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Tanchuco, Joven Jeremius Q. "Think Global, Act Local." Acta Medica Philippina 56, no. 17 (September 29, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.47895/amp.v56i17.6643.

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In the Philippines, many people would think that items made in other countries have better quality and are more desirable.More recently, with numerous goods coming from nearby countries also having built their reputation for similar or even betterquality – for example, those coming from Japan, Taiwan and more lately, China – goods from these countries are now alsopopular. But it remains unusual that we would generally prefer local brands, i.e., those made in the Philippines.When it comes to using scientific evidence as basis for local medical practice, it should be argued that high quality localdata is superior and should be used. After all, it is derived from our countrymen who may have a different disease biology and/or natural history, sociocultural determinants, as well as clinical practices. It is unfortunate, however, that such local data arenot always available. Even if it exists, it is also not easily accessible. In this, and other issues of Acta Medica Philippina, we see some of the efforts being made by our colleagues to look intothis local experience. They offer varied insights into how global diseases are manifested locally: are there differences that weshould be aware of? As far back as 2006, the Philippine Council for Health Research and Development (PCHRD) has already facilitatedthe creation of a National Unified Health Research Agenda (NUHRA) which is reviewed every five years to identifyresearch priorities in the Philippines.1 In its latest iteration, the 2017-2022 NUHRA prioritizes among others, the holisticapproach to health and wellness that aims to produce evidence geared towards the application and recognition of traditional,sociocultural, and alternative approaches to health.2 The study by Sanico and Medina in this issue highlights this objective.It looked into the potential health benefits and risks of an indigenous fermented rice wine called tapuy. Utilizing a modernbiotechnology technique called metagenomic sequencing, the authors found significant presence of probiotic bacteria thatcan be explored for health applications. However, they also detected the presence of harmful bacteria which may indicate theneed for possible standardization of the fermentation practices. The Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS) has long plagued the global landscape ever since it was first describedin 1981.3 Because cases have not been described previously, AIDS with its increasing numbers, was soon labeled as anepidemic.4,5 In the Philippines, the HIV/AIDS epidemic has been a fairly more recent one.6-9 Sadly, our country is nowidentified as one with the fastest growing HIV epidemic in the Western Pacific.10 Identifying perceptions of the generalcommunity, especially the high risk populations, can go a long way in curtailing the rising numbers.11 The article by Jamesand colleagues looked further into this by evaluating the knowledge, attitudes and practices on prevention and transmission ofHIV/AIDS among college students in Pampanga, Philippines. The participants were found to have a low knowledge of HIV/AIDS, but had a good attitude toward HIV positive individuals. The authors recommended that education on HIV/AIDScould help control the local epidemic. The study by Rogelio and Santiago looked into screening for retinopathy in patients with gestational diabetes mellitus(GDM). Their data did not support screening to be done in this population. A study had previously reported that GDM has aprevalence of 14% in the Philippines making GDM a disease that is worth addressing.12 On a related note, several internationalguidelines define how GDM can be diagnosed.13 The Philippine Obstetrics and Gynecology Society advocates for a one-stepapproach (a single OGTT using a 75-g anhydrous glucose load with fasting blood sugar ≥92 mg/dL, and a 2-hour level of<126 mg/dL). The one-step approach may be more convenient for patients as it also needs a single visit. A recent report fromAustralia, which also follows a one-step screening process, showed at least a 25% overdiagnosis and its consequent need forfurther testing and the patient anxiety that goes with it.14 An earlier US study also showed 50% more women diagnosed withGDM using the one-step approach compared to a two-step one.15 To be fair, the US study, similar to another one done alsoin Australia, showed no significant differences in the pregnancy outcomes between the two approaches.16 Although a localstudy identified numerical differences in pregnancy outcomes (e.g., risk for primary caesarean section, large for gestational ageinfants, etc.) comparing the two criteria, these were not found to be statistically significant.13 Perhaps there is a need to lookinto this matter again