Дисертації: "Language policy Australia History"

1

Totaro, Genevois Mariella. "Foreign policies for the diffusion of language and culture : the Italian experience in Australia." Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8828.

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2

Cox, Noel Stanley Bertie. "The evolution of the New Zealand monarchy: The recognition of an autochthonous polity." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3002348.

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The aims of this thesis are to determine to what extent the Crown remains important as a source of legitimacy for the constitutional order and as a focus of sovereignty; how the Crown has developed as a distinct institution; and what the prospects are for the adoption of a republican form of government in New Zealand. The imperial Crown has evolved into the New Zealand Crown, yet the implications of this change are as yet only slowly being understood. Largely this is because that evolution came about as a result of gradual political development, as part of an extended process of independence, rather than by deliberate and conscious decision. The continuing evolution of political independence does not necessarily mean that New Zealand will become a republic in the short-to-medium term. This is for various reasons. The concept of the Crown has often been, in New Zealand, of greater importance than the person of the Sovereign, or that of the Governor-General. The existence of the Crown has also contributed to, rather than impeded, the independence of New Zealand, through the division of imperial prerogative powers. In particular, while the future constitutional status of the Treaty of Waitangi remains uncertain, the Crown appears to have acquired greater legitimacy through being a party to the Treaty. The expression of national identity does not necessarily require the removal of the Crown. The very physical absence of the Sovereign, and the all-pervading nature of the legal concept of the Crown, have also contributed to that institution's development as a truly national organ of government. The concept of the Crown has now, to a large extent, been separated from its historical, British, roots. This has been encouraged by conceptual confusion over the symbolism and identity of the Crown. But this merely illustrates the extent to which the Crown has become an autochthonous polity, grounded in our own unique settlement and evolution since 1840. Whether that conceptual strength is sufficient to counterbalance symbolic and other challenges in the twenty-first century remains uncertain. But it is certain that the Crown has had a profound affect upon the style and structure of government in New Zealand.

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3

Hughes, Arthur Festin. "Welsh migrants in Australia : language maintenance and cultural transmission /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phh8928.pdf.

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4

Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.

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5

Liando, Nihta V. F. "Foreign language learning in primary schools with special reference to Indonesia, Thailand and Australia /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09arml693.pdf.

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6

Pyvis, David. "The exploitation of youth: An alternative history of youth policy in Australia." Thesis, Pyvis, David (1991) The exploitation of youth: An alternative history of youth policy in Australia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1991. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/51305/.

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This thesis argues against the prevailing orthodox view that governments in Australia have only recently recognised a need to isolate and address youth as a distinct population. Focusing particularly on Commonwealth policy, it provides evidence of a long and sustained history of government interventions with youth. (Attention is concentrated less on the implementation of these policies than on the rhetoric of the policy-makers: the sorts of reasons used in defence of government interventions, particularly in parliamentary debate.) This approach facilitates examining the way power is exercised over youth through the concepts in terms of which young people are identified and thought about and reveals an enduring logic underpinning government youth policy. The thesis argues that youth policy is characterised by the recognition of youth as a potential force or resource of the state to be developed and harnessed. But it goes beyond suggesting that youth is simply utilised in the national interest. Concentrating on the identity and roles politicians construct for youth in their rhetoric, it argues that this policy area marks out a generational interest, so that the old govern the young in the interests of preserving their own power. Youth policy is informed by the recognition of youth as a threat to the status quo. It is shaped by the need of each 'ruling generation' to oblige the young to accept its discipline and contribute to the maintenance and preservation of 'its' state. So the thesis ultimately argues that youth policy does not usually take the form of a benevolent intervention on behalf of youth, but is more commonly developed in the interests of its makers.

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7

Frey, Christopher J. "Ainu schools and education policy in nineteenth-century Hokkaido, Japan." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3292445.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, 2007.
Title from dissertation home page (viewed May 28, 2008). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-11, Section: A, page: 4636. Adviser: Heidi Ross.

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8

Faine, Miriam. "At home in Australia: identity, nation and the teaching of English as a second language to adult immigrants in Australia." Monash University. Faculty of Education, 2009. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/68741.

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This is an autoethnographic study (e.g. Brodkey, 1994) based on ‘stories’ from my own personal and professional journey as an adult ESL teacher which I use to narrate some aspects of adult ESL teaching. With migration one of the most dramatically contested spheres of modern political life world wide (Hall, 1998), adult English as a Second Language (ESL) teaching is increasingly a matter of social concern and political policy, as we see in the current political debates in Australia concerning immigration, citizenship and language. In Australia as an imagined community (Anderson, 1991), the song goes ‘we are, you are Australian and in one voice we sing’. In this study I argue that this voice of normative ‘Australianess’ is discursively aligned with White Australians as native speakers (an essential, biological formulation). Stretching Pennycook’s (1994a) argument that ELT (English Language Teaching) as a discourse aligns with colonialism, I suggest that the field of adult ESL produces, classifies and measures the conditions of sameness and difference to this normative ‘Australian’. The second language speaker is discursively constructed as always a deficient communicator compared with the native speaker. The binary between an imagined homogeneous Australia and the ‘migrant’ as essentially other, works against the inclusion of the learner into the dominant groups represented by their teachers, so that the intentions of adult ESL pedagogy and provision are mitigated by this imagining, problematizing and containing of the learners as other. The role of ESL teachers is to supervise (Hage, 1998) the incorporation of this other. Important policy interventions (e.g. Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2006; ALLP, 1991a) are based on understanding the English language as a universalist framework of language competences inherent in the native speaker; on understanding language as consisting of fixed structures which are external to the learner and their social contexts; and on a perception that language as generic, transferable cognitive skills can be taught universally with suitable curricula and sufficient funding. Conversely in this study I recognise language as linguistic systems that define groups and regulate social relations, forming ‘a will to community’ (Pennycook, op. cit.) or ‘communities of practice’ (Lave & Wenger, 1991). Language as complex local and communal practices emerges from specific contexts. Language is embedded in acts of identity (e.g. Bakhtin, 1981) developing through dialogue, involving the emotions as well as the intellect, so that ‘voice’ is internal to desires and thoughts and hence part of identity. Following Norton (2000) who links the practices of adult ESL learners as users of English within the social relations of their every day lives, with their identities as “migrants”, I suggest that the stabilisation of language by language learners known as interlanguage reflects diaspora as a hybrid life world. More effective ESL policies, programs and pedagogies that assist immigrant learners feel ‘at home’ within Australia as a community of practice (Wenger, 1998) rest on understanding immigrant life worlds as diasporic (Gilroy, 1997). The research recommends an adult ESL pedagogy that responds to the understanding of language as socially constituted practices that are situated in social, local, everyday workplace and community events and spaces. Practices of identity and their representation through language can be re-negotiated through engagement in collective activities in ESL classes that form third spaces (Soja, 1999). The possibilities for language development that emerge are in accord with the learners’ affective investment in the new language community, but occur as improvements in making effective meanings, rather than conformity to the formal linguistic system (Pavlenko & Lantolf, 2000).

