Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Land owning elite"

Long before Moscow's annexation of Novgorod in 1478, relations between the two principalities had been troubled. Novgorod had repeatedly defied successive Moscow princes, disrupting trade, defaulting on tax and rent payments, and refusing to accept the jurisdiction of Muscovite legal authorities. By the middle of the fifteenth century, chronic disputes intensified into overt hostilities. Moscow conducted three military campaigns against Novgorod in 1456, 1471, and finally 1478. The last campaign was followed by the introduction of Muscovite governors into Novgorod, the wholesale eviction and resettlement of the local land-owning elite, as well as other measures undertaken to consolidate Muscovy's authority.

The years immediately after the Glorious Revolution saw the Irish parliament establish itself as an active legislative body. Local government in the country then received something of a fillip, both through legislative action in Dublin, and by reason of the extended period of social and political stability that followed the end of Queen Anne's reign. This essay seeks to outline the responsibilities and functions of the grand jury in Ireland, and thus to establish its position as perhaps the most important component in the governance of provincial Ireland. Further to this it attempts to analyse the social composition of juries through a study of the methods of selection, and the attendant qualification criteria. The available evidence suggests that despite its extensive power and influence, membership of the grand jury was not completely monopolized by the land-owning Anglican elite. Rather, service on the grand jury reached some way down the social scale, and could be undertaken by men from outside the established church. Over time, however, jurors came to be selected from a diminishing pool of candidates : a practice which led to the creation of a largely homogeneous local administrative elite.

When the philippines returned to democratic rule in 1986, two images emerged of the new democracy that were vastly different and often hard to reconcile with each other. On the one hand, many observers commented on the great extent to which the new democracy appeared merely to restore the country's previous democratic regime from between 1946 and the establishment of martial law in 1972 (Anderson 1988; McCoy 1994, 19; Wurfel 1988, 323). In this earlier democratic period, traditional political clans dominated the country's policy-making institutions and successfully blocked equity-enhancing reforms. Over the course of these decades, elite-dominated parties mastered the politics of clientelism, in which local power brokers delivered vote blocs to national politicians in exchange for the granting of particularistic favors and the blocking of progressive legislation. Fears of a restoration in the mid-1980s appeared well founded, both in the significant presence in the reopened legislature of the country's most powerful economic elites and in the resistance to agrarian and other reforms by the new president, Corazon Aquino, herself a member of a prominent land-owning family. In many respects, democratization in the 1980s marked the return to power of traditional politicians, or trapos, as they are popularly called, a word that also means “dishrag” in the Tagalog language.

In October, 1797, theindios principalesof the Andean pueblo of Muñani appealed to the royal court in Cusco to depose their governor, orcacica, Doña María Teresa Choquehuanca. Not challenging hereditary Choquehuanca rule, they instead focused on María Teresa's incompetence and her sex, complaining of “the miseries that we have suffered with [her] inappropriate entry into thecacicazgo,” adding that “on account of her distinct sex she should by justice be deposed, because she is not worthy of so estimable an office.” That office was central to the indigenous politics of colonial Peru, the legal and administrative ordering of which placed most of the Indian population in relatively autonomous, land-owning “pueblos de indios” over which the cacique, responsible for collecting the crown's tribute and maintaining order, presided as something between a chief and a lord. As the village leaders in a parallel, popular tradition that reserved its authority for men, Muñani's principales asserted that this bastion of elite indigenous authority ought not be held by a woman. But they made clear that it sometimes was: María Teresa had governed Muñani for five years. Nor was she alone. Cacicas governed pueblos andayllusthroughout the Andes, and it was quite common for the husbands of cacical heiresses to rule in their names.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the struggle for the first parliamentary reform in England (1830–1832) in order to get an answer on the question of the possibility of classifying this conflict as a religious one. The author proceeds from the previously formulated concept, according to which the most important feature, allowing to classify the conflict as religious, is the division of the subjects of the conflict on religious grounds, and not the presence, as many researchers believe, of religious motivation of the opposing sides. The article analyzes the position of the two main confessional groups of the early XIX century England on the issue of the parliamentary reform: Anglicans (members of the state Church of England) and radical Protestants — dissenters. The Church of England was closely connected with the English model of the «old order», based on the political dominance of the land-owning elite, the dissenters mostly belonged to the «middle class», which sought to reform the political system. Based on the analysis of the speeches of Anglican bishops in the Parliament, the results of the voting at the General elections, the preaching of the clergy, the Anglican and dissenter press, the author comes to the conclusion that most of dissenters supported the idea of reform, and the adherents of the established Church were deeply divided. Not only the supporters of the «old order» and the Tory party were Anglicans, but also the Whigs that put forward the idea of parliamentary reform. It was supported also by some of the Anglican clergy. Theological arguments for and against the reform were rare enough. This allows us to state the existence of religious aspects of the confrontation over the parliamentary reform, but not to qualify it as a full-fledged religious conflict between Anglicans and dissenters.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the struggle for the first parliamentary reform in England (1830–1832) in order to get an answer on the question of the possibility of classifying this conflict as a religious one. The author proceeds from the previously formulated concept, according to which the most important feature, allowing to classify the conflict as religious, is the division of the subjects of the conflict on religious grounds, and not the presence, as many researchers believe, of religious motivation of the opposing sides. The article analyzes the position of the two main confessional groups of the early XIX century England on the issue of the parliamentary reform: Anglicans (members of the state Church of England) and radical Protestants — dissenters. The Church of England was closely connected with the English model of the «old order», based on the political dominance of the land-owning elite, the dissenters mostly belonged to the «middle class», which sought to reform the political system. Based on the analysis of the speeches of Anglican bishops in the Parliament, the results of the voting at the General elections, the preaching of the clergy, the Anglican and dissenter press, the author comes to the conclusion that most of dissenters supported the idea of reform, and the adherents of the established Church were deeply divided. Not only the supporters of the «old order» and the Tory party were Anglicans, but also the Whigs that put forward the idea of parliamentary reform. It was supported also by some of the Anglican clergy. Theological arguments for and against the reform were rare enough. This allows us to state the existence of religious aspects of the confrontation over the parliamentary reform, but not to qualify it as a full-fledged religious conflict between Anglicans and dissenters.

