Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Kunwinjku"

Kunwinjku is the main Aboriginal language spoken in Oenpelli, Northern Territory. It is estimated that Kunwinjku is spoken by over 1,000 people; it is the lingua franca of Western Arnhem Land.The purpose of this paper is to outline the linguistic difficulties that Kunwinkju speakers face in learning English as a second language, and to suggest some teaching strategies that a teacher can adopt to help children overcome these.

Abstract Descriptions of Australian Aboriginal English list the neutralisation of the Standard English contrast between so-called voiced and voiceless stops as one characteristic feature. This paper reports on the results of an acoustic analysis of data collected in a production task by monolingual speakers of Standard Australian English in Sydney, of Aboriginal English on Croker Island, Northern Territory, and bilingual speakers of Iwaidja/Aboriginal English and Kunwinjku/Aboriginal English on Croker Island. The results show that average values for Voice Onset Time, the main correlate of the “stop voicing contrast” in English, and Closure Duration collected from Aboriginal speakers of English do not significantly differ from that of speakers of Standard Australian English, irrespective of language background. This result proves that the stop contrast is not neutralised by these Aboriginal speakers of English. However, it can be shown that phonetic voicing manifesting itself in Voice Termination Time is a prevalent and characteristic feature of Aboriginal English on Croker Island. This feature aligns Aboriginal English on Croker Island with local Aboriginal languages and differentiates it from Standard Australian English.

Abstract This paper examines word-initial engma deletion in Bininj Kunwok. Loss of initial consonants is a well-documented historical process in many Australian languages (Blevins, Juliette. 2001. Where have all the onsets gone? Initial consonant loss in Australian Aboriginal languages. In Jane Simpson, David Nash, Mary Laughren, Peter Austin & Barry Alpher (eds.), Forty years on: Ken Hale and Australian languages, 481–492. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics), but there has been no systematic analysis of initial consonant loss as a synchronic variable (Fletcher, Janet & Andrew Butcher 2014. Sound patterns of Australian languages. In Harold Koch & Rachel Nordlinger (eds.), The languages and linguistics of Australia, 91–138. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton). In the case of Kunwok, word-initial velar nasal deletion (e.g. nganabbarru ∼ anabbarru ‘buffalo’) has been described as having regional distribution and is a prominent feature of speakers from the western and southern peripheries of the dialect chain, but variable in speakers from the central region (Evans, Nicholas. 2003. Bininj Kunwok: A pan-dialectal grammar of Mayali, Kunwinjku and Kune. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics). This study tests the distribution of the word-initial engma for both linguistic conditioning and sociolinguistic factors, and arrives at three conclusions. First, that preceding environment is a contributing factor. Second, that morphological class is a categorical conditioning factor. And third, that the phenomenon is spreading and there is evidence of language change in progress. This paper also takes into consideration community perspectives, noting that the sound change in progress is accompanied by a change in perceptions.

AIM This thesis is based on a collection of stories (most of which relate to bark paintings), that were told to me by speakers of the Kunwinjku language of the Northern Territory of Australia. My objective is to show that these particular stories have an important role in the transmission of Kunwinjku culture. I do this by seeking to understand the stories and how they are used by Kunwinjku people. I first consider the stories in the original Kunwinjku language; secondly I relate the stories to the western Arnhem Land artistic traditions; and thirdly I examine their social context. The important role of such stories in cultural transmission is reflected in the phrases daborrabolk kandimarneyolyolmeng "the old people told us stories" and kandimarneyolyolmi "they used to tell us stories" which occur in many stories. I have included one of these phrases as part of my thesis title.

This thesis presents an analysis of the artistic systern of the Kunwinjku of western Arnhen1 Land, Australia. The analysis focusses on the n1eanings encoded in Kunwinjku bark paintings and how the operation of the artistic system develops the sernantic productivity of paintings. The theoretical basis of this analysis is semiological in the n1anner outlined by Saussure. The thesis begins with a historical analysis of the development of the market for K unwinjku paintings. I argue that the production of bark paintings for sale has largely replaced the traditional contexts of secular painting and also some forms of ceremonial painting. I show how bark painting now has a very in1portant role in the transmission of culturally constituted sets of rneanings between generations of Kunwinjku. After this general introduction, the analysis shifts to the way that bark paintings are integrated with the Kunwinjku social systen1. I consider the dynamics of the way Kunwinjku men compete to acquire knowledge of Ancestral subjects, and how paintings are used as a public display of the knowledgeable status of individual artists. I show how the acquisition of knowledge is organised in respect of the ceremonial systen1 and how paintings used in ceren1ony are an important means by which such knowledge is comn1unicated. The analysis of the rneanings encoded in ceremonial paintings provides th~ introductory background for a rnore detailed exarnination of the way bark paintings encode both rnundane and 111ore esoteric ceren1onial references. The 111ain body of the thesis identifies different types of Kunwinjku bark paintings and the specific way n1eaning is encoded in each type. It begins with paintings that Kunwinjka consider to be naturalistic representations. This analysis distinguishes the variety of ways that Kunwinjku see components of the outline form of their figures to be iconically motivated. The succeeding chapter investigates the way that paintings which show more an1biguous figurative forms depict the transformational characteristics of the Ancestral Beings. The innovative potential of such paintings is discussed. The next chapter shows how the composition of the figurative forms of some bark paintings can be n1odified to resernble the composition of ceremonial paintings as a means of incorporating more esoteric references in the work. The final chapter of this analysis reveals how different types of x-ray infill of figurative motifs associates the figures with distinct reahns of 1neaning. Different paintings can refer to the reahns of food division, the nature of death. social grouping or the organisation of landscape. I describe the way that. senior K unwinjku artists 1nay develop new types of x-ray infill i.o create new n1ean1ngs. In the conclusion I consider the way Kunwinjku are progressively socialised to understand the n1eanings of different types of paintings , and how the artistic systen1 is organised to create the se111antic productivity of paintings. I show that Kunwinjku not. only learn t.he 1neanings of different paintings , but also learn to abstract stuctures that organise their understanding of the relationships between paintings. By showing how the artistic systen1 works to condense many reahns of Kunwinjku experience of the world I show how this sytem is involved in the n1aintenance of the continued coherence and vitality of K unwinjku belief. I relate innovation in K unwinjku art to the sen1antic productivity developed within the system.