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9

Taylor, Colleen Jane. ""Variations of the rainbow" : mysticism, history and aboriginal Australia in Patrick White." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22467.

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Bibliography: pages 206-212.
This study examines Patrick White's Voss, Riders in the Chariot and A Fringe of Leaves. These works, which span White's creative career, demonstrate certain abiding preoccupations, while also showing a marked shift in treatment and philosophy. In Chapter One Voss is discussed as an essentially modernist work. The study shows how White takes an historical episode, the Leichhardt expedition, and reworks it into a meditation on the psychological and philosophical impulses behind nineteenth century exploration. The aggressive energy required for the project is identified with the myth of the Romantic male. I further argue that White, influenced by modernist conceptions of androgyny, uses the cyclical structure of hermetic philosophy to undermine the linear project identified with the male quest. Alchemical teaching provides much of the novel's metaphoric density, as well as a map for the narrative resolution. Voss is the first of the novels to examine Aboriginal culture. This culture is made available through the visionary artist, a European figure who, as seer, has access to the Aboriginal deities. European and Aboriginal philosophies are blended at the level of symbol, making possible the creative interaction between Europe and Australia. The second chapter considers how, in Riders in the Chariot, White modifies premises central to Voss. A holocaust survivor is one of the protagonists, and much of the novel, I argue, revolves around the question of the material nature of evil. Kabbalism, a mystical strain of Judaism, provides much of the esoteric material, am White uses it to foreground the conflict between metaphysical abstraction and political reality. In Riders, there is again an artist-figure: part Aboriginal, part European, he is literally a blend of Europe and Australia and his art expresses his dual identity. This novel, too, is influenced by modernist models. However, here the depiction of Fascism as both an historical crisis and as a contemporary moral bankruptcy locates the metaphysical questions in a powerfully realised material dimension. Chapter Three looks at A Fringe of Leaves, which is largely a post-modernist novel. One purpose of this chapter is to demonstrate how it responds to its literary precursors and there is thus a fairly extensive discussion of the shipwreck narrative as a genre. The protagonist of the novel, a shipwreck survivor, cannot apprehend the symbolic life of the Aboriginals: she can only observe the material aspects of the culture. Symbolic acts are thus interpreted in their material manifestation. The depiction of Aboriginal life is less romanticised than that given in Voss, as White examines the very real nature of the physical hardships of desert life. The philosophic tone of A Fringe of Leaves is most evident, I argue, in the figure of the failed artist. A frustrated writer, his models are infertile, and he offers no vision of resolution. There is a promise, however, offered by these novels themselves, for in them White has given a voice to women, Aboriginals and convicts, groups normally excluded from the dominating discursive practice of European patriarchy.

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10

Rutland, Suzanne D. "The Jewish Community In New South Wales 1914-1939." University of Sydney, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6536.

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11

Pettingell, Judith Ann. "Panics and Principles: A History of Drug Education Policy in New South Wales 1965-1999." University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4150.

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PhD
When the problem of young people using illegal drugs for recreation emerged in New South Wales in the 1960s drug education was promoted by governments and experts as a humane alternative to policing. It developed during the 1970s and 1980s as the main hope for preventing drug problems amongst young people in the future. By the 1990s drug policy experts, like their temperance forbears, had become disillusioned with drug education, turning to legislative action for the prevention of alcohol and other drug problems. However, politicians and the community still believed that education was the best solution. Education Departments, reluctant to expose schools to public controversy, met minimal requirements. This thesis examines the ideas about drugs, education and youth that influenced the construction and implementation of policies about drug education in New South Wales between 1965 and 1999. It also explores the processes that resulted in the defining of drug problems and beliefs about solutions, identifying their contribution to policy and the way in which this policy was implemented. The thesis argues that the development of drug education over the last fifty years has been marked by three main cycles of moral panic about youth drug use. It finds that each panic was triggered by the discovery of the use of a new illegal substance by a youth subculture. Panics continued, however, because of the tension between two competing notions of young people’s drug use. In the traditional dominant view ‘drug’ meant illegal drugs, young people’s recreational drug use was considered to be qualitatively different to that of adults, and illegal drugs were the most serious and concerning problem. In the newer alternative ‘public health’ view which began developing in the 1960s, illicit drug use was constructed as part of normal experimentation, alcohol, tobacco and prescribed medicines were all drugs, and those who developed problems with their use were sick, not bad. These public health principles were formulated in policy documents on many occasions. The cycles of drug panic were often an expression of anxiety about the new approach and they had the effect of reasserting the dominant view. The thesis also finds that the most significant difference between the two discourses lies in the way that alcohol is defined, either as a relatively harmless beverage or as a drug that is a major cause of harm. Public health experts have concluded that alcohol poses a much greater threat to the health and safety of young people than illegal drugs. However, parents, many politicians and members of the general community have believed for the last fifty years that alcohol is relatively safe. Successive governments have been influenced by the economic power of the alcohol industry to support the latter view. Thus the role of alcohol and its importance to the economy in Australian society is a significant hindrance in reconciling opposing views of the drug problem and developing effective drug education. The thesis concludes that well justified drug education programs have not been implemented fully because the rational approaches to drug education developed by experts have not been supported by the dominant discourse about the drug problem. Politicians have used drug education as a populist strategy to placate fear but the actual programs that have been developed attempt to inform young people and the community about the harms and benefits of all drugs. When young people take up the use of a new mood altering drug, the rational approach developed by public health experts provokes intense anxiety in the community and the idea that legal substances such as alcohol, tobacco and prescribed drugs can cause serious harm to young people is rejected in favour of an approach that emphasizes the danger of illegal drug use.

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12

Sendziuk, Paul 1974. "Learning to trust : a history of Australian responses to AIDS." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9264.

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13

Blaser, Thomas. "Official language policy in Canada and Switzerland : language survival and political stability." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31091.

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The official language policies and their basic concepts, the principle of personality in Canada and the principle of territoriality in Switzerland, are critically analyzed. The two democratic federations are compared as two multination states since 'nation' is defined in cultural terms. Language survival is justified in liberal theory through minority rights. The principle of territoriality that assures the dominance of the linguistic majority over a territory within the federation is in accordance with liberal democracy if fundamental rights are protected. The principle of territoriality contributes thus to political stability within a multination federation. There is no movement in Switzerland that is fed by a language-based grievance despite the existence of three linguistic minorities: Switzerland accommodates successfully linguistic diversity. In Canada, the perception that the survival of the French language might not be sustained fuels a secessionist movement threatening the unity of the federation.

