Статті в журналах з теми "Khun Yuam"

This study of the identity of Tai-Yai ethnic to promote community tourism in Mae Hong Son province is a participatory action research that aimed to find a format for building a learning center for Tai-Yai identity and to establish a network of Tai-Yai identity conservation groups that is linked to community tourism in Mae Hong Son Province. This study focused on the way of life and identity of Tai-Yai people in five districts in Mae Hong Son province include Pai, Pang Mapha, Muang, Khun Yuam, and Mae La Noi. The results of the research were as follows: the Tai-Yai communities maintain their way of life, the concept of belief in the supernatural, and Buddhism beliefs, pass on their identity to the younger generation, and transfer their identity to the general public. The Tai-Yai community of Pambok village has the potential to build a learning center for the Tai-Yai identity at the community level by linking with the Tai-Yai Education Center, Mae Hong Son province which is a “FICES” model (Sustainable Education Community Identity of Tai-Yai Faith).

This article will shed new light on the already crowded area of Marco Polo research, by examining the perspective of Polo, his direct observation of Kublai Khan and Yuan China, as revealed inThe Travels of Marco Polo.The paper analyses the sources of Polo’s perspective on the people he encountered on his travels in foreign lands. It argues that Polo’s ideas were shaped by his cultural background, personal experience and his own interests. Then it examines how the work presents Kublai Khan himself, as well as the Yuan empire’s monetary system, its waterway trade and its ethnic policy. The result of this investigation shows that Polo was an acute observer; he pointed out occasions of misrule despite his adoration of Kublai Khan.

The article is an analysis of judicial activity of Chinggis Khan towards persons who entered his service under different circumstances. Analysis allows to state that Chinggis Khan not always used the same criteria taking his decision on the reward for loyalty and punishment for treachery. Authors attempt to explain the reasons of taking one or another decision by Chinggis Khan and clarify their correlation with political ideology formed by him during the establishing of the Mongol Empire. Besides, it seems that the analysis of specific cases could help trace the process of forming the system of khans court which foundation was laid by Chinggis Khan just during the period of the unification of Mongol tribes at the initial stage of creating of his empire. The source base for the research includes medieval historical works: Secret history of Mongols, Sheng-wu qin-cheng-lu, Compendium of chronicles by Rashid ad-Din, Yuan shih, Altan Tobchi by Lubsan Danzan and some others. Positions of different scholars on decisions of Chinggis Khan are also taken into account.

AbstractThe first Mongol khans were buried in hidden graves, but later Mongols adopted the Muslim practice of building aboveground domed tombs. This essay examines three domed mausolea typical of the Muslim lands erected in the early to mid-14th century in different Mongol khanates—that built for the Ilkhan Öljeitü at Sultaniyya, a second for the Chaghadaid Buyan Quli Khan outside Bukhara, and a third anonymous tomb at Guyuan, Hebei, in the Yuan territories of north China—to show how different Mongol patrons interpreted the same form and funerary traditions associated with it.

AbstractThis article explores the development and transformation of the legend of Muna Mountain, which describes Chinggis Khan’s funeral cortège. In particular, it argues that this legend arose among the post-Yuan Mongols in order to sanctify ‘Inner Mongolia’ as the new homeland through the establishment of the cult of Chinggis Khan at the Eight White Tents. Over time, however, both the legend and the cult changed and these developments are further explored in relation not only to the socio-political fragmentation of the sixteenth century but also the introduction of tantric Buddhism.

The article is devoted to the topic of the acculturation of the Mongol conquerors in China after the conquest by the first heirs of Genghis Khan and the creation of the Yuan Empire — the Mongol state in China. The history of China in the 13th-14th centuries, when the country was conquered by its neighbors, is a vivid example of the relationship between a nomadic and a centuries-old sedentary ethnos. At that time, the Chinese language and the teachings of Confucius became instruments for the acculturation of the Mongols. Having conquered China, the Mongol rulers were forced to master the Chinese culture to most effectively rule the country. As a result, the Yuan era was marked by intense cultural contacts, which makes it possible to trace the changes in the objective parameters of the Chinese language. However, the Mongolian influence itself played only a complementary role in the long process of interaction of the Chinese language with the languages of the steppe peoples of Central and East Asia.

Beginning in 1260, the Mongol ruler Khubilai Khan embarked on the creation of a Chinese-style bureaucracy to govern his realm more effectively. At the same time, the court began to promulgate a salary code for its officials. Though both processes were led in large part by Chinese scholar-officials, this group continually complained about the shortcomings of the salary code and its negative effects on the bureaucracy. By studying their writings on salaries and official government records, this article will demonstrate that the Chinese literati used their complaints about the salary code to level criticisms against flaws in the administration and to push for bureaucratic reform, and that the Yuan court was genuinely concerned about the salary problem and took measures to alleviate it. Yet the court never actually reformed, and this article will ultimately aim to show how the response to the issue of salaries reflected the Mongols’ desires to cling to the power and privilege that was afforded to them by a bureaucratic structure which preserved much of their traditional steppe institutions and values.

The study examines the coup attempt orchestrated by Qubilai Khan (1260-94), who desired to re-establish the 'Yeke Mongol Ulus' and to unify the separated Mongol khanates under the authority of the Yuan Empire. The coup was mounted against the Ilkhan Arghun (1284-91), who was the ruler of the Mongols in Iran, who had been showing signs of separation from the central administration since the time of Aḥmad Tegüder (1282-84). The protagonist of the unsuccessful coup was Amīr Buqa, a loyal commander of the Great Khanate. The article investigates the process, historical background and the results of the attempt in the light of the contemporary sources and the modern studies.

This study seeks to explain the history of the ancient Silk Road and also explain its strategic importance as a network of trade routes connecting China and the Far East with the Middle East and Europe. Using the library's documented instrument and historical descriptive methodology, findings show that the Silk Road is historically connected with the Eastern and Western civilizations and culture. Merchants on the Silk Road transported goods and traded at bazaars along the way. They traded goods such as silk, spices, tea, ivory, cotton, wool, precious metals, and ideas. The Silk Road also enabled cultural transfers, for instance when Genghis Khan and the Mongols invaded China, they came along with their own culture, e.g., buttons on clothes were introduced in China as a cultural import from Central Asia especially under the rule of Kublai Khan during the Yuan Dynasty. The paper concludes that the Silk Road rose to prominence during the Han and Tang dynasties. The long-distance trade at this time did not just transport goods and luxuries, it was also a lifeline of ideas and innovations from Persia, India and countries of the Middle East and Central Asia.

