.3825.

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The Seal of Biliteracy is a grass-roots language policy initiative that is sweeping across the United States. An award affixed to high school graduates’ transcripts and diplomas, the overarching purpose of the policy is to promote and foster students’ bilingualism and biliteracy in K-12 schools. Initiated in California in 2011, the policy has been modified significantly as stakeholders in 32 different states have drafted, passed, and enacted similar legislation in recent years. On its surface, the policy appears to hold promise in disrupting the monolingual norm prevalent in U.S. schools; however, with many states focusing efforts on world language education for English-dominant students, a critical analysis of the policy from the lens of the large and growing population of English learners is warranted. This paper considers the 32 state policies from this lens, first exploring the policy purpose and logistics and then making policy recommendations to enhance equity and access for English learners. The recommendations target stakeholders across the United States who seek to either initiate or revise Seal of Biliteracy policies within their unique state contexts.
31

DuBord, Elise. "Language policy and the drawing of social boundaries." Ideologías lingüísticas y el español en contexto histórico 7, no. 1 (March 30, 2010): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.7.1.02dub.

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Educational institutions developed in Tucson, Arizona in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, during a critical time in cultural and political shifts of power between Anglo and Mexican elites in Southwestern United States. My qualitative analysis reconstructs language policies in the incipient educational system in Territorial Tucson. This article examines official and unofficial language policies in both public and private schools in Tucson that reflected this accommodation of power and the negotiation of a new racial hierarchy in the context of westward expansion. I argue that the private schools Mexican elites founded in this period maintained bilingual instruction and promoted biliteracy as a means of racially and linguistically distancing themselves from Anglos, Indians and Mexicans from lower socioeconomic classes in public schools.
32

Vanek, Jenifer. "De facto language policy in legislation defining adult basic education in the United States." Language Policy 15, no. 1 (February 4, 2015): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10993-015-9356-0.

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33

Kibler, Amanda. "Speaking like a “Good American”: National Identity and the Legacy of German-Language Education." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 110, no. 6 (June 2008): 1241–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810811000604.

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Background/Context As a case study in minority language restriction, the German example provides a useful historical counterpoint to more recent debates regarding the place of non-English languages in American schools. Focus of Study and Research Design This historical analysis examines the role of education in the changing discourse of minority languages and national identity, specifically analyzing the tradition of German-language education in the United States as it changed during World War I. Findings The establishment of German-medium public and private schooling in the United States prospered until the late 1800s as the result of practical considerations and German communities’ own commitments to linguistic, religious, and/or cultural maintenance. German use in some of these schools declined in relation to English as the result of demographic shifts and efforts in the 1880s and 1890s to restrict non-English languages in schools. The advent of World War I, however, dramatically altered the status of German in society generally, and in education specifically. Wartime federal rhetoric and involvement, educational and social policies, and debates within the educational community indicate not only a period of restricted non-English language use in schools, but they also signal the emergence of a new conception of American identity, one defined in linguistic terms and displayed through the exclusive use of English. Conclusions/Recommendations Shifts in rhetoric and policy offer significant insight into the relationships between minority languages and larger issues of power and social control; the restriction and subsequent loss of a seemingly privileged non-English language in the United States reveals the precarious position of any minority language in society. Contemporary discussions about immigration, official languages, and national identities continue to operate within a monolingual English paradigm, carrying significant implications for schools serving immigrant and language minority students.
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Heineke, Amy J., and Kristin J. Davin. "Prioritizing Multilingualism in U.S. Schools: States’ Policy Journeys to Enact the Seal of Biliteracy." Educational Policy 34, no. 4 (September 27, 2018): 619–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904818802099.