using larger cohorts. As the Philippines gears up for Universal Healthcare, the outcomes of screeningfor GDM can become even more important. The article by Arcilla, et al., on validation of foreign instruments to assess disease and treatment outcomes representsanother area where local data is needed.17 Such validation seeks to investigate whether an instrument developed elsewhere willlikewise yield accurate – and comparable – data for which it was intended. The BREAST-Q is a patient-reported outcomeinstrument designed to evaluate outcomes among women undergoing different types of breast surgery.18 The authors foundhigh internal consistency, test-retest reliability, and acceptability. But there was only low to moderate construct validity inthe Filipino cohort. Among other findings, the authors report respondents having difficulty in understanding some languagetranslations, and even negative reactions to some of the questions. The authors recommend further studies with a largernumber of respondents including those who have undergone nipple reconstruction. The initial results also note that it may bebetter to interpret the “sexual well-being” subscale separately because of the influence that culture may play. The study of Manalili, et al. looked into hemoperfusion as an intervention for COVID-19. The authors report a highmortality and a long length of hospital stay. To put this into perspective, the period of study was from April to September 2020,early in the pandemic period when little is relatively known about the disease. Since then, we know more about COVID-19,with vaccination and anti-virals being available that could alter the disease severity. As of December 2021, local experts donot recommend the use of hemoperfusion among patients diagnosed with COVID-19 mostly because of low certainty ofevidence.19 The option to use it in COVID-19 patients with clinical deterioration despite standard medical therapy includingtocilizumab is however still suggested. The study published here would have been more interesting if there was a comparisonof the outcomes with a similar group who did not undergo hemoperfusion. But it certainly illustrates how generating localdata and local experience goes a long way in examining relevant medical practice/s in our Philippine setting. Case reports help to enhance clinical knowledge by describing the profile and management of patients who have anuncommon or rare disease or may have presented atypically.20-22 We have the opportunity in this issue to share four of theserare cases. The report submitted by Terencio, et al. on the combination of COVID-19 and Guillain-Barre syndrome (GBS)allows us better understanding of COVID-19 and its neurologic complications. As we continue to gain more importantinformation on COVID-19, describing the possibility of GBS as a possible consequence can help clinicians anticipate additionaltreatments as in this case. The same is true for the report submitted by Ablaza and Salonga-Quimpo on abdominal dyskinesia(with its more colorful description as “belly dancer dyskinesia”). Then we have the case of SOLAMEN syndrome, reported by Maceda and colleagues. This case is more dramatic in thatit presents with disfigurement of the patient. Its management is more nuanced as it requires a multidisciplinary approachto address all the affected body parts.23,24 Unfortunately, it also has a strong genetic component as well as predilection tomalignancy which would require longer-term care. Another genetic disease, X-linked dystonia parkinsonism, is likewisereported in this issue in the article by Jamora and others. It is a rare movement disorder that is highly prevalent in Panay Islandin the Philippines.25-28 All cases described so far have been linked to Filipino ancestry, suggesting a single genetic founder andgenetic homogeneity. Although extremely rare globally, the prevalence of XDP in the Philippines is 0.31 per 100,000; and inPanay Island, 5.74 per 100,000. Ninety-five percent of affected individuals are males; the average age is 44 years (20–70 years);and the average age at onset is 39 years (12–64 years).27 Cases in patients of Filipino descent have been described in othercountries.29 The report published here is of particular interest as it is the first time the procedure called Unilateral TranscranialMagnetic Resonance-guided Focused Ultrasound Pallidothalamic Tractotomy has been tried for this condition; a conditionwhich leads to significant progressive disability but no definite treatment.27 All of these case reports may well be the first ones in the Philippines and we have it published here in Acta MedicaPhilippina. I am certain there will be many more insightful studies done locally that will be published – and had been published – inthis journal. These are testament to the recognition that even as we are able to think following the highest global standards,we are also able to act (and do studies) locally in ways that are beneficial to our own Philippine community. Joven