The presentation of my thesis comprises the Studio Practice component (66%) which takes the form of an exhibition of paintings on canvas to be held at the ANU School of Art Gallery in March 2013, together with a film recording of my practice, a research blog (http://laomedia.com/blog), this Exegesis which documents the nature and development of the practice-led research undertaken during the course of the study, plus the Dissertation component (33%). The Studio Practice component has been based on image-creation experiments at a local farm that bring recently deceased animal bodies into contact with canvas to decompose. I further interrogate the nature of representation at the level of subject within the painting studio when I negotiate with the image produced by the dead animal subject through painting process. My Exegesis combines descriptions of and reflections on my practical processes, with an exploration of the contextual concerns of the research project in respect to contemporary art and, more broadly, human-animal studies. The Dissertation undertakes an analysis of the representation of animals in Western Arnhem Land painting in rock shelters and on paper and bark for sale at Injalak Arts and Crafts, Kunbarlanja. European Natural History painting and anatomical illustration inform my consideration of the X-ray style of representation. In the introductory part of the Dissertation I provide an impression of socio-cultural life in Kunbarlanja through a self-reflexive cross-cultural and cross-species story based on a 10-day archaeological field trip in 2009 and a three- month field stay in the Kunbarlanja community in 2010. While informed by anthropological texts specialising in the culture particular to Kunwinjku speaking Aboriginal Australians, this part of my Dissertation engages with revelatory mythopoeic experiences crucial to an understanding of painting process among Western Arnhem Land artists past and present.

Human-environment interactions will be profoundly affected by anthropogenic climate change. Coastal communities, dependent on freshwater ecosystems for their livelihoods and cultural practices, are likely to be seriously impacted by rising sea level. For communities already subject to marginalising forces of remoteness, poverty or the legacies of colonisation, climate change impacts will likely compound existing stressors. The freshwater floodplains of the Alligator Rivers Region in the Northern Territory, spanning Kakadu National Park and part of West Arnhem Land, represent such a place. This area is at risk from sea level rise, particularly saltwater intrusion, while also home to Aboriginal Australians continuing to practice customary or subsistence harvesting based on freshwater resources. In seeking to support sustainable adaptation to climate change in this context, this thesis examines Indigenous people’s experiences, in living memory, of responding to past and persisting social-ecological change. A place-based, contextual framing approach was used to examine vulnerability and adaptive capacity. Through semi-structured interviews, trips on country, cultural resource mapping and archival work, contemporary patterns of freshwater resource use and Aboriginal people’s perceptions of changes to their freshwater hunting, fishing and gathering activities (collectively termed ‘harvesting’) were examined. Qualitative models were used to conceptualise factors influencing an individual’s ability to engage in freshwater customary harvesting and the determinants shaping adaptive capacity for customary harvesting. The social-ecological drivers of change in freshwater harvesting practices raised by respondents included: existing threats from introduced animals and plants, altered floodplain fire regimes and the ‘bust then boom’ in saltwater crocodile population following recovery from commercial hunting. These all had implications for sustaining customary harvesting practices including restricting access and the transmission of knowledge. Impacts driven by the introduced cane toad, invasive para grass and saltwater crocodile population change, represent examples of solastalgia, particularly for women’s harvesting practices. In addition to environmental conditions, determinants of adaptive capacity of customary harvesting included; mobility on country- particularly supported through on country livelihoods and outstations, social networks facilitating access and knowledge sharing, health and well-being and inter-generational knowledge transmission. Past experience of saltwater intrusion facilitated by feral water buffalo in Kakadu was examined through the lens of social learning, as a historical analogue for future sea level rise. These experiences were shown to influence contemporary perceptions of risk and adaptive preferences for future sea level rise. Customary harvesting was also found to offer unique opportunities to improve remote Indigenous development outcomes across diverse sectors. To build adaptive capacity supporting freshwater customary harvesting practices in this context it will be essential to; understand historical trajectories of social-ecological change, recognise the potential for diversity within groups- including a gendered analysis of adaptive capacity, address existing social-ecological stressors and foster knowledge collaborations for supporting knowledge transmission, the co-production of knowledge and sustaining social networks. Facilitating a social learning environment will be particularly crucial in supporting local autonomy, leadership and experimental learning, and is particularly beneficial in jointly managed protected area contexts. Most importantly, incorporating local Indigenous knowledge, values, perceptions of change and risk into locally-developed adaptation strategies will be essential in developing more culturally relevant and thus sustainable, adaptation pathways.