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Fueled by immigration and globalization, the United States has evolved into a nation of linguistically diverse residents; however, English remains the dominant language in schools. A recent language policy initiative emergent in states across the nation, the Seal of Biliteracy challenges English monolingualism by promoting the development of students’ bilingualism and biliteracy by high school graduation. Using narrative inquiry, this study explores the policy journeys that states have taken to enact the Seal of Biliteracy, as educators and stakeholders come together to engage in grassroots policy work. Findings include the collective stories of these efforts to disrupt English-dominant ideologies in schools, as well as individual states’ journeys to develop students’ bilingualism. Implications serve educators, researchers, and other stakeholders interested in influencing practice through bottom-up policy movements, particularly at this crucial moment as states embrace more flexibility for educational decision making.
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Thomas, Chris Allen, and Brett Lee. "Language liaisons." Language Problems and Language Planning 34, no. 2 (June 21, 2010): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.34.2.01tho.

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Dallas and the North Texas region of the United States have seen profound demographic shifts that have challenged one regional health care network in its effort to provide quality health services to an increasingly linguistically heterogeneous community. The response to this challenge has included a reconceptualization of the organization’s language policy to create alignment between it and the organization’s mission, considering language policy from both an equity and a quality control perspective. This industry-facing language planning case study looks at how Children’s Medical Center of Dallas has responded to the challenge by explicitly recognizing patients’ linguistic needs, developing its workforce, and creating a language liaison program that bridges the communication gap between doctors and their patients. While governments select language policies and engage in language planning mainly for political purposes, private organizations serving multilingual communications have quality of service as an added incentive to engage in such activities if they are to remain viable.
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Yuskiv, Bohdan, and Nataliia Karpchuk. "Multilingualism Factors of the European Union Member-States." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 43 (June 15, 2021): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.136-145.

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Languages are the basis for Europeans who want to coexist and work together. To do this, the Europeans need to understand each other, the EU's neighbors and partners as well, and to teach and promote the linguistic heritage of the Member States. The motto of the European Union – “Unity in diversity” – reflects multilingualism as the basis of the EU, which is enshrined in a number of documents at the pan-European level. Multilingualism makes business and citizens more competitive and mobile. Promoting multilingualism is a great way to unite Europeans, to build a truly inclusive society where citizens' rights are respected. In the EU “multilingualism” is treated as the ability of communities, groups and individuals to use more than one language in their daily activities on an ongoing basis. The European Commission (together with national governments) coordinates the goal of multilingualism and the goals of the language strategy. Languages should not be an obstacle to participation in society, and marginalized language groups should be identified, represented and included in society. However, the national language policy is the sphere of competence of each state. The article substantiates the assumption that there are certain factors that determine the specifics and level of multilingualism of the EU Member-States. The multilingualism index of each EU Member-State was calculated and the countries were ranked according to a number of sub-indices, in particular: official languages, foreign language skills, language education and study, foreigners (migrants) and language policy, everyday languages, international communications. It was found out that according to the integrated index of multilingualism, the top 5 countries are represented by Luxembourg, Germany, Finland, Sweden and the Netherlands. The most important factors determining the policy of multilingualism are the following: the influence of citizens who are interested in learning foreign languages, as well as foreigners, migrants who study the state language to assimilate in society, the influence of using foreign languages in practice and online communication.
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Šeškauskienė, Inesa, and Meilutė Ramonienė. "Introduction." Taikomoji kalbotyra, no. 4 (March 4, 2015): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/tk.2014.17465.

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This special issue of the journal Taikomoji kalbotyra/Applied Linguistics includes papers written on the basis of the presentations given at the International Applied Linguistics Conference Languages and People: Space, Time, Identity held in Vilnius University October 3-4, 2013. The Conference was organized by the Department of Lithuanian Studies of Vilnius University and the Lithuanian Association of Applied Linguistics (LITAKA). The total number of the Conference participants amounted to 60; they came from 12 countries: Australia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, France, Hong Kong, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Russia, United Kingdom and the United States of America. The plenary speakers of the Conference, world-known linguists Antonella Sorace (UK), Joseph Lo Bianco (Australia) and Mark Davies (USA), gave very impressive presentations on bilingualism and language acquisition, language planning and policy, language corpora as a powerful tool in language learning and teaching.
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Wright, Wayne E. "Khmer as a Heritage Language in the United States: Historical Sketch, Current Realities, and Future Prospects." Heritage Language Journal 7, no. 1 (December 30, 2010): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.7.1.6.