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14

Blum-Smith, Laura. "The Language of Nation: Multiculturalism, Nationalism and Language Policy in the United States and Canada." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin154463011114732.

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15

Krumrey, Brett Alan 1968. "Japanese written language reforms during the Allied Occupation (1945-1952): SCAP and romanization." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278364.

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This paper discusses the Romaji Movement and its role in the reform of the Japanese written language during the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945-1952). Past analyses concerning the Romaji Movement have suggested that romanization failed due to conspiracies against it and have neglected to consider other alternatives being pursued by the Japanese government. This paper will take a closer look at the Americans who supported romanization, their motivations for doing so, and the development of SCAP policy towards language reform. Since simplification, not romanization, was the preferred objective of both the American and the Japanese governments, this paper goes on to examine alternative methods to simplification which, in the end, proved to be highly successful.

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16

Greene, Charlotte Jordon. ""Fantastic dreams" William Liu and the origins and influence of protest against the White Australia Policy in the 20th century /." University of Sydney, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4028.

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Doctor of Philosophy
The structure of this study of William Liu will closely reflect his ideas and the major historical influences in his life, and will span the period from 1893 through ninety years spent mainly in Sydney, ending in 1983, the year before the beginning of the attack on multiculturalism launched by the historian Geoffrey Blainey. The memorialisation of Liu in the post-Blainey “immigration debate” period will then be considered. The study will also reflect the changes in protest against racially discriminatory immigration policies in Australia, as Liu moved from a period in which his was an almost isolated critique to one in which he was able to embrace the ever-widening group of people opposed to the ‘White Australia Policy’. This process has not been fully examined, perhaps due to the fact that the protest often appeared to have little impact upon policy. But the way in which Liu and other protestors expressed their view of what Australia should be and how the ‘White Australia Policy’ affected this vision sheds a great deal of light on these periods in Australian history. The structure of this thesis around Liu’s life, beginning with a period in which the ‘White Australia Policy’ was widely accepted, and ending in a period in which multiculturalism was entrenched as official policy, emphasises the cultural shift which was brought about by decades of protest against the Anglo-conformist model of Australian identity

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17

Gibson, Lisanne, and L. Gibson@mailbox gu edu au. "Art and Citizenship- Governmental Intersections." Griffith University. School of Film, Media and Cultural Studies, 1999. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20030226.085219.

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The thesis argues that the relations between culture and government are best viewed through an analysis of the programmatic and institutional contexts for the use of culture as an interface in the relations between citizenship and government. Discussion takes place through an analysis of the history of art programmes which, in seeking to target a 'general' population, have attempted to equip this population with various particular capacities. We aim to provide a history of rationalities of art administration. This will provide us with an approach through which we might understand some of the seemingly irreconcilable policy discourses which characterise contemporary discussion of government arts funding. Research for this thesis aims to make a contribution to historical research on arts institutions in Australia and provide a base from which to think about the role of government in culture in contemporary Australia. In order to reflect on the relations between government and culture the thesis discusses the key rationales for the conjunction of art, citizenship and government in post-World War Two (WWII) Australia to the present day. Thus, the thesis aims to contribute an overview of the discursive origins of the main contemporary rationales framing arts subvention in post-WWII Australia. The relations involved in the government of culture in late eighteenth-century France, nineteenth-century Britain, America in the 1930s and Britain during WWII are examined by way of arguing that the discursive influences on government cultural policy in Australia have been diverse. It is suggested in relation to present day Australian cultural policy that more effective terms of engagement with policy imperatives might be found in a history of the funding of culture which emphasises the plurality of relations between governmental programmes and the self-shaping activities of citizens. During this century there has been a shift in the political rationality which organises government in modern Western liberal democracies. The historical case studies which form section two of the thesis enable us to argue that, since WWII, cultural programmes have been increasingly deployed on the basis of a governmental rationality that can be described as advanced or neo-liberal. This is both in relation to the forms these programmes have taken and in relation to the character of the forms of conduct such programmes have sought to shape in the populations they act upon. Mechanisms characteristic of such neo-liberal forms of government are those associated with the welfare state and include cultural programmes. Analysis of governmental programmes using such conceptual tools allows us to interpret problems of modern social democratic government less in terms of oppositions between structure and agency and more in terms of the strategies and techniques of government which shape the activities of citizens. Thus, the thesis will approach the field of cultural management not as a field of monolithic decision making but as a domain in which there are a multiplicity of power effects, knowledges, and tactics, which react to, or are based upon, the management of the population through culture. The thesis consists of two sections. Section one serves primarily to establish a set of historical and theoretical co-ordinates on which the more detailed historical work of the thesis in section two will be based. We conclude by emphasising the necessity for the continuation of a mix of policy frameworks in the construction of the relations between art, government and citizenship which will encompass a focus on diverse and sometimes competing policy goals.

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18

Brankovich, Jasmina. "Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.

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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a

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19

Wigman, Albertus. "Childhood and compulsory education in South Australia : a cultural-political analysis." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw659.pdf.

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20

Wang, Xueliang 1956. "Taiwan and the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, January 1989-December 1992." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278339.

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This thesis divides Taiwan's impact on the Bush administration's Mainland China policy into three stages. The first period was from January 1989, when George Bush entered the White House, to June 3, when the Tiananmen Massacre took place in Beijing. The second period was from June 1989 to July 1991. The third period was from July 1991 to the end of 1992. Through examining the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, this thesis argues that Taiwan's impact on the administration's China policy evolved a tract from unimportant to important in the years between 1989 and 1992. It further argues that Taiwan has become an independent factor, whose China policy was not under the control of the United States. Sometimes it undermined American Mainland China policy.

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21

Windsor, Carol A. "Industry policy, finance and the AIDC : Australia from the 1950s to the 1970s." Thesis, University of Queensland, 2009. http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:189307.