AbstractFocusing on a thirteenth century ‘Mongolian gravestone’ in the city of Sendai, Japan, this article reexamines ‘the Mongolian invasions’ twice launched by Khubilai Khan. It is above all an examination of the origin, transformation, and political and religious symbolism of, and the sharply different attitudes towards the ‘Mongolian gravestone’. It studies how Hojo Tokimune, a regent of the Kamakura Shogunate, asked the Chinese Zen master Wuxue Zuyuan to pray for the repose of the souls of the Japanese and Mongol Yuan soldiers killed in the invasions, combining Japanese Shinto traditions with the Buddhist notion of onshin byodo, that is, treating hate and affection alike. It describes the process whereby the Mongolian gravestone was rediscovered and preserved in the eighteenth century, how it gained a dramatic political significance during the Second World War as it was venerated and enshrined by Prince Demchugdonrob, a descendant of Khubilai Khan, and how it was again commemorated by citizens of Sendai after the war. The paper aims not just to illuminate the paradoxical Japanese, Mongolian and Chinese views of life and death but to shed light on the religious background of the contemporary Japanese- Chinese- Korean wrangle over the Yasukuni shrine.

Abstract Manggala (忙哥剌 d. 1278）was the third son of Qubilai Qa’an (r. 1260–1294) and his chief wife, Chabi Qatun (察必 d. 1281). Although he was not the crown prince he ruled over a large and strategic territory between the frontiers of the Southern Song before it was fully conquered, and the northwestern frontier, where some of the Mongol princes still challenged Qubilai’s legitimacy as the Great Khan. In spite of this, Prince Manggala does not have a biography in the Yuanshi, and is mainly remembered as the father of Prince Ananda, Qubilai’s grandson, famous for embracing Islam. However, juxtaposing sources from different parts of the Mongol empire to compile Prince Manggala’s biography shows that he appears to have been a governor and capable military commander, who established his own princely administrative system, Wangxiangfu (王相府), showed interest in both Islam and Buddhism and addressed the various peoples and religions in his heterogeneous domain differently, thereby enhancing his legitimation. Manggala’s annotated biography can expand our knowledge of the role and status of princes in the Yuan dynasty (元代 1271–1368), as well as shed light on both administration and cross-cultural contacts in northwest China during the early Yuan era.

In the oral traditions of Mongols there are a lot of legends and stories not only about Genghis Khan and the period of Mongolian Yuan dynasty, but also about the first emperor of the succeeding Ming dynasty Zhu Yuanzhang (1368–1398). These stories, first of all, tell that Zhu Yuanzhang was not of the noble origin, he was the son of a common man and became the king by good fortune. Secondly, they state that the Ming dynasty emperors were Mongols by their origin. Thirdly, all these stories and legends in their form and content are typical for Mongolian folklore. The goal of this article is to introduce the plot and themes of the Mongolian historic legends and stories about the Ming dynasty emperors. Most of the texts of legends and stories were recorded by the author from Agvanchoidor (they were included into the book “The Oral History of Mongolian-Tibetan Buddhism”) and also from other informants during expeditions.

The period starting from the second half of the XIV century. and up to the middle of the 15th century, had held under the sign of the fall of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty in China, and it was the most important one in the history of the Eastern Mongols and Oirats. Until then, the rule that only representatives of the Golden Family (that is, the descendants of Genghis Khan) were able to receive power to govern over Mongols, was, in fact, not questioned, but later the various interpretations began to appear. For example, Oirats, as non-Genghisids, had to assert their power, possessing only second roles (Taishi - the first minister). Despite the internal turmoil and the struggle with the descendants of the Yuan rulers, the Oirats did to try to create the united Mongol state headed by Taishis from the Choros Oirat clan. After a long struggle with the Eastern Mongols (who sometimes had also been led by Oirats, for example Ugechi Khashig and his son Esehu) of such Oirat leaders as Batula, Batubolo, Taiping and Toghon, the son of the latter, Esen, managed to not only to unite the Oirats in a short time, but also to create the united Mongolian state. In addition, he revived the religious and political role of the sangha, most likely the teachings of black-caped hat Karma Kagyu. This act was especially important because, besides the ideological counterweight to the right of Genghisids, one should have responded to the growth of Islamic activity in the region.

Abstract Shi Tianlin is one of only two known officials who was appointed to act as judge both in the West and the East of the Mongol Empire, during the period of the united empire when officials were often appointed cross-regionally. Coming from near today’s Beijing, he came to prominence for his knowledge of languages, and was granted a Mongol name. He was a judge in a Western campaign, probably that of Batu against the Qipchaqs and Russians. Later, he was sent by Möngke Khan to Qaidu in Central Asia, and detained there for 28 years, before returning to Yuan China. Despite his long absence from China and though his activity as judge was very short (he declined to be re-appointed as judge when he arrived back in China), the prestige of the appointment stuck, and his son and grandson were both judges in China. The shendaobei, or Spirit-Way Inscription, of Shi Tianlin is particularly interesting for the way in which it explains Mongol concepts in Chinese terms. One of these is the jasagh (held to be the law code of Chinggis Khan), which is equated with Chinese falü (statute or law code). Rather than explaining its contents however, the inscription talks about the importance of following “the jasagh of Confucius”, namely the Lunyu or Analects of Confucius. The inscription – and presumably Shi Tianlin during his lifetime – thus uses a widely-known Mongol concept to promote Chinese values, showing the complexities of intercultural communication and exchange during the Mongol era.

Abstract Before the Mongol conquest in 1279, numerous envoys were sent from the Southern Song court to its neighboring states. Their purpose was to evaluate and tame foreign territories and alien peoples and thereby reduce their threat to Song culture, and the travelogues resulting from these journeys were often “utilitarian” in style. The Record of the Perfected Master Changchun's Journey to the West (Changchun zhenren xiyou ji 長春真人西遊記), however, deserves special attention for its nuanced handling of a complex cultural-political power dynamics. Its compiler, Li Zhichang, was a leader in the Quanzhen sect, and his travelogue documents the journey of his master, Qiu Chuji, at the invitation of Chinggis (Genghis) Khan. Li's text illustrates the tension of competing political and cultural authorities: while the Mongols were becoming the source of political authority, the Taoists still owned the discursive power. The author argues that Li deliberately adopted a narrative strategy that conceded the Mongol claim to political legitimacy while simultaneously asserting Taoism's cultural dominance over the Mongols. The article also juxtaposes Li's work with the travel record by Yelü Chucai, a Khitan adviser to the Mongols who traveled with Chinggis Khan during his western military expeditions. Although Yelü's travelogue is often read as a rebuttal to Li Zhichang's work, a closer look reveals how Yelü appropriated Li's strategy for his own agenda: to justify Mongols' invasion of Central Asia while highlighting the cultural values shared between the Mongols and the Han Chinese. Both works employ rhetorical strategies that laid the foundation for political discourse affirming the Mongol-Yuan dynastic legitimacy.