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Cambodian Americans are a fairly recent language minority group in the United States; most families arrived in the United States as refugees during the 1980s. Over the past 30 years, there has been great concern in the community regarding the maintenance loss of their native Khmer language. This article provides an historical and contemporary sketch of the Khmer language in the United States, and discusses implications for its future survival. Data are drawn and analyzed from the U.S. Census, the 2007 American Community Survey, and other statistical sources, in addition to research conducted in Cambodian American communities, and the author’s experiences and observations as a (non-native) Khmer speaker. The findings indicate that the Khmer language is alive and well in the United States, and most school-age youth continue to speak Khmer, although few speak it with high levels of proficiency and few have literacy skills in the language given the lack of opportunities for Khmer HL education. Nonetheless, there are some positive factors that Khmer communities and educational institutions can draw on to ensure the future of Khmer as a HL in the United States. In the early 1990s, I attended a forum held at California State University, Long Beach sponsored by the United Cambodian Students of America. The distinguished guest speaker was Mr. Neou Kassie, a well-known Cambodian American and an outspoken human rights advocate. Mr. Neou began speaking elegantly and powerfully in Khmer, describing his advocacy work in Cambodia. A few minutes into his animated speech, one of the young college student leaders, with an embarrassed look on her face, interrupted him: “Excuse me Mr. Neou, can you please switch to English? Most of us are having a very hard time understanding you in Khmer.” Cambodian Americans are a fairly recent language minority group in the United States; most families have been in this country for less than 30 years. However, as the vignette above illustrates, issues have already emerged related to the maintenance or loss of Khmer as a heritage language in the United States. Even within the first ten years of refugee resettlement, Cambodian parents and community leaders expressed concern at what they perceived as rapid Khmer language loss among their youth (Smith-Hefner, 1990). Nonetheless, Khmer continues to be widely used in Cambodian American families and communities across the United States, and there are some efforts to provide opportunities for the next generations of Cambodian Americans to develop and maintain their native Khmer language. The purpose of this article is to provide a historical and contemporary sketch of the Khmer language in the United States, and to discuss implications for its future survival. Data for this article are drawn from the United States Census, the American Community Survey, and other statistical sources, in addition to research conducted in Cambodian American communities, and my own experiences and observations as a (non-native) Khmer speaker. It is my hope that these analyses will be useful to policy makers, educators, and researchers, and also to Cambodian American community leaders, educators, and others who are actively working to preserve the Khmer language in the United States. In this article, we first will look briefly at the history of Cambodian American immigration to the United States, including the tragic events in Cambodia leading to the large exodus of political refugees. Next, we will explore demographic information related to Cambodian Americans and the Khmer language in the United States, followed by a discussion of Cambodian Americans’ relationship with Cambodia. We then consider issues related to Khmer language maintenance and loss in the United States, including community and institutional efforts that provide opportunities for the learning and use of Khmer. The article concludes with a discussion of the future of Khmer as a Heritage Language in the United States.
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Evans, Bruce A., and Nancy H. Hornberger. "No child left behind: repealing and Unpeeling federal language education policy in the united states." Language Policy 4, no. 1 (March 2005): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10993-004-6566-2.

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Mangual Figueroa, Ariana. "Citizenship status and language education policy in an emerging Latino community in the United States." Language Policy 12, no. 4 (February 13, 2013): 333–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10993-013-9275-x.

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Marks, Caroline, and Karen E. Lillie. "Emily M. Feuerherm, Vaidehi Ramanathan (eds.): Refugee Resettlement in the United States Language, Policy, Pedagogy." Language Policy 16, no. 4 (September 7, 2017): 489–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10993-017-9450-6.

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Menken, Kate. "NO CHILD LEFT BEHIND AND ITS EFFECTS ON LANGUAGE POLICY." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 29 (March 2009): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190509090096.