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This thesis, conceived within a Marxist framework, addresses key conceptual issues in the writing and theorising on industry policy in post second world- war Australia. Broadly, the thesis challenges the way that industry policy on the left of politics (reflected in the social democratic and Keynesian positions) has been constructed as a practical, progressive policy agenda. Specifically, the thesis poses a direct challenge to the primacy of the ‘national’ in interpreting the history of industry policy. The challenge is to the proposition that conflicts between national industry and international finance arose only from the mid 1980s. On the contrary, as will be seen, this is a 1960s issue and any interpretation of the debates and the agendas surrounding industry policy in the 1980s must be predicated on an understanding of how the issue was played out two decades earlier. As was the case in the 1960s, industry policy in the 1980s has been isolated from two key areas of interrogation: the role of the nation state in regulating accumulation and the role of finance in industry policy. In the 1950s and more so in the 1960s and early 1970s there was a reconfiguration of financing internationally but it is one that did not enter into industry policy analysis. The central concern therefore is to simultaneously sketch the historical political economy on industry policy from the 1950s through to the early 1970s in Australia and to analytically and empirically insert the role of finance into that history. In so doing the thesis addresses the economic and social factors that shaped the approach to industry finance in Australia during this critical period. The analysis is supported by a detailed examination of political and industry debates surrounding the proposal for, and institution of, a key national intervention in the form of the Australian Industry Development Corporation (AIDC).

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22

Lapham, Angela. "From Papua to Western Australia : Middleton's implementation of Social Assimilation Policy, 1948-1962." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2007. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/270.

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In 1948, after twenty years in the Papuan administration, Stanley Middleton became the Western Australian Commissioner of Native Affairs. State and Federal governments at that time had a policy of social assimilation towards Aboriginal people, who were expected to live in the same manner as other Australians, accepting the same responsibilties, observing the same customs and influenced by the same beliefs, hopes and loyalties. European civilization was seen as the pinnacle of development. Thus both giving Aboriginal people the opportunity to reach this pinnacle and believing they were equally capable of reaching this pinnacle was viewed as a progessive and humanitarian act. Aboriginal cultural beliefs and loyalties were not considered important, if they were recognized at all, because they were seen as primitive or as having being abandoned in favour of a Western lifestyle.

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23

Podkalicka, Aneta Monika. "Lost in translation? Language policy, media and community in the EU and Australia : some lessons from the SBS." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2007. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16696/1/Aneta_Podkalicka_Thesis.pdf.

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Cultural diversity is a central issue of our times, although with different emphases in the European and Australian context. Media and communication studies have begun to draw on work in translation studies to understand how diversity is experienced across hybrid cultures. Translation is required both for multilingual (multicultural) societies such as Australia and for trans-national entities such as the European Union. Translation is also of increasing importance politically and even emotionally as individual nations and regions face the challenge of globalisation, migration, and the Americanisation of media content. The thesis draws on cultural and media policy analysis. Programming strategies are reviewed and 'conversational' interviews conducted with broadcasting managers and staff at SBS Australia and across multilingual public broadcasters in the EU (BBC WS, Deutsche Welle, ARTE, Radio Multikulti Berlin, Barcelona Televisió). These are used to investigate the issues, challenges, and uses of the multilingual broadcasting logic for Australia's and Europe's cultural realities. This thesis uses the concept of 'translation' as a key metaphor for bridging differences and establishing connections among multicultural citizens in the context of the European Union and Australia. It is proposed that of the two versions of translation - institutional in the EU and mediated in Australia respectively - the mediated version has achieved higher success in engaging ordinary citizens in more affective, informal and everyday forms of cross-cultural communication. Specifically, the experience of the Special Broadcasting Service (Australia's multilingual and multicultural public broadcaster) serves as a model to illuminate the cultural consequences of the failure of the EU to develop translation practices beyond the level of official, institutional and political communication. The main finding is the identification of a need for more mediated interlingual exchange; that is a translation of language policy in Europe into media experience for ordinary citizen-consumers, at both institutional and textual levels.

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24

Podkalicka, Aneta Monika. "Lost in translation? Language policy, media and community in the EU and Australia : some lessons from the SBS." Queensland University of Technology, 2007. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16696/.

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Cultural diversity is a central issue of our times, although with different emphases in the European and Australian context. Media and communication studies have begun to draw on work in translation studies to understand how diversity is experienced across hybrid cultures. Translation is required both for multilingual (multicultural) societies such as Australia and for trans-national entities such as the European Union. Translation is also of increasing importance politically and even emotionally as individual nations and regions face the challenge of globalisation, migration, and the Americanisation of media content. The thesis draws on cultural and media policy analysis. Programming strategies are reviewed and 'conversational' interviews conducted with broadcasting managers and staff at SBS Australia and across multilingual public broadcasters in the EU (BBC WS, Deutsche Welle, ARTE, Radio Multikulti Berlin, Barcelona Televisió). These are used to investigate the issues, challenges, and uses of the multilingual broadcasting logic for Australia's and Europe's cultural realities. This thesis uses the concept of 'translation' as a key metaphor for bridging differences and establishing connections among multicultural citizens in the context of the European Union and Australia. It is proposed that of the two versions of translation - institutional in the EU and mediated in Australia respectively - the mediated version has achieved higher success in engaging ordinary citizens in more affective, informal and everyday forms of cross-cultural communication. Specifically, the experience of the Special Broadcasting Service (Australia's multilingual and multicultural public broadcaster) serves as a model to illuminate the cultural consequences of the failure of the EU to develop translation practices beyond the level of official, institutional and political communication. The main finding is the identification of a need for more mediated interlingual exchange; that is a translation of language policy in Europe into media experience for ordinary citizen-consumers, at both institutional and textual levels.

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Dayton, Amy Elizabeth. "REPRESENTATIONS OF LITERACY: THE TEACHING OF ENGLISH AND THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY AMERICA." Diss., Tucson, Arizona : University of Arizona, 2005. http://etd.library.arizona.edu/etd/GetFileServlet?file=file:///data1/pdf/etd/azu%5Fetd%5F1264%5F1%5Fm.pdf&type=application/pdf.

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26

Brightwell, Erin Leigh. ""The Mirror of China"| Language selection, images of China, and narrating Japan in the Kamakura period (1185-1333)." Thesis, Princeton University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3626441.

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Анотація:

"Kara kagami" (The Mirror of China) is something of an enigma—only six of an original ten scrolls survive, and there is no critical edition with comprehensive annotation or previous translation. A work composed for Imperial Prince-cum-Shogun Munetaka by the scion of a distinguished line of Confucian scholars, Fujiwara no Shigenori, on a topic of pressing interest in the thirteenth century—the fate of Continental China—it embodies many of the characteristic concerns of Kamakura Japan. Tensions between privatization and circulation of learning, imperial and warrior authority, Japan's envisioning of China and her relations thereto, as well as a larger cosmological narrative all run through the work. Yet they do so ways that challenge now long-held ideas of language, stance towards the Continent and its traditions, and narratives of generic development and resistance.