A study of the site of Kharakhorum suggests it was a large city with an extensive population. The rulers however did not live here permanently but in seasonal palaces in the environs of the city. I have identified the Spring and Winter Palaces and been able to narrow down the possible sites of the Summer and Autumn Palaces. The Spring Palace (the Qarshi-“Sūrī” of Juvainī, the Gegenchaghan of Rashīd al-Dīn and the Jiajianchahan-dian of Saolin-cheng of the Yuan shi) is located at the site known as Doityn Balgas, and the Winter Palace (the Ong-khin of the Rashīd al-Dīn) I consider to be at the Shaazan-khot site. The sites of the Summer and Autumn Palaces are uncertain at this point. Judging from the location of the Spring and Winter Palaces, it is clear that the emperors moved over a distance of 450 km each year and a reconstruction of the migration route shows that the emperor had a domain of 14,000 square km. This area can be called the peri-urban area of Kharakhorum, the political, economic, and cultural centre of the Mongol empire.

The object of this research is the political history of the Ulus of Jochi as a part of the Great Mongol Empire. The subject of this is the Eastern policy of Mengu-Timur – the 6th ruler of the Ulus of Jochi (1266-1282). The author examines such aspects of the topic as the relationship of Mengu-Timur with the rulers of the uluses of Hulagu – Abaga, Chagatay – Borak, Ugedei – Kaidu, decisions made by the representatives of the uluses of Jochi, Chagatay and Ugedei in Talas Kurultai. Special attention is given to the analysis of relationship between Mengu-Timur and the ruler of the Central Ulus of Kublai, who founded the Yuan Empire. Comparative analysis is conducted on the written sources and scientific works on the topic. The sequence of events is reconstructed in chronological order. The author agrees with his predecessors that Mengu-Timur became the first sovereign ruler of the Ulus of Jochi. The scientific novelty consists in the conclusion that entitlement of Mengu-Timur as independent monarch was not a decision of Talas Kurultai. In Talas Kurultai in 1269 Kaidu was recognized as the leader of the right wing of the Mongol Empire, which included the Ulus of Jochi, Chagatay and Ugedei. The relations with the Great Khan in Kurultai were not settled, and the independence of uluses was not proclaimed. In the early 1370s, Mengu-Timur was named qayan, i.e. the supreme ruler above the khan. In 1277, Kublai's sons Numugan and Kukju were caught by the rebels, who sent them to Mengu-Timur. He did not support the rebels, but kept the son of Kublai. Since that moment, Mengu-Timur did was not subordinate to Kublai or Haidu, did not interfere into the conflict between them, restraining both of them from military clashes. Although Mengu-Timur maintained peaceful relations with other uluses, he was qayan title was not recognized.

This review article discusses a new scientific publication of the Institute of Mongolian Studies and the Department of History of the Mongolian State University. In 2019, Steppe Publishing published a collective monograph entitled «History of the Mongol Empire» in 5 volumes. The titles of the volumes correspond to the names of the states that made up the Mongol Empire in the XIII–XIV centuries: «Mongol Empire», «Yuan Empire», «Ulus Jochi», «Ulus Ilkhanate», and «Chagatai ulus». The third volume of the monograph covers the history of the Mongols in the 13th–16th centuries. It is about the state founded by Jochi, the eldest son of Genghis Khan. This book «Ulus Jochi» is the 6th book to be published on the history of the «Golden Horde» in Mongolia, being a new fundamental work of young historians of the country. The оbjective of the study was to highlight the content of the monograph and to reveal the novelty of the recent work by Mongolia’s historians. Research materials: In the course of writing a review, the author sought to find comparative historiographic works on the topic, including those that touch on controversial issues in the history of Ulus Jochi. Results and novelty of the research from the point of view of research methodology, the collective monograph “Ulus Jochi” is written with novelty, namely in regard to its conceptual apparatus. The author of this work agrees with the main provisions and conclusions of the book under review and believes that this work has made many steps forward in studying the history of the Ulus Jochi [Golden Horde].

<p>明朝長城邊外的東北地區，散處眾多羈縻衛所，其中以蒙古兀良哈三衛部落最大，為近邊主要勢力，其自明初受封後，即擁有朝貢貿易資格，並且日益向南遷徙、駐牧，影響明邊東段情勢甚巨。兀良哈三衛雖為明朝「屬夷」，但從未脫離與蒙古世界的聯繫，對明朝叛服不定，唯其勢力也從未能稱霸塞外，一直扮演著關鍵大部落的角色。十六世紀時，達延汗中興元裔，一統蒙古，兀良哈三衛同時向明朝稱臣，後被元裔勢力瓜分，僅朵顏衛持續興盛並成為三衛領導力量，直至明末。歷來的明史研究中，鮮見探究朵顏衛的來源、在明朝的發展，及其在晚明與元裔結盟的情況，這些問題尚有諸多不明之處。本文主要研究明朝朵顏的來源與發展，將先追溯明初「兀良哈三衛」之來源，再考察其首領部落朵顏衛的發展，進而釐清兀良哈部在明朝、河套平原俺答、察哈爾高原蒙古大汗等主要政權間扮演的角色。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>There were numerous garrisons (weisuo) under the Ming dynasty&rsquo;s &lsquo;bridle and halter&rsquo; administrative system scattered across the northeast territory beyond the Great Wall. One garrison among them incorporated three tribes and was known as the Wu-Liang-Ha Garrison. The Wu-Liang-Ha Garrison was under Ming rule, but it also had close connections with Mongolian rulers and functioned as an autonomous military unit. It became the influential force residing in greatest proximity to the Ming border and possessed the right to trade with the Ming. When in the sixteenth-century, the Yuan descendant Dayan Khan reunited Mongolia, including the Wu-Liang-Ha Garrison, the latter were still a vassal of the Ming court. The Duoyan Garrison became the leading force among the Wu-Liang-Ha tribes up through the early 17th century, yet its history has rarely been studied. The primary aim of this paper is to flesh out the origin and development of the Duoyan Garrsion after 1600 and adumbrate the role it played between the northern tribes and Ming China. </p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