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The most recent federal education policy in the United States, titled No Child Left Behind (NCLB), was passed into law in 2001. High-stakes testing is the core of NCLB, as tests are used to hold each school, district, and state accountable for student performance, therein affording the federal government greater control over the constitutionally decentralized national system of U.S. education. Because the tests being used are administered in English, English language learners (ELLs) typically fail to meet the law's annual progress requirements, resulting in serious consequences for the students and their schools. This article reviews research about the effects of NCLB on language policies in education. Empirical studies show that the law—which is at face value merely an educational policy—is in actuality a de facto language policy. After explaining the law's assessment mandates, this article provides analyses of the wording of NCLB from a language policy perspective. It also reviews studies about the limitations of the required tests as instruments to carry out the law's demands, and about the effects of the law on instruction and the educational experiences of ELLs.
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Schaller, Michael. "Unequal Allies?: United States Security and Alliance Policy Toward Japan, 1945-1960 (review)." Journal of Japanese Studies 33, no. 2 (2007): 563–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jjs.2007.0081.

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Yaden, David B., Johannes C. Eichstaedt, Margaret L. Kern, Laura K. Smith, Anneke Buffone, David J. Stillwell, Michal Kosinski, Lyle H. Ungar, Martin E. P. Seligman, and H. Andrew Schwartz. "The Language of Religious Affiliation." Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, no. 4 (August 22, 2017): 444–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617711228.

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Religious affiliation is an important identifying characteristic for many individuals and relates to numerous life outcomes including health, well-being, policy positions, and cognitive style. Using methods from computational linguistics, we examined language from 12,815 Facebook users in the United States and United Kingdom who indicated their religious affiliation. Religious individuals used more positive emotion words ( β = .278, p < .0001) and social themes such as family ( β = .242, p < .0001), while nonreligious people expressed more negative emotions like anger ( β = −.427, p < .0001) and categories related to cognitive processes, like tentativeness ( β = −.153, p < .0001). Nonreligious individuals also used more themes related to the body ( β = −.265, p < .0001) and death ( β = −.247, p < .0001). The findings offer directions for future research on religious affiliation, specifically in terms of social, emotional, and cognitive differences.
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Motha, Suhanthie. "Review of doctoral research in second-language teaching and learning in the United States (2006–2007)." Language Teaching 42, no. 2 (April 2009): 234–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261444808005648.

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This review highlights recent doctoral research in the United States completed between the spring of 2006 and the fall of 2007 in the areas of language teaching and language learning. Topics of particular interest included language policy, second/foreign language pragmatics, computer-mediated communication, non-native-speaking teachers, academic genre teaching and usage, applied learner corpus analysis, new approaches to corrective feedback, on-line corpora and reference tools, language ideologies, conversation analysis, task complexity, affordances and opportunities in language learning, phonological acquisition, U.S. resident L2 adolescents (sometimes referred to as Generation 1.5 students), language socialization, input processing and parsing, and reconceptualizations of private speech.
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Czegledi, Sandor. "Nine Decades of Dealing with Diversity: Language-Related Attitudes, Ideologies and Policies in Federal-Level US Legislative and Executive Documents from 1774 to 1861." ELOPE: English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries 17, no. 2 (November 5, 2020): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/elope.17.2.27-45.

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The present paper examines the shifting orientations towards languages and linguistic diversity in the United States by analysing relevant Congressional and presidential documents from the beginning of the American nation-building experience until the outbreak of the Civil War. The investigation focuses on the legislative activities of the Continental Congress and those of the first thirty-six federal Congresses as recorded primarily in the Journals of the respective legislative bodies. Additionally, the presidential documents of the first fifteen Chief Executives, from George Washington to James Buchanan, are examined from the same perspective. The preliminary results indicate that the most salient language policy development of the post-1789 period was the overall shift from the symbolic, general language-related remarks towards the formulation of substantive, general policies, frequently conceived in an assimilation-oriented spirit in the broader context of territorial expansion. Although presidents were considerably more reluctant to address language-related matters than the federal legislature, the need to revise the statutes of the United States was recognised as a presidential priority as early as the 1850s.
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Koulidobrova, Elena, and Rannveig Sverrisdóttir. "How to Ensure Bilingualism/Biliteracy in an Indigenous Context: The Case of Icelandic Sign Language." Languages 6, no. 2 (May 25, 2021): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6020098.