Humans have utilized the Mesoamerican Reef (MAR) for millennia but the effects of prehistorical and historical fishing on this ecosystem remain understudied. To assess the long-term coupling of reef ecosystem and human dynamics in this region, we tracked trends in the structure and functioning of lagoonal reefs within the Belizean portion of the MAR using fish teeth fossils and sediment accumulation rates within reef sediment cores. We then paired this with a timeline of demographic and cultural changes in this region’s human populations. The ∼1,300-year timeline encompassed in the core record shows that declines in the relative abundance and accumulation rate of teeth from parrotfish, a key reef herbivore, occurred at all three reef sites and began between ∼1500 and 1800 AD depending on site and metric of abundance. A causality analysis showed that parrotfish relative abundance had a positive causal effect on reef accretion rates, a proxy of coral growth, reconfirming the important role of these fish in reef ecosystem functioning. The timing of initial declines in parrotfish teeth occurred during a time of relatively low human population density in Belize. However, declines were synchronous with cultural and demographic upheaval resulting from European colonization of the New World. The more recent declines at these sites (∼1800 AD) occurred in tandem with increased subsistence fishing on reefs by multiple immigrant groups, a pattern that was likely necessitated by the establishment of an import economy controlled by a small group of land-owning European elites. These long-term trends from the paleoecological record reveal that current parrotfish abundances in central Belize are well below their pre-European contact peaks and that increased fishing pressure on parrotfish post-contact has likely caused a decline in reef accretion rates. The origins of reef degradation in the Belizean portion of the MAR began hundreds of years before the onset of modern declines resulting from the combined effects of local human disturbances and climate change.

Rural settlement in Roman Britain has been the subject of many previous studies (e.g. Rivet 1958; 1964; Thomas 1966a; Dark and Dark 1997; Taylor 2007a), although in the past there has been a tendency to assume that lowland regions were uniformly ‘Roman’ and characterized by villas. The construction of villas represents the conscious adoption of a distinctively ‘Roman’ style of architecture by the land-owning class, and rather than being ‘nouveaux riche’ (Russell and Laycock 2010, 111), they are more likely to have been descended from old elites within the pre-Roman kingdoms. The Latin term villa referred simply to a country house, and while in practice the vast majority appear to have lain at the centre of agricultural estates, it is in this true sense—of a country house—that the term is used here (Percival 1988). Most books on Roman Britain try to illustrate the distribution of villas and through simple small-scale maps such as these, and with knowledge of well-known sites such as Bignor and Chedworth, it is easy to draw three assumptions: first, that we know what a Roman villa is, second, that we can map their distribution quite easily, and third that they were a typical feature of lowland areas. All of these assumptions, however, can be questioned. The first—that we understand the nature of Roman villas—seems the most straightforward, although the amount of recent excavation is in fact surprisingly limited as scheduling has protected so many sites from development, andmost of the early work focused on the main residential building as opposed to its ancillary structures. The expansion in first ‘rescue’ and latterly developerfunded excavation has, however, led to a far greater range of rural settlements being excavated and rather than there being a clear divide between ‘villa’ and ‘nonvilla’ sites, we can see that there was a continuum, with low-status timber structures at one end of the scale, palatial houses at the other, and a large number of sites in the middle that meet some, but not necessarily all, of the criteria for being regarded as a villa.

Edmund Townsend, his brother Samuel, and other relatives migrated from Virginia to northern Alabama in the early 1800s, among the first white settlers to occupy land ceded by and seized from Native American tribes. The brothers purchased vast swathes of land for cotton cultivation and participated in the domestic slave trade by buying large numbers of enslaved people and relocating them west to Alabama. Both Edmund and Samuel sexually exploited the enslaved women they owned, fathering enslaved, mixed-race children who were legally their property. As their wealth grew and they became members of the slave-owning elite, the Townsend brothers witnessed and participated in Alabama’s transformation from the country’s western frontier to its Cotton Kingdom.

London was destroyed in AD 60/61 by British rebels following the Icenian queen, Boudica. This chapter describes the archaeological traces of fire destruction, and reviews the contribution that the archaeological study of London makes to our understanding of the date and course of the revolt. Arguments concerning London’s unusual status are reviewed, and it is suggested that the city remained under the close control of the governor and imperial procurator. The urban community was dominated by an immigrant community with tastes developed on the Rhineland frontier. The absence of any evidence for the involvement of a local land-owning elite in civic affairs is identified as an important peculiarity of political arrangements in London.