Данная статья посвящена анализу процесса взаимного проникновения архитектурных традиций Китая и Тибета. Этот неоднородный процесс активно шел с XIII по XIX в. С одной стороны, привнесение китайских черт в тибетскую архитектуру и наоборот было тесно связано с политическим контекстом. Неслучайно первые попытки соединения двух стилистик на территории Тибета начали возникать именно во время правления династии Юань, когда глава школы Сакья стал официальным духовным наставником Хубилая. Схожие процессы происходили и при проникновении тибетских черт в китайскую архитектуру, когда по велению императорского двора династии Цин около дворцов в Пекине и Чэндэ возвели целый ряд ламаистских монастырей, в архитектуре которых были напрямую заимствованы композиционные и объемные решения тибетских построек. В то же время шел процесс и естественного проникновения тибетской архитектурной традиции в близлежащие регионы провинций Сычуань, Ганьсу, Внутренняя Монголия и Цинхай, что привело к появлению новых форм монастырских построек, где китайские черты проявились гораздо четче, чем в Тибете. На территории Тибета в архитектуре шли схожие процессы постепенного проникновения китайских традиций, что выразилось как в планировке отдельных монастырей, так и в применении деревянных конструкций и элементов отделки и декора. В данном исследовании сделана попытка обобщить обширный и разнородный архитектурный материал с целью более глубокого понимания стилистического развития архитектуры Тибета и Китая. Анализ взаимодействия тибетской и китайской архитектурных традиций на протяжении XIII-XIX вв. позволяет выявить то, как проходили процессы поиска новых форм и образов, стилизации и переосмысления устоявшихся приемов в новых культурных и географических условиях. This article focuses on the analysis of the process of interaction between the architectural traditions of China and Tibet. This complex process began in the 13th century and lasted until the 19th century. On one side, penetration of Chinese features into Tibetan architecture and vice versa was closely connected with the political context. It is no coincidence that the first attempts of combining two different styles in Tibet started to appear during the reign of Yuan dynasty, when the head of the Sakya Buddhist school became an official spiritual advisor of the Kublai Khan. Similar processes led to Tibetan influence affecting Chinese architecture, when several Lamaist temples and monasteries were built around emperor palaces in Beijing and Chengde by order of the Qing Dynasty court. The compositional and volumetric structure of those buildings was directly borrowed from Tibetan architecture. On the other side, Tibetan architectural traditions were naturally spreading into nearby regions, such as Sichuan, Gansu, Qinghai and Inner Mongolia with the expansion of Tibetan Buddhism. It led to the creation of new forms of monastery buildings, where Chinese features exhibited themselves much more clearly than in Tibet. Meanwhile, Chinese architectural traditions in the same time period were equally influencing Tibetan architecture. It may be seen in the evolution of plans, constructions and decorations of buildings. The present article attempts to summarize broad and disparate material with the purpose to better understand the evolution of Tibetan and Chinese architecture. Analysis of interactions between architectural traditions of Tibet and China throughout the 13th-19th centuries allows us to highlight the manner in which the processes of searching for new forms and architectural images in different cultural and geographical conditions have been unfolded..

Abstract Introduction: PC is the third leading cause of cancer-related death in the United States. Cigarette smoking is a known risk factor for PC. Furthermore, it has been evaluated as a possible prognostic marker and has been shown that increased number of pack years is associated with worsened overall survival in PC (Yuan et al). However, it has yet to be shown whether patients undergoing active treatment and are current smokers, are facing a worse prognosis. Our study aims to examine the effect of current smoking on survival outcomes of advanced/metastatic PC patients undergoing active treatment. Methods: This is a retrospective study. Patients diagnosed with advanced/metastatic pancreatic cancer at Henry Ford Health between January 2016 and January of 2021 were identified via chart review. Variables collected included age, gender, smoking status (subclassified as never smokers, former smokers, and active smokers), performance status (documented as Eastern Cooperative Oncology Group (ECOG), number of chemotherapy (CTX) lines, and survival status that is most recently documented by May 1st, 2002. Median survival time were calculated to present the survival time for which the proportion surviving reached 50 percent. Kaplan-Meier estimates were used to generate survival curves for each cohort. The log-rank test was performed to compare the survival distributions among smoking status. Cox model was fit to estimate the association between smoking behavior and overall survival, adjusted for demographics and cancer-related variables. CTX was treated as a time-dependent covariate. All statistical tests were 2-sided with an α (significance) level of 0.05. All data was analyzed using R version 4.1.2. Results: A total of 269 PC patients were included in the analysis. The mean age of the cohort was 66 years and 50.9% were males. The mortality rate (from time of diagnosis to May 1st, 2022 was about 89%. Around 8% of patients underwent surgery, 21% have taken radiation therapy, and only one patient did not undergo CTX. For smoking behavior, 46.1% were never smokers, 34.6% were former smokers, and 19.3% were current smokers. Looking at baseline characteristics, the mean age of active smokers were 4 to 5 years less than never/former smokers and the average ECOG score of non-smokers were 0.28 to 0.32 point less than former/active smokers. Median survival time for patients never smoking was 11.7 months, 8.9 months for former smokers, and 11.4 months for active smokers. The log-rank test did not show sufficient evidence of a difference in survival across patients’ smoking status. Conclusion: Active smoking status does not appear to influence overall survival in advanced/metastatic pancreatic cancer patients undergoing various chemotherapy treatments. This study was limited in its retrospective nature and a relatively small sample. Information regarding level of smoking (light smokers vs heavy smokers) was not readily available. The prognostic value of smoking in PC will need to be assessed prospectively. Citation Format: Aula Ramo, Zeinab Nasser, Mohamad Beidoun, Baha' Mustafa Abbad, Nayef Hikmat Abdel-Razeq, Gazala Khan. Is smoking prognostic for advanced metastatic pancreatic cancer (PC) patients undergoing treatment [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the AACR Special Conference on Pancreatic Cancer; 2022 Sep 13-16; Boston, MA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2022;82(22 Suppl):Abstract nr A049.