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The paper discusses the implementation of a bilingual education language policy in the context of endangered indigenous sign language—Icelandic Sign Language (íslenskt táknmál, ÍTM). Unlike other indigenous endangered languages (e.g., Sámi), or other sign languages (e.g., American Sign Language, ASL), ÍTM has received certain recognition typically associated with equitable language policy—by law, it is considered the “first language” of the deaf/hard of hearing Icelanders; further, Iceland overtly states that ÍTM-signing children must be educated bilingually. However, we show that as a country that has committed itself to linguistic equality as well as the support of indigenous languages under the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous People, Iceland still has a way to go—both in terms of language attitudes and the associated implementations. We analyze the current situation focusing on the issues of bilingualism and biliteracy (vis-à-vis indigeneity and endangerment), explain the reason for the state of affairs by contextualizing the barrier to both for signers, and offer an explicit path forward which articulates the responsibilities of the power structures as well as potential outcomes related to revitalization, should these responsibilities be fulfilled.
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Zarobny, Stanisław. "Strategic Culture of the United States of America – Comparative Background." Security Dimensions 38, no. 38 (December 23, 2021): 82–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.6519.

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Culture is the natural environment of the strategy, which itself directly shapes security by providing ideas and standards for professional strategists or politicians setting specific goals and tasks in the area of security. In this article, the author attempts to examine the process of shaping the strategic culture of the United States and to show the similarities and differences with the strategic culture of the People’s Republic of China. The basic research method that was applied was the literature analysis on the basis of which the author comes to the general conclusion that there are many similarities and differences (with the predominance of the latter) between the cultures of the United States and the People's Republic of China. They result primarily from the history of both powers, the attitude to threats and the usage of the armed forces, as well as the pursued security and foreign policy.
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Dos Santos, Luis Miguel. "The Relationship between Social Identity and Foreign Language Learning Motivation: The Sustainability of Heritage Language Learners." Sustainability 13, no. 23 (November 26, 2021): 13102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132313102.

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This study aimed to explore the relationship between social identity and language learning motivations of a group of heritage Spanish language learners in a university environment in the United States. Based on the qualitative research inquiry with semi-structured interview and focus group activity tools, a group of 78 Spanish language learners in one university environment in the United States were surveyed. Under the open-coding and axial-coding techniques, the finding of this study indicated that the three main motivations were Latinx Americans with dual identities, interests in career development, and surrounding environments and individuals. Department heads, non-profit organisation managers, and researchers may use this study as the blueprint to reform and polish the current foreign language teaching and learning programmes, courses, and policies to meet the expectations of multilingualism.
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Marsal, Antonino Pedro, and Sukardi Sukardi. "Ratio Legis on the Right to Language in the Education System in Timor Leste." Yuridika 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 527. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/ydk.v36i3.27245.

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The East Timor obtained its independence though a referendum conducted by the United Nation (UN). The constitution of the Democratic Republic of Timor Leste (RDTL) officially enacted on 20th of May 2002. The language clause with the constitution, article 13 states that the official language of East Timor is Tetun and Portuguese. Based on the language clause mention above, the government of East Timor puts a policy in place, obligated all level of educational system to only use Portuguese in their activity. This policy, however, gets fierce rejection especially from private educational institutions because of its inconsistency with the new reality According to the data from the United Nation (UN), actually, only less than 5 persent of the Timorese speaks Portuguese. in this research, there are 2 legal issues emerged. The first is about the language as a constitutional right of citizens. Secondly, use of Portuguese language in the education system in East Timor to human rights?. To analyze the legal problems, this research utilizes the qualitative and legal method. And, it can be successfully proved that the implementation of language clause of East Timor The government policy does not consider the legal principle of proportionality justice and then to be discriminative for Timorese who use Tetun and other national languages, which are important to be developed by the nation as wel. The conclusion that the use of Portuguese language violated constitutional rights and impedes the quality of education.

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