This dissertation explores the ways in which "The Mirror of China" defies familiar-yet-passé conceptions of medieval Japan. It examines afresh how three issues in medieval discourse—language selection, portrayals of China, and narrating Japan—are refracted in "The Mirror of China" in order to better understand text-based claims of political, cultural, and philosophical authority. "The Mirror of China"'s linguistically diverse manuscripts invite question of the worldviews or allegiances of identity a multilingual text can intimate. Its depiction of China and the implied narratives such a vision creates likewise differ markedly from those of contemporary works. And lastly, the linguistic and thematic innovation it brings to the Heian genre of "Mirror" writing marks a previously obscured turning point in medieval historiographic writing, one that allows an appreciation of the genre as a medieval experiment in crafting histories as legitimating narratives. Drawing on multiple understudied works in addition to better-known writings, this dissertation provides a new understanding of how medieval thinkers exploited languages, images, and traditions in order to create their own visions of authority.

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27

Iuliano, Susanna. "Constructing Italian ethnicity : a comparative study of two Italian language newspapers in Australia and Canada, 1947-1957." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22595.

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This thesis is broadly concerned with how an ethnic group defines itself through the medium of the press. It contends that newspapers do more than simply 'reflect' the experience of ethnic groups, they in fact help to 'construct' ethnic identity.
The specific focus of this study is the Italian language press and its attempts to shape the ideals of italianita of Italian migrants in Canada and Australia in the immediate post-war period. This work is based on two newspapers, Montreal's Il Cittadino Canadese and La Fiamma published in Sydney, New South Wales. All available editions from the decade 1947 to 1957 are examined in order to determine which symbols and causes were used to promote Italian ethnic cohesiveness.
In the course of this thesis, it is argued that La Fiamma used religion as the basis of its ideal of italianita, while the Italo-Canadian paper Il Cittadino Canadese made the issue of Italian political representation in Canadian government structures the basis of its quest to unite Italian migrants into an ethnic 'community'. Some possible reasons for the difference in focus between the two newspapers are presented in the conclusion. Also, suggestions are made for future comparative research between Italian ethnic communities in Canada and Australia which may help to better explain the differences laid bare in this paper.

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28

Fong, Yiu Tung James. "Post-war language policy in Hong Kong : an investigation of legitimacy crises and control." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2009. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/988.

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29

Bastien, Danielle. "When Silence is Betrayal: Genocide and United States Foreign Policy." Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/545.

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Анотація:

Thesis advisor: Eve Spangler
United States foreign policy must balance national interests with international obligations, including a commitment to human rights. Genocide represents an enormous violation of human rights but also a significant challenge to the formulation of United States foreign policies. The word genocide was created to encompass the multi-layered characteristics of the systematic and intentional nature of mass human destruction. Though the US has vowed to prevent and stop genocide from occurring, its actions do not indicate so. In Turkey the US failed to defend Armenians, using political principles to justify the decision. Association between the Holocaust and genocide has limited US recognition and action in other situations. Various methods were employed in response to genocide in Rwanda in order to avoid an obligation to action. Emphasizing the people and the society which they compose, the United States must not focus on a strict definition of genocide but must broaden its comprehension beyond technicalities in order to responsibly recognize and respond to genocide, and in doing so capture the intended comprehension of the word
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: Sociology
Discipline: College Honors Program

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30

Piret, Nadine. "Le bilinguisme fonctionnel du gouvernement ontarien, ou, Les origines et la réception des services en français, 1976-1986." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq26356.pdf.

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31

Sawyer, Wayne, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Education and Early Childhood Studies. "Simply growth? : a study of selected episodes in the history of Years 7-10 English in New South Wales." THESIS_CAESS_EEC_Sawyer_W.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/379.

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Анотація:

Calls for increased attention to subject-specific histories have been somewhat insistent in the last two decades. An important emphasis in these calls has been for attention to the history of the 'preactive curriculum' as represented, for example, in Syllabus documents. English has been a particular case in these arguments- a case which often revolves around defining the subject itself. Others have argued further that subject-specific history is usually centred in detailed local, historical studies of the recent past. In attempting to address these issues, this study sets out to answer the questions: 1/. How was Years 7-10 English defined from the early 1970s to the early 1990s in NSW? 2/. What was the relationship between the concepts 'English' and 'literacy' in NSW in the given period? The study focuses specifically on constructions of English in Syllabus documents, professional journals, textbooks and examinations. The particular methodology used to address the study questions is an in-depth study of two selected years during, viz. 1977 and 1992, accompanied by detailed discussion of contextual aspects of these years.
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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32

Picardo, Edward Nicholas. "The war and siege : language policy and practice in Gibraltar, 1940-1985." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1500/.

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My thesis explores language policy and practice in the history of the people of Gibraltar between 1940 and 1985. This period covers the wartime Evacuation and the Spanish border restrictions and closure, and it is also fundamental in the emergence of Gibraltarian identity and democratic rights. My contention is that these developments were facilitated by growing accessibility to the English language. From being largely the preserve of the colonial establishment and the elite, it emerged as pre-eminent in official use, the media and culture, and higher oral registers. This change was hastened by the Evacuation, which increased awareness of the need for English. The Clifford Report of 1944 reformed the whole education system and gave a central role to English. Clifford, Gibraltar’s Colonial Secretary, and indeed educationalists at the Colonial Office, proved themselves far more enlightened than their governing counterparts in Gibraltar. Their reform greatly contributed to political development in the following decades. With the Spanish border closure, the English language and the sense of attachment to Britain gained further consolidation, co-existing with the move away from overt colonialism. In my examination of language behaviour in Gibraltar, including bilingualism and the use of Spanish, interview material supplements written sources.

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33

Sachet, Paolo. "Publishing for the Popes : the cultural policy of the Catholic Church towards printing in sixteenth-century Rome." Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2015. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/6354/.

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Printing had a huge impact on the development of religion and politics in sixteenth-century Europe. Harnessing the printing press is generally regarded as a key factor in the success of the Reformation. The positive role played by printing in Catholic cultural policy, by contrast, has not been sufficiently recognized. While scholars have focused on ecclesiastical censorship, the employment of print by Catholic authorities – especially the Roman curia – has been addressed only sporadically and superficially. The aim of my dissertation is to fill this gap, providing a detailed picture of the papacy’s efforts to exploit the resources of the Roman printing industry after the Sack in 1527 and before the establishment of the Vatican Typography in 1587. After a brief introduction (Chapter 1), I provide an exhaustive account of the papacy’s attempts, over sixty years, to set up a Roman papal press (Chapter 2). I then focus on two main Catholic printing enterprises. Part I is devoted to the editorial activity of Cardinal Marcello Cervini, later Pope Marcellus II. I discuss the extant sources and earlier scholarship on Cervini (Chapter 3), his cultural profile (Chapter 4) and the Greek and Latin presses which he established in the early 1540s (Chapters 5 - 6). Part II concentrates on the projects for a papal press involving the Venetian printer Paolo Manuzio. After an overview of the sources and previous studies (Chapter 7), I analyse Manuzio’s attempts to move to Rome, the establishment of a papal press under his management and the committee of cardinals which supervised it (Chapters 8 - 10). Chapter 11 examines the printing of the first edition of the Tridentine decrees, undertaken in 1564. Chapter 12 contains the overall conclusion to the dissertation. Documentary Appendixes A and B list the publications sponsored by Cervini and the books printed by Manuzio’s Roman press.