Purpose This study aims to more deeply examine the various types of testing mediations and use the comparison test by using test-based mediation Sobel models and Bayesian approach. The purpose of this study are to apply the traditional (using indirect effect) and Sobel test, extend Yuan and MacKinnon (2009) work on Bayesian mediation analysis. Both analysis methods of mediation (Traditional, Sobel Test and Bayesian estimation) should apply in the research of management, by using structural equation modeling (SEM) in a structural model, with one mediation, one exogenous (independent) and one endogenous variable. The meta-analysis approximation has been used to investigate the job satisfaction as a mediation in the relationship between employee competence and performance (endogenous). Design/methodology/approach Data were collected from ten dissertations of students of the Management Doctoral Program at the Brawijaya University from 2009 until 2013; data were analyzed for the mediation variable of job satisfaction (M) in the relationship between employee competence (X) and employee performance (Y) (Muindi and Obonyo, 2015; Olcer, 2015; Sattar et al., 2015; Khan and Ahmed, 2015). A researcher can determine the mediating variable and whether it is complete or partial or if mediation exists in several ways. Findings The results of the above findings using meta-analysis showed that 60% of previous research states that job satisfaction is a partial mediation on relationship competence of the performance, 10% of previous research states that job satisfaction is a full mediation on relationship competence of the performance and 30% stated that job satisfaction is not pemediasi (pemediasi means Mediation variable) on the relationship between competence and performance. This research found that all three approaches provide similar conclusions for ten previous research. Research limitations/implications The findings showed that the Sobel approach and the Bayesian approach provide results that are more sensitive than the traditional approach. Practical implications In my opinion, the rule to investigate the mediation variable should be completed with the conditions (1) q (theta) is not statistically significant, (2) α (alpha) and β (beta) are significant, and (3) q’ (theta) is significant, and increase when M is include as an additional predictor. This condition called partial mediation. Social implications The traditional method is simpler and easy. The method is less sensitive and is not sufficient for investigating the mediating variables. In general, the method results in a mediation variable, but it cannot be used to determine either partial or complete mediation variables. So, investigation by Baron and Kenny Methods (in Hair et al., 2010), the rule or testing called Sobel Test and another approach such as Bayesian to determine the mediation variable is necessary. Originality/value Various methods for detecting mediating/intervening have been widely used in previous research as a method of measurement using indirect effect (Hair et al., 2010), and calculations have been performed using Sobel test (Baron and Kenny, 1986) and Bayesian approach (Enders, 2013). In this study, I wanted to more deeply examine the various types of testing mediations, and use the comparison test by using the test-based mediation Sobel models and Bayesian approach (Baron and Kenny, 1986; Enders, 2013). The statistical application should not be complicated and difficult, it but must rather be simple and easy, so that it is user-friendly. The traditional method is simpler and easier than the other methods, but how sensitive is it? This research is conducted to investigate this problem. The evaluation of mediating mechanisms has become a critical element of behavioral science research (Enders, 2013), especially in the field of management, not only to assess whether (and how) interventions achieve their effects but also, more, broadly, to understand the cause of behavioral change. Methodologists have developed mediation analysis techniques for a broad range of substantive applications. However, methods for estimating mediation mechanisms with various methods have been understudied. The purpose of this study is to apply the traditional (using indirect effect) and Sobel tests and extend Yuan and MacKinnon’s (2009) work on the Bayesian mediation analysis. Both analyses methods of mediation (traditional and Sobel test and Bayesian estimation) should apply in the research of management, by using structural equation modeling (SEM) in a structural model, with one mediation, one exogenous (independent) and one endogenous variable. The meta-analysis approximation has been used to investigate job satisfaction as the mediation in the relationship between employee competence and performance (endogenous). This study uses software R to complete the mediating effect (Enders, 2013). R is a language and environment for statistical computing and graphics. It is a GNU project which is similar to the S language and environment which was developed at Bell Laboratories (formerly AT&T, now Lucent Technologies) by John Chambers et al. R provides a wide variety of statistical analyses such as SEM and Mediation test. R provides an open source route for participation in that activity. The Bayesian estimation approach provides an R function and a macro that applies the method of mediation analysis.

Abstract Background: Epidemiologic data have demonstrated an increased risk of breast cancer development following pregnancy which can last up to 10 years, particularly in women with older age at childbirth. The majority of women with parity associated breast cancer (PABC) undergo genetic testing based on their young age at onset, per current NCCN guidelines. Prior studies have evaluated the interaction of parity and germline BRCA1/2 mutation status, but these have not been extended to other pathogenic germline mutations in known breast cancer susceptibility genes (PALB2, TP53, PTEN, CDH1, CHEK2, ATM, and STK11). Our goal was to evaluate the prevalence of pathogenic germline mutations in a contemporary cohort of women less than 50 diagnosed with breast cancer in relation to their parity status and the time since their most recent pregnancy. Methods: The Northwestern Electronic Database Warehouse was queried for women diagnosed with a new breast cancer between 2010 - 2020 at the age of less than 50 and underwent genetic testing with results available. Patient demographic data, parity history, and genetic testing results were obtained from the structured electronic health records data as well as from semi-structured clinical notes using rule-based text mining methods. 929 women were identified with complete information on parity status, age at first birth, age at most recent birth, breastfeeding status, and germline mutation status. Statistical analyses included Pearson’s chi-square and logistic regression with adjustment for age at diagnosis. Results: 85 women (9.1%) had a germline genetic mutation, with the most prevalent mutations being BRCA1 (3.9%), BRCA2 (2.5%), CHEK2 (0.8%), PALB2 (0.6%) and ATM (0.5%). 90 women (9.7%) had a variant of uncertain significance (VUS) and were included in the no mutation group for analysis. There was no statistically significant difference between nulliparous and parous women in regard to likelihood of having a pathogenic germline genetic mutation (age-adjusted OR 0.85, CI 0.53 -1.29). Among parous women stratified by recency of pregnancy (&lt;5 years, 5-10 years, and &gt;10 years), there was an increased likelihood of having a germline genetic mutation with recency of pregnancy &lt; 5 years (age adjusted OR 2.2, CI 1.07-3.75) compared to women with &gt; 10 years since last pregnancy. Evaluation of each separate germline mutation demonstrated mixed results with CHEK2 mutations more likely with more recent pregnancy (age adjusted OR 3.58, CI 1.13 - 7.57), while PALB2 mutations were less likely with more recent pregnancy (age adjusted OR 0.72, CI 0.52-0.85). The remainder of the mutations were not statistically significantly different among nulliparous vs parous women or when stratified by recency of pregnancy. Conclusions: Nulliparous women with a new diagnosis of breast cancer under the age of 50 were equally as likely to have a germline genetic mutation compared to parous women. After adjusting for age, recency of pregnancy within 5 years of breast cancer diagnosis was associated with increased likelihood of having a germline genetic mutation. The influence of family history of cancer will be addressed in additional analyses. Our data suggest that these mutations may confer an increased risk of parity-associated breast cancer, but need confirmation in larger studies. Citation Format: Erica Wrubel, Saya Rene Dennis, Takahiro Tsukioki, Theresa Sciaraffa, Yuan Luo, Seema A Khan. Frequency of germline mutations in breast cancer susceptibility genes among women under age 50 presenting with parity associated breast cancer [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 2021 San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium; 2021 Dec 7-10; San Antonio, TX. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2022;82(4 Suppl):Abstract nr P2-09-15.

Multicomponent products that combine hardware and software (cars, airplanes, and telephones, to name a few) are everywhere in our lives. The commercial release of such products is a compromise between performance capabilities, competitive pricing, and time to market (Challa, Rundle, & Pecht, 2013). As product performance increases, system complexity and the number of failure modes also increase. Of particular importance are “No Fault Found” (NFF) events that occur when a user records a system error and subsequent investigations fail to uncover the reason for the system malfunction – the root cause is unknown (Jones & Hayes, 2001). NFF can result in high warranty costs, product recalls, and diminished reputation (Challa et al., 2013). Surprisingly, most organizations do not explicitly calculate the costs of NFF or use a framework to estimate them (Erkoyuncu, Khan, Hussain, & Roy, 2016). A defining aspect of NFF is the discrepancy between actual and anticipated use conditions (Challa et al., 2013). Anticipated use is often defined by qualification, the passing of tests that demonstrate when a product meets nominal design and manufacturing specifications (Challa et al., 2013). A popular form of qualification is standards-based testing due to its speed, low cost, and applicability to many products (Challa et al., 2013). Standards such as Military Standard (MIL-STD) meet these criteria, but are often inappropriate for specific, actual-use conditions in the field. For example, the Ford Motor Company designed thick film integrated (TFI) ignition modules based on a set of laboratory standards. Cars used in hot climates experienced numerous failures that were initially classified as NFF (because these failures could not be reproduced under the milder laboratory conditions) (Thomas et al., 2002). One remedy to this problem would be to adopt more stringent engineering specifications for qualification. In this research, we analyzed NFF across four industries – automotive electronics, aerospace, medical equipment, and consumer electronics. The analysis is based on four contributors to NFF: testing procedures, intermittent failures, environmental factors, and human factors. Intermittent failures are the re-appearance of equipment failure after remedial actions have taken place (Thomas et al., 2002). Environmental factors (also referred to as environmental monitoring) are the context (or “background”) conditions in which the NFF event occurs. These factors can take on a variety of forms, from vibration and humidity in an aircraft to the diverse demographics of users of a consumer electronic product (Kim & Christiaans, 2016; Moffat, Abraham, Desmulliez, Koltsov, & Richardson, 2008). Case studies (representing each of the four industries) demonstrate that the existing strategies for reducing the occurrence of NFF events are limited. Addressing the four contributors to NFF (testing procedures, intermittent failures, environmental factors, and human factors) allows for the development of a systematic approach to reduce these events. First, one must distinguish between “hard” and “soft” failures. Hard failures are technical or equipment reliability failures (den Ouden, Yuan, Sonnemans, & Brombacher, 2006; Kushniruk & Patel, 2004). Soft failures occur when products fail to meet usability expectations, despite functioning from a technical, reliability standpoint (den Ouden et al., 2006). Hard failures are relevant to the aerospace and automotive electronics industry case studies, while soft failures pertain to medical equipment and consumer electronics. Analysis reveals a number of key insights, including the impact of proper failure classification (what is or is not a NFF event). Proper classification enables organizations to quantify how products perform in the field and which corrective actions are needed to improve reliability and usability.

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A preliminary study to determine the group of compound contained in the ethanolic extract of mahagony (Swietenia mahagoni L. Jacq.) seeds and its inhibitory activity to a-glucosidase enzyme has been done. The information from this study will be used in the further investigation about the specific constituents related to the bioactivity. The seed was grounded and then extracted with ethanol by maceration technique. The crude extract was separated with liquid-liquid extraction by using n-hexane, ethyl acetate, and methanol as the solvents. The best eluent for isolation, chloroform:ethanol (1:1), was determined by thin layer chromatography while alumina as stationary phase. The isolation step with column chromatography gave two types of isolates, yellow and colorless isolate. In order to get information about the compound, the crude extract was subjected to phytochemical assignment and the isolate with the better activity was analyzed by infrared spectroscopy. The inhibitory activity for the yellow isolate with IC50 as 19.345 ppm was better than the colorless isolate. Therefore, the IR spectroscopy assay was subjected to the yellow isolate. Based on the comparison IR spectra with literatures, it has suggested that the yellow isolate contains tetranortriterpenoid or limonoid group.Keywords: Swietenia mahagoni L. Jacq., diabetes type 2, a-glucosidase, tetranortriterpenoidREFERENCE World Health Organization. Global report on diabetes. http://www.who.int. Accessed on 18 July 2017.Kementerian Kesehatan Republik Indonesia. 2014. Situasi dan analisis diabetes. Jakarta: Pusat Data dan Informasi Kemenkes RI.Dutta, M., Raychaudhuri, U., Chakroborty, R., and Maji, D. 2011. Role of diet and plants on diabetic patients - a critical appraisal. Science and Culture. 77 (3–4).Eid, A.M.M., Elmarzugi, N.A., and El-Enshasy, H.A. 2013. 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The Mae Hong Son Fault (MHSF) is a north-trending active fault in northern Thailand. The largest earthquake ever recorded in Thailand occurred in February 1975 with a magnitude of 5.6 and was associated with the southern end of the MHSF. Paleoearthquake magnitudes, recurrence intervals, and slip rates for the MHSF are evaluated using the morphological characteristics of the MHSF aided with a 12.5-m-resolution digital elevation model (DEM) and using fault trenching. Morphotectonic analysis, including studies of offset streams, linear valleys, triangular facets, and fault scarps, helps illustrate dextral fault movements within the MHSF zone. Two separated N–S trending basins, the Mae Hong Son to the north and the Mae Sariang to the south, are present along the MHSF. Between these basins, fault displacements decrease toward the Khun Yuam area. Surface rupture length investigation from fault segments in both basins indicates maximum credible earthquake magnitudes between 5.8 and 6.3. Fault trenching and road-cut studies show that nine earthquakes occurred along the MHSF over the past ∼43 ka. Optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating help define the timing of the earthquakes to ∼43, ∼38, ∼33, ∼28, ∼23, ∼18, ∼13, ∼8, and ∼3 ka. The recurrence interval of earthquakes on the Mae Hong Son Fault is ∼5,000 years and the fault has a slip rate of ∼0.04–0.15 mm/a.

This article is about an outstanding political figure Yelü Chucai (1189–1242), who was the main advisor of the Mongol khans. Due to his excellent abilities and skills, he managed to play a significant role at the court of Ögedei Khan (1186–1241), as well as in the elaboration of a tax policy used in Northern China. Yelü Chucai contributed to the creation of a symbiosis of the nomadic Mongolian and sedentary Chinese civilisations that took shape during the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368) in what is modern-day China.

Хүннү нар эдүгээгээс 2000 гаруй жилийн тэртээ Ази, Европыг холбосон хүчирхэг гүрэн байгуулахад элч, улаачийн гүйцэтгэсэн үүрэг асар их байсан нь ойлгомжтой. Хожмын нүүдэлчдийн төр, улсууд зам харилцааны энэ уламжлалыг залган хөгжүүлснээр Их Монгол улсын үе хүрч XIII зууны үеийн монголчууд дэлхийд анх удаа өртөөг зам тээвэр, харилцаа холбооны цогц сүлжээ болгон зохион байгуулж дэлхийн талыг эзэгнэсэн их гүрний хэмжээнд хэрэглэсэн ажээ. Монгол улсын үед байгуулагдсан өртөөний тогтолцоо нь Юань улсын үед илүү сайжран хөгжсөн бөгөөд нийт улс даяар 1500 гаруй өртөө (тухайн үед улаачийн газар хэмээн нэрлэгдэж байсан) байгуулсан байна. Ийнхүү Юань улсын Хубилай хаан дөрвөн зүг, найман зовхисыг холбосон, хааны зарлигыг уламжилж буй элч, алба татвар хураагч, худалдаачин, цэргийнхэн, шашны лам хувраг нарын аюулгүй-байдлыг дээд зэргээр хангасан, өндөр зохион байгуулалттай өртөөний тогтолцоог бий болгож чадсанаараа Монгол, Хятадын төдийгүй дэлхийн зам харилцааны хөгжилд асар их хувь нэмэр оруулсан юм. Yuan Dynasty Postal System It is clear that envoys played crucial role in building Hunnu empire which connected Asia, and Europe. Since then nomads developed this system further, and 13th century Mongolians started using Urtuu (relay posts) as perfect postal, transportation, communication system throughout its vast empire. Relay posts established during Mongolian empire has been developed even further during Yuan Dynasty, and there were 1500 postal relay stations established. Kublai Khan, founder of the Yuan Dynasty, could establish perfect postal relay system throughout his empire which safeguarded envoy’s, taxmen’s, traders, military men’s, and religious monk’s safety. This postal relay system establishment not only contributed Mongolian, Chinese postal, transportation, communication system, but also world’s.