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De, Matos Christine, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "Imposing peace and prosperity: Australia, social justice and labour reform in occupied Japan, 1945-1949." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_De Matos_C.xml, 2003. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/480.

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Анотація:

Historiography tends to seek patterns of inevitability, attempting to explain a decided course rather than incorporating other evident, though unfulfilled possibilities. In the case of historiography on the Allied Occupation of Japan, this is particularly obvious. Occupation scholarship appears absorbed by the overarching US presence in Japan during this period, reflects the dominant paradigm of the Cold War and when it does venture past the US remains focused on the US-Japan dichotomy. Australia also participated in the Occupation, also held a vision for a Pacific future and developed a relationship with Japan. Often the Australian perspective did not coincide with that of the US especially on the terrain of ideological and historical experiences and interpretations. The potential for conflict between the two nations’ approaches to post-surrender Japan is particularly evident in labour reform policy and issues of social and economic justice – the focus of this thesis. Australian policies towards labour reform under the Chifley Labor Government are examined in this thesis within the context of the Australian labour movement’s historical legacy, Orientalism and racial stereotypes, the Cold War, US hegemony, idealism and pragmatism and overall Australian policy towards Occupied Japan as a dual-paradigm structure. This thesis investigates attempts to turn labour reform polices and ideals into practice, via the diplomatic control machinery established for the Occupation namely the Allied Council for Japan and Far Eastern Commission and as articulated by Australian government representatives including Dr H.V. Evatt, William Macmahon Ball, Patrick Shaw and Sir Frederick Eggleston. The thesis contests the predominant simplistic harsh peace label given to Australian policy in the current literature. By examining Australian policy towards Occupied Japan from a micro perspective, what emerges is a more complex foreign policy mosaic to which the research in this thesis is a contribution
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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35

Metcalf, Mark Leslie. "Warring states political rhetoric and the Zhanguo ce persuasions." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278770.

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The persuasive speeches of the Zhanguo ce, "The Intrigues of the Warring States," are considered by many to have been written for the purpose of training Warring States political advisers in the rhetorical style of the Zongheng rhetorical school. In contrast to earlier Chinese persuasive styles, the persuasions of the Zhanguo ce were apparently crafted to incorporate manipulative techniques in order to improve the effectiveness of the presentations. This thesis analyzes persuasive speeches from Zhanguo ce in order to identify the types of rhetorical devices used by Warring States rhetors. It also evaluates another reputed Warring States text, the Guiguzi, that openly advocates the use of psychological manipulation in persuasions. Lacking evidence that the received Guiguzi is a valid Warring States text, this thesis compares the Guiguzi teachings and Zhanguo ce persuasions to identify similarities that may indicate general Warring States attitudes toward using psychological manipulation in political persuasions.

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36

Parsons, Meg. "Spaces of Disease: the creation and management of Aboriginal health and disease in Queensland 1900-1970." University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5572.

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Анотація:

Doctor of Philosophy(PhD)
Indigenous health is one of the most pressing issues confronting contemporary Australian society. In recent years government officials, medical practitioners, and media commentators have repeatedly drawn attention to the vast discrepancies in health outcomes between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. However a comprehensive discussion of Aboriginal health is often hampered by a lack of historical analysis. Accordingly this thesis is a historical response to the current Aboriginal health crisis and examines the impact of colonisation on Aboriginal bodies in Queensland during the early to mid twentieth century. Drawing upon a wide range of archival sources, including government correspondence, medical records, personal diaries and letters, maps and photographs, I examine how the exclusion of Aboriginal people from white society contributed to the creation of racially segregated medical institutions. I examine four such government-run institutions, which catered for Aboriginal health and disease during the period 1900-1970. The four institutions I examine – Barambah Aboriginal Settlement, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Fantome Island leprosarium – constituted the essence of the Queensland Government’s Aboriginal health policies throughout this time period. The Queensland Government’s health policies and procedures signified more than a benevolent interest in Aboriginal health, and were linked with Aboriginal (racial) management strategies. Popular perceptions of Aborigines as immoral and diseased directly affected the nature and focus of government health services to Aboriginal people. In particular the Chief Protector of Aboriginals Office’s uneven allocation of resources to medical segregation facilities and disease controls, at the expense of other more pressing health issues, specifically nutrition, sanitation, and maternal and child health, materially contributed to Aboriginal ill health. This thesis explores the purpose and rationales, which informed the provision of health services to Aboriginal people. The Queensland Government officials responsible for Aboriginal health, unlike the medical authorities involved in the management of white health, did not labour under the task of ensuring the liberty of their subjects but rather were empowered to employ coercive technologies long since abandoned in the wider medical culture. This particularly evident in the Queensland Government’s unwillingness to relinquish or lessen its control over diseased Aboriginal bodies and the continuation of its Aboriginal-only medical isolation facilities in the second half of the twentieth century. At a time when medical professionals and government officials throughout Australia were almost universally renouncing institutional medical solutions in favour of more community-based approaches to ill health and diseases, the Queensland Government was pushing for the creation of new, and the continuation of existing, medical segregation facilities for Aboriginal patients. In Queensland the management of health involved inherently spatialised and racialised practices. However spaces of Aboriginal segregation did not arise out of an uncomplicated or consistent rationale of racial segregation. Rather the micro-histories of Fantome Island leprosarium, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Barambah Aboriginal Settlement demonstrate that competing logics of disease quarantine, reform, punishment and race management all influenced the ways in which the Government chose to categorise, situate and manage Aboriginal people (their bodies, health and diseases). Evidence that the enterprise of public health was, and still is, closely aligned with the governance of populations.

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37

Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Full-text, 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1961/1/bozinovski.pdf.

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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.

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38

Browning, Iain W. P. "School leadership and ‘language games’ in neoliberal times: A critical ethnographic case study of the Independent Public School policy in Western Australia." Thesis, Browning, Iain W. P. (2021) School leadership and ‘language games’ in neoliberal times: A critical ethnographic case study of the Independent Public School policy in Western Australia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2021. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/60827/.