Abstract This article discusses the career of three historical figures who had a position of authority in the courts of the Ilkhans and the Great Khans of the Mongol Empire in China: Rashid al-Din Tabib (d. 1318), the Persian statesman and historian; Liu Bingzhong (d. 1274), Qubilai Khan's (r. 1260-94) Chinese counsellor; and Bolad Aqa (d. 1313), the famed Mongol tribesman. This study raises the question of whether Rashid al-Din's policies, when he was in office as the vizier of Ghazan Khan (r. 1295-1304), were modelled in some respects on the approach of the Chinese nobles—Liu in particular—to the Mongols during the early stages of the Mongol rule over China. In addition, taking into account Bolad's noticeable presence in the courts of the Mongols in Ilkhanid Iran and Yuan China, it seeks to shed light on his role as an intermediary and a possible conduit for Chinese political thoughts to reach Rashid al-Din.

Nuo-zhen river battle is, which constitutes of the Middle Asian Turkic History, the Xueyantuo (Syr Tardush, Seyanto) also took part as an attendant. no matter how short time they stayed on the history, after the demolish of East Turk Khanate, and later till the West Turk Khanates enforcing, has undertaken an important and historical role. During the collapse of the Eastern Turkic Khaganate, they cooperated with Li Yuan, the founder ruler of the Tang dynasty. By cooperating with the Tangs, they dissolved the Eastern Turkic khanate, which they were under their rule, apart from being their cognates. The Eastern Turkic Khaganate, which was dissolved as a result of this event, came to the fore as the strongest among the other people, and under the leadership of Yi-shi-bo (乙失鉢), they began the efforts to stand on their own feet and become independent, and these efforts reached its peak with the Yinan Khan. Later, the contact of Yinan Khan with the Tang dynasty, his revolts against the East Turk Khanate yielded results and the East Turk Khanate was dissolved. With this period starting Tang-Xueyantuo rapprochement, continued for a while in an environment of peace and mutual trust. However, later on, the Xueyantuos, who became stronger in the political and military sense, started not to be content with the area they lived in the northern lands and aroused their appetite for the southern lands with the motive of every northern people. As a result, mutual relations began to deteriorate. Relations were completely destroyed by the Xueyantuo's attack on the southern lands, and both powers fought the battle that went down in history as the Nuo-zhen river (诺真水) battle. Today, this region coincides with the Tuo-ke-tuo (托克托) county of Inner Mongolia province. This study primarily deals with the processes of the Tang Dynasty and the Xueyantuo until the Nuo-zhen Battle. This study provides general information about the causes and results of the Nuo-zhen Battle.

В статье на основе сведений, представленных в повествовании Марко Поло и в китайской «Истории Юань», исследуется вопрос о месте убийства аланских воинов, случившемся в правление великого хана Хубилая при занятии монгольскими войсками одного из городов империи Южная Сун. Изучение данного вопроса представляется актуальным, поскольку указанные источники, одинаковым образом передавая общую канву этих событий, расходятся в некоторых деталях, к которым, среди прочих, относится и передача названия города, где эти события происходили. Приводится краткая характеристика использованных источников и сопоставление представленных в них сведений, а также историография вопроса, которая, будучи основана на разных сведениях, имеющихся в источниках, дает противоречивые указания на место рассматриваемых событий. Проведенное исследование позволяет утверждать, что имеются четыре повествования, содержащие сведения о гибели аланских воинов при завоевании монголами империи Южная Сун: три из них содержатся в жизнеописаниях асских тысячников Атачи и Юйваши, а также асского владетеля Ханхусы и его потомков, представленных в «Истории Юань», а одно — в повествовании Марко Поло, дошедшем до нас в различных редакциях. На основе сопоставления данных указанных источников можно полагать, что указание Марко Поло на город Чанчжоу как место рассматриваемых событий является ошибочным, поскольку в жизнеописаниях асских военачальников, представленных в «Истории Юань», этот город назван Чжэньчао. В настоящее время город Чжэньчао представляет собой городской уезд Чаоху, входящий в городской округ Хэфэй, являющийся административным центром провинции Аньхой. The issue of Alanic warriors slaughter that occurred in the time of the rule of the Great Khan Kubilai during the occupation of one of the cities of the Southern Song Empire by the Mongolian troops is investigated in the article on the basis of information presented in Marco Polo’s narrative and in Chinese «History of Yuan». The study of this issue seems relevant since these sources giving the general outline of these events in the same way, differ in some details namely differently spelling the name of the city, where these events took place. A brief description of these sources and a comparison of the information presented in them are adduced as well as the historiography of this issue containing contradictory location of the events being based on the varied information about this issue available in these sources. The study maintains that there are four narratives containing information about the death of Alanic warriors during the Mongols’ conquest of the Southern Song Empire: three of them are contained in the biographies of the As chiliarchs Adachi and Yuwashi and of the As ruler Hanghusi’s and his descendants presented in «The History of Yuan», and the fourth is contained in Marco Polo’s narration which has come down to us in various editions. Comparison of the information on this issue provided by these sources allows to suppose that Marco Polo’s designation of the city of Changzhou as the location of the events is erroneous since the city is named Zhenchao in the biographies of the As military leaders presented in the Yuan History. At present the city of Zhenchao is a city county of Chaohu that is part of prefectural municipality of Hefei, the center of Anhui Province.

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The Trp64Arg (rs4994) polymorphism in codon 64 of ADRB3 (beta3-adrenergic receptor) gene is involved in the regulation of energy metabolism. This study optimizes the genotyping method of ADRB3 rs4994 polymorphism and determines the allele and genotype frequencies of this polymorphism in 3-5 years old children in Hanoi. A cross-sectional study was conducted on 100 three-to-five-year-old Hanoi children, using DNA extraction method from cheek mucosa cells. The genotyping of this polymorphism was performed by polymerase chain reaction and restriction fragment length polymorphism (PCR-RFLP) method. The study optimized the method of genotyping of ADRB3 rs4994 polymorphism with Mval enzyme. In 3-5 years old children in Hanoi, T/T genotype accounted for the highest proportion (78%), C/C genotype accounted for the lowest proportion (3%). T and C allele frequencies were 0.785 and 0.125, ​​respectively. The genotypes observed were in agreement with those expected under Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium. It is necessary to apply the genotyping method and genetic distribution for genotyping the ADRB3 rs4994 polymorphism in large-scale studies in Vietnam. Keywords ADRB3, rs4994, genotyping, RFLP. References [1] T. Rankinen, A. Zuberi, Y.C. Chagnon, S.J. Weisnagel, G. Argyropoulos, B. Walts and C. Bouchard, The human obesity gene map: the 2005 update, Obesity. 14 (2006) 529-644. https://doi.org/10.1038/oby.2006.71. [2] S. Krief, F. Lönnqvist, S. Raimbault, B. Baude, A. Van Spronsen and P. Arner, Tissue distribution of β3-adrenergic receptor mRNA in man, J Clin Invest. 91 (1993) 344-349. Doi: 10.2337/db18- https://doi.org/10.2337/db18- 0462.[3] F.Lönnqvist, S. Krief, A.D. Strsberg, S. Nyberg, L.J. Emorine and P. Amer, A pathogenic role of visceral fat β3-adrenoceptors in obesity, J Clin Invest. 95 (1995) 1109-1116. Doi: https://doi.org/10.1172/JCI117758.[4] J. Walston, K. Silver, C. 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Daghistani, A. Eldali, Z.K. Hassan, M.H. Elamin and A. Warsy, ADRB3 polymorphism rs4994 (Trp64Arg) associates significantly with bodyweight elevation and dyslipidaemias in Saudis but not rs1801253 (Arg389Gly) polymorphism in ARDB1, Lipids in health and disease. 17 (2018) 58-66. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12944-018-0679-7[9] J. Walston, K. Silver, C. Bogardus, W.C. Knowler, F.S. Celi, S. Austin, Time of onset of non-insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus and genetic variation in the beta 3-adrenergic-receptor gene, N Engl J Med. 333 (1995) 343-347. https://doi.org/10.1056/NEJM199508103330603[10] K. Clement, C. Vaisse, B.S. Manning, A. Basdevant, B. Guy-Granda and J. Ruiz, Genetic variation in the beta 3-adrenergic receptor and an increased capacity to gain weight in patients with morbid obesity, N Engl J Med. 333 (1995) 352-354. https://doi.org/10.1056/NEJM199508103330605[11] H. Kim-Motoyama, K. Yasuda, T. Yamaguchi, N. Yamada, T. Katakura and A.R. Shuldiner, A mutation of the β3-adrenergic receptor is associated with visceral obesity but decreased serum triglyceride, Diabetologia. 40 (1997) 469-472. [12] S.G. Malik, M.R. Saraswati, K. Suastika, H. Trimarsanto, S. Oktavianthi and H. Sudoyo, Association of beta3-adrenergic receptor (ADRB3) Trp64Arg gene polymorphism with obesity and metabolic syndrome in the Balinese: a pilot study, BMC research notes 4 (2011) 167-173. https://doi.org/10.1186/1756-0500-4-167[13] E. Widen, M. Lehto, T. Kanninen, J. Walston, A.R. Shuldiner, L.C. Groop, Association of a polymorphism in the beta 3-adrenergic-receptor gene with features of the insulin resistance syndrome in Finns, N Engl J Med 333 (1995) 348-351. https://doi.org/10.1056/NEJM199508103330604[14] A.J. Biery, S.O.E. Ebbesson, A.R. Shuldiner, B.B. Boyer, The β 3-adrenergic receptor TRP64ARG polymorphism and obesity in Alaskan Eskimos, International journal of obesity. 21 (1997) 1176-1179.[15] X. Yuan, K. Yamada, K.I. Koyama, F. Ichikawa, S. Ishiyama, A. Koyanagi and K. Nonaka, β3-adrenergic receptor gene polymorphism is not a major genetic determinant of obesity and diabetes in Japanese general population, Diabetes research and clinical practice, 37 (1997) 1-7. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0168-8227(97)00064-8[16] N. Sakane, T. Yoshida, T. Umekawa, A. Kogure, Y. Takakura and M. Kondo, Effects of Trp64Arg mutation in the β3-adrenergic receptor gene on weight loss, body fat distribution, glycemic control, and insulin resistance in obese type 2 diabetic patients, Diabetes care 20 (1997) 1887-1890. https://doi.org/10.2337/diacare.20.12.1887[17] R. Bracale, F. Pasanisi, G. Labruna, C. Finelli, C. Nardelli, P. Buono and G. Oriani, Metabolic syndrome and ADRB3 gene polymorphism in severely obese patients from South Italy, European journal of clinical nutrition. 61 (2007) 1213-1219. https://doi.org/10.1038/sj.ejcn.1602640[18] G.T. Marth, E. Czabarka, J. Murvai, S.T. Sherry, The Allele Frequency Spectrum in Genome-Wide Human Variation Data Reveals Signals of Differential Demographic History in Three Large World Populations, Genetics. 166 (2004) 351-372. [19] National Center for Biotechnology Information. http://hapmap. ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/projects/SNP/snp_ref.cgi?do_not_redirect&rs=rs4994 (accessed 6 March 2019).[20] L.T. Tuyet, B.T.N. Anh, T.Q. Binh, Application of restriction fragment length polymorphirm method for genotyping BDNF rs6265 polymorphism. Journal of science of HNUE, Chemical and Biological Science, 59 (2014) 123-130. https://doi.org/10.15625/0866-7160/v37n1se.6095[21] L.T. Tuyết, T.Q. Bình, Bước đầu nghiên cứu đa hình nucleotide đơn MC4R-rs17782313 ở trẻ 5-6 tuổi Hà Nội bằng phương pháp PCR-RFLP. Tạp chí Khoa học Đại học Quốc gia Hà Nội, chuyên san KHTN và Công nghệ. 31 (2015) 57-63. https://js.vnu.edu.vn/NST/article/view/84[22] L.T. Tuyết, T.Q. Bình, Associations of Single Nucleotide Polymorphism rs17782313 in Melanocortin 4 Receptor Gene with Anthropometric Indices in Normal and Obesity Primary School Children in Hanoi. NU Journal of Science: Medical and Pharmaceutical Sciences. 34 (2018) 1-7. https://doi.org/10.25073/2588 - https://doi.org/10.25073/2588-1132/vnumps.4107

This study aims to enhance the dissolution rate of a poorly-soluble drug, aspirin, by fabricating aspirin nanosuspensions using the anti-solvent precipitation. The study investigates the effect of the type of solvents, solvent to anti-solvent ratio, drug concentration, machines, stirring speed, ultrasonication technique and the temperature of solvent on the particle size and polydispersity index. The characterization of the original aspirin powder and nanoparticles was evaluated by differential scanning calorimetry and in vitro dissolution test. The results indicate that the selected formulation showed the smallest mean size of 228.2 ± 24.6 nm and a zeta potential of - 40.3 ± 2.5 mV. The differential scanning calorimetry analysis demonstrates that aspirin nanoparticles possessed lower crystallinity than the raw aspirin powder. The dissolution of nanoparticle was significantly higher compared with the original drug in the in vitro dissolution test. 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