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Анотація:

This thesis is a critical policy ethnography (CPE) of school leaders in three low socio-economic indicator (SEI) government schools in Western Australia (WA) that have achieved Independent Public School (IPS) status under the state’s IPS policy. It draws on the stories of school leaders to understand the logics, processes, and tensions they experience in enacting this policy maneuver, and how it is negotiated and resolved at the school level (Ball, 2003). The introduction of WA’s IPS policy occurs in the context of a distinct and well-documented shift in the ideological forces driving education policy in the Western world. Such a shift has resulted in the ascendancy of neoliberalism as the dominant discourse within government education policy formation. Further, this shift is clearly evident in responses provided by the school leaders throughout this thesis. Central to this thesis is the argument that independent or autonomous government schools are part of what Lyotard (1984) terms ‘language games.’ These language games occur within a broader set of neoliberal discourses driven by the idea of ‘homo economicus,’ which governs the ways in which individuals conceive of themselves and society. Such a reconceptualization of homo economicus represents an elemental disruption of democracy as individuals within the neoliberal language game strategize for themselves (Dilts, 2011). The use of CPE provides an opportunity to locate the daily experiences of school leaders in the context of these broader ideological shifts as it relates to the enactment of the IPS policy at three school sites. Ethnography also allows an anthropological approach to the study through seeking to describe participants’ actions, intentions, motives, and reasons. In selecting this particular methodological approach, the voices of participants are given center stage. CPE is a methodology that critically examines the ways in which official policy discourses constitute the lived realities of individuals. In this case, the formal school leadership is comprised of heads of learning areas, deputy principals and principals. The thesis makes a specific contribution to research by examining the broader effects of neoliberal language games through the enactment of the IPS policy in WA via a range of primary and secondary sources. In particular, it examines the effect of the enactment of the IPS policy from the perspective of school leaders in socially disadvantaged WA government high schools.

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39

Cole, Peter. "Urban rail perspectives in Perth, Western Australia: modal competition, public transport, and government policy in Perth since 1880." Thesis, Cole, Peter (2000) Urban rail perspectives in Perth, Western Australia: modal competition, public transport, and government policy in Perth since 1880. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2000. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/660/.

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Анотація:

The decline of public transport in Western Australia is observed in four separate historical studies which narrate the political and administrative history of each major urban transport mode. Perth's suburban railway system is examined as part of the State's widespread rail network, including the extravagantly-equipped short-lived suburban railway in Kalgoorlie. Political interference in early railway operations is studied in detail to determine why Perth's rail-based public transport systems were so poorly developed and then neglected or abandoned for much of the twentieth century. The llnique events in Kalgoorlie at the turn of the century are presented as potent reasons for the early closure of Perth's urban tramway system and the fact that no purpose-built suburban railways were constructed in Perth until 1993. The road funding arrangements of the late nineteenth century are considered next, in order to demonstrate the very early basis for the present lavish non-repayable grants of money for road construction and maintenance by all three layers of government. The development of private and government bus networks is detailed last, with particular attention paid to the failure of private urban bus operators in the 1950s and the subsequent formation of a government owned and operated urban bus monopoly. The capital structure and accounting practices of public transport modes are analysed to provide a critique of popular myths concerning the merits of each. In order to obtain an impression of the changing political view of different transport modes, the attitude of politicians to public transport and the private motor car over the last one hundred and twenty years is captured in summary narrations of some of the more important parliamentary transport debates. Two possible explanations of public transport decline are discussed in conclusion; one relying a neoclassical economic theory of marginal pricing, and the other on an observation on the fate of large capital investments in the modern party-based democratic system of government.

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40

Cole, Peter. "Urban rail perspectives in Perth, Western Australia : modal competition, public transport, and government policy in Perth since 1880." Murdoch University, 2000. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20061122.125641.

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Анотація:

The decline of public transport in Western Australia is observed in four separate historical studies which narrate the political and administrative history of each major urban transport mode. Perth's suburban railway system is examined as part of the State's widespread rail network, including the extravagantly-equipped short-lived suburban railway in Kalgoorlie. Political interference in early railway operations is studied in detail to determine why Perth's rail-based public transport systems were so poorly developed and then neglected or abandoned for much of the twentieth century. The llnique events in Kalgoorlie at the turn of the century are presented as potent reasons for the early closure of Perth's urban tramway system and the fact that no purpose-built suburban railways were constructed in Perth until 1993. The road funding arrangements of the late nineteenth century are considered next, in order to demonstrate the very early basis for the present lavish non-repayable grants of money for road construction and maintenance by all three layers of government. The development of private and government bus networks is detailed last, with particular attention paid to the failure of private urban bus operators in the 1950s and the subsequent formation of a government owned and operated urban bus monopoly. The capital structure and accounting practices of public transport modes are analysed to provide a critique of popular myths concerning the merits of each. In order to obtain an impression of the changing political view of different transport modes, the attitude of politicians to public transport and the private motor car over the last one hundred and twenty years is captured in summary narrations of some of the more important parliamentary transport debates. Two possible explanations of public transport decline are discussed in conclusion; one relying a neoclassical economic theory of marginal pricing, and the other on an observation on the fate of large capital investments in the modern party-based democratic system of government.

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41

Jennings, Reece. "The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09MD/09mdj54.pdf.

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42

Murakami, Charlotte Victoria Trudy. "Language awareness & knowledge about language : a history of a curriculum reform movement under the Conservatives, 1979-1997." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14539.

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Анотація:

England’s long history of education has witnessed many conflicts in regard to language teaching. In this thesis, I investigate the conflicts surrounding two language education reform movements, Language Awareness and Knowledge About Language, during the Conservative administration between 1979 and 1997. The investigation examines official and non-official plans and policy texts produced by various groups and actors, notably Hawkins and Cox, that detail how the teaching of ‘Language’ should be conducted in England’s state school curriculum. The focus of the research is upon identifying what LA and KAL were as pedagogical concepts; why LA was reconstituted as KAL; what the motives underpinning these various plans and policies were; and finally, why efforts to establish LA and KAL were resisted. In the effort to make sense of this history, I draw theoretically and methodologically upon the work of Foucault, Fairclough, Bernstein and Ager. Limitations of my interpretation of this history notwithstanding, my findings revealed that LA was an educational reform movement that emerged from common schooling discourses, and one that sought to improve its educational provision. While LA was originally intended to be a subject in its own right that bridged the English and Foreign Language subject areas, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate reconstituted LA and placed its responsibility firmly within the English subject area. The motives underpinning LA and KAL planning and policy are varied. Those underpinning the policies, however, are distinctly ideological in nature, drawing a strong relationship between language education and democracy. Nearly all motives pertain to what Bernstein calls a competence model of education, the modes of which are notably attuned to addressing inequality and promoting social integration. LA and KAL were reforms that were both ill understood and resented, for varying and complex reasons, by educators and the Conservatives alike. The thesis closes with directions for future research.

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43

Heidelberg, Brea M. "The Language of Cultural Policy Advocacy: Leadership, Message, and Rhetorical Style." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1355929499.

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44

SCORSOLINI, VALENTINA GIOVANNA. "TRADIZIONE CULTURALE E INSEGNAMENTO LINGUISTICO IN AUSTRALIA." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/40178.

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Анотація:

Alla luce del recente interesse verso l’insegnamento della lingua italiana all’estero, il presente elaborato esamina la storia della comunità italiana e dell’evoluzione della didattica dell’italiano nello stato del Victoria, in Australia. La tesi presenta inoltre i risultati della mia ricerca sull’influenza dei flussi migratori e delle politiche linguistiche australiane sull’insegnamento dell’italiano nelle scuole, descrivendo come la percezione della lingua italiana sia cambiata nell’immaginario australiano. Tale analisi storica mi ha permesso di formulare una valutazione critica e suggerimenti per migliorare le metodologie didattiche impiegate nei corsi di italiano nelle scuole secondarie del Victoria.
In light of the growing interest towards Italian teaching abroad, the present dissertation investigates the history of the Italian community and the evolution of Italian teaching in the state of Victoria, Australia. I hereby present the results of my research on the history of the Italian community in Victoria, as well as the influence of Australian immigration and language policies on Italian teaching in Victorian schools, highlighting how the perception of Italian language evolved in Australian public opinion throughout history. Based on this historical framework, a critical evaluation of Italian teaching methodologies in Victoria was conducted, which informed my suggestions for future improvement of Italian teaching practices.

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45

Parsons, Caroline Keller. "Fighting the good fight| Ronald Reagan's moral and religious rhetoric and Soviet policy, 1981--1989." Thesis, College of Charleston, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1587109.

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Анотація:

This thesis contributes to the historiography on President Ronald Reagan, political rhetoric, U.S.-Soviet Relations, 1980s politics, and religion in foreign policy. It examines the consistency and purpose of Reagan’s religious and moral rhetoric in an attempt to gain an understanding of Reagan’s rhetoric as it pertained to his Soviet policies. It draws largely from speeches, articles, summit meetings, interviews, personal correspondences, radio broadcasts, press conferences, political insider’s memoirs, and Reagan administration documents that laid out foreign policy strategies for dealing with the Soviet Union.

I argue that throughout his two terms as president, while there was variance over time in some aspects of his rhetoric (i.e., his characterization of the Kremlin), Ronald Reagan’s rhetoric consistently pointed to religion and morality as central aspects of the Cold War and central causes of East-West tensions. He also consistently pointed to the Soviet system as the greatest moral evil facing the world, and his Soviet policies and interactions with Soviet leaders reflected his perception that religion and morality were at the heart of the Cold War and East-West relations. This thesis intends to provide a better understanding of the worldview Reagan presented in his public rhetoric and of the ways his foreign policy actions were, overall, consistent with that worldview. This study defines Reagan’s public rhetoric as a tool of persuasion that sought to reshape public and private perceptions of the East-West relationship, the Cold War, and America’s role in it.

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46

Mizuno, Norihito. "Japan and its East Asian neighbors: Japan's perception of China and Korea and the making of foreign policy from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century." The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1101744928.

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47

Al-sa'd, Sa'd Faisal 1947. "Symbolic commitment of presidential speeches: A study of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282145.

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Анотація:

The purpose of this study was to explore systematically the interaction among nation states by focusing on a single case of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict, specifically the symbolic rhetoric in presidential speeches. This study seeks to increase our knowledge about international crises, and any possible patterns and fluctuations in presidential symbolic rhetoric toward the Arab-Israeli conflict during the 1948-1992 period. The central objective is to explore whether changes in symbolic rhetoric may be related to the escalation of the conflict, as well as investigating numerous parameters of the rhetoric itself. The measure of presidential symbolic rhetoric was tested in seven Middle East countries: Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and Syria. Theoretically the study adopts Edelman's classification method in distinguishing between referential and condensational symbols. Attention in this study is paid to condensational symbols or symbolic commitment (i.e pride, anxieties, patriotism), and whether the use of those symbols in the Middle East might have been related to three other primary variables: actual conflict in the Middle East, United States military and economic aid to the region, and U.S. political initiatives in the region. In addition, we focused on five distinct conflict periods to see whether changes in symbolic rhetoric patterned itself differently before, during, and after the five crises. The principle conclusion of this research is that the Arab-Israeli conflict was an important issue symbolically to U.S. policy makers, and the presidents of United States lean toward positive symbols. These symbolic commitments tend to increase during the escalation process, and the amount of attention and symbols decreased when war de-escalated. From these results it is possible to assert that presidential perceptions reacted to events as they developed in the region. Convergence between rhetoric and conflict in this specific study suggests that symbols are important political and social indicators in the way policy makers perceive certain issue-areas, and this rhetoric relates to important political events in the Middle East.

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48

Kerley, Margot. "Commercial television in Australia: government policy and regulation, 1953 to 1963." Phd thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/13892.

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Television came relatively late to Australia, but by 1950 the overriding issue of whether to allow commercial as well as national television stations had been settled in favour of a 'dual system', with reference to the examples of Britain, Canada and the United States. The Royal Commission on Television was set up in 1953 to determine the residual details. It decided that television could be successfully regulated by the Broadcasting Control Board which had proved itself a capable regulator of radio broadcasting, and that television transmission channels would be licensed to private individuals or companies selected by means of public hearings. Television 'services' would, it was hoped, gradually be extended to all major urban and regional centres in an equitable and orderly manner. The weaknesses of the Broadcasting and Television Act 1956, began to be manifest from the first round of licence hearings. The Control Board were placed in an increasingly invidious position, caught between the market imperatives which were driving the commercial television industry, and the demands of a bevy of reformers who sought to change programme outcomes to reflect a variety of minority interests. Despite the existence of an avowed policy of 'localism', commercial licensees were quick to form networks based initially on programme sharing arrangements, but later extended by means of a web of minority shareholdings in regional subsidiary companies.

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49

Tanni, Katri E. "Polemics, politics and pressure : the history of the debate over the White Australia Policy in Australia from 1945 to 1973." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149998.

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50

Thornley, Phoebe. "Broadcasting policy in Australia political influences and the federal government's role in the establishment and development of public/community broadcasting in Australia - a history 1939 to 1992." Diss., 1999. http://www.newcastle.edu.au/services/library/adt/public/adt-NNCU20021202.031413/index.html.

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Дисертації з теми "Language policy Australia History"

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