Jeremius Q. Tanchuco, MD, MHA Department of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology College of Medicine, University of the Philippines Manila REFERENCES1. Philippine National Health Research System. National Unified Health Research Agenda 2017-2022 [Internet]. [cited 2022 Sep 9]. Available from: https://www.healthresearch.ph/index.php/nuhra2. National Unified Health Research Agenda 2017-2022. Philippine National Health Research System [Internet]. [cited 2022 Sep 9].Available from: https://doh.gov.ph/sites/default/files/publications/NUHRA.pdf3. Schmid S. The Discovery of HIV-1. Nature Communications [Internet]. [cited 2022 Sep 9]. Available from: https://www.nature.com/articles/d42859-018-00003-x#:~:text=In%201983%2C%20Luc%20Montagnier’s%20team,AIDS)%2C%20such%20as%20lymphadenopathy.4. Curran JW, Jaffe HW, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). AIDS: the early years and CDC’s response. MMWR Suppl.2011 Oct; 60(4):64-9.5. Sencer DJ. The AIDS Epidemic in the United States, 1981-early 1990s. Centers of Disease Control and Prevention [Internet]. [cited2022 Sep 12]. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/museum/online/story-of-cdc/aids/index.html6. Restar A, Nguyen M, Nguyen K, Adia A, Nazareno J, Yoshioka E, et al. Trends and emerging directions in HIV risk and prevention researchin the Philippines: A systematic review of the literature. PLoS One. 2018 Dec;13(12):e0207663. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.02076637. Adia AC, Bermudez ANC, Callahan MW, Hernandez LI, Imperial RH, Operario D. “An Evil Lurking Behind You”: Drivers, Experiences,and Consequences of HIV-Related Stigma Among Men Who Have Sex With Men With HIV in Manila, Philippines. AIDS Educ Prev.2018 Aug;30(4):322-334. doi: 10.1521/aeap.2018.30.4.3228. Mateo R Jr, Sarol JN Jr, Poblete R. HIV/AIDS in the Philippines. AIDS Educ Prev. 2004 Jun;16(3 Suppl A):43-52. doi: 10.1521/aeap.16.3.5.43.355199. Farr AC, Wilson DP. An HIV epidemic is ready to emerge in the Philippines. J Int AIDS Soc. 2010 Apr;13:16. doi: 10.1186/1758-2652-13-1610. Cousins S. The fastest growing HIV epidemic in the western Pacific. Lancet HIV. 2018 Aug;5(8):e412-e413. doi: 10.1016/S2352-3018(18)30182-611. de Lind van Wijngaarden JW, Ching AD, Settle E, van Griensven F, Cruz RC, Newman PA. “I am not promiscuous enough!”: Exploringthe low uptake of HIV testing by gay men and other men who have sex with men in Metro Manila, Philippines. PLoS One. 2018Jul;13(7):e0200256. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.020025612. Litonjua AD, Waspadji S, Pheng CS, Phin KL, Deerochanowong C, Gomez MHS, et al. AFES Study Group on Diabetes in Pregnancy.Philipp J Intern Med. 1996 Mar-Apr; 34(2):67-68.13. Urbanozo H, Isip-Tan IT. 2014. Association of Gestational Diabetes Mellitus Diagnosed using the IADPSG and the POGS 75-gramOral Glucose Tolerance Test Cut-off Values with Adverse Perinatal Outcomes in the Philippine General Hospital. J ASEAN Fed EndocrSoc. 2014;29(2):157-162. doi: 10.15605/jafes.029.02.0914. Doust JA, Glasziou PP, dʼEmden MC. A large trial of screening for gestational diabetes mellitus in the United States highlights theneed to revisit the Australian diagnostic criteria. Med J Aust. 2022 Feb;216(3):113-115. doi: 10.5694/mja2.5138815. Hillier TA, Pedula KL, Ogasawara KK, Vesco KK, Oshiro CES, Lubarsky SL, et al. A Pragmatic, Randomized Clinical Trial ofGestational Diabetes Screening. N Engl J Med. 2021 Mar;384(10): 895-904. doi: 10.1056/NEJMoa202602816. Meloncelli NJL, Barnett AG, D’Emden M, De Jersey SJ. Effects of Changing Diagnostic Criteria for Gestational Diabetes Mellitus inQueensland, Australia. Obstet Gynecol. 2020 May;135(5):1215-1221. doi: 10.1097/AOG.000000000000379017. Elangovan N, Sundaravel E. Method of preparing a document for survey instrument validation by experts. MethodsX. 2021 Apr;8:101326. doi: 10.1016/j.mex.2021.10132618. BREAST-Q User’s Manual Version 2.0 May 2015. Copyright © 2012 Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center [Internet]. [cited 2022Sep 12]. Available from: https://www.rcseng.ac.uk › breastq-usermanual-2015.19. Philippine COVID-19 Living Clinical Practice Guidelines. Institute of Clinical Epidemiology, National Institutes of Health, UP Manilaand the Philippine Society of Microbiology and Infectious Diseases [Internet]. [cited 2022 Sep 1]. Available from: https://www.psmid.org/hemoperfusion-evidence-summary-2/20. Ortega-Loubon C, Culquichicón C, Correa R. The Importance of Writing and Publishing Case Reports During Medical Training.Cureus. 2017 Dec;9(12):e1964. doi: 10.7759/cureus.196421. Case Reports. CARE Case Report Guidelines [Internet]. [cited 2022 Sep 12]. Available from: https://www.care-statement.org/case-reports22. Carey JC. The importance of case reports in advancing scientific knowledge of rare diseases. Adv Exp Med Biol. 2010; 686:77-86.doi: 10.1007/978-90-481-9485-8_523. Caux F, Plauchu H, Chibon F, Faivre L, Fain O, Vabres P, et al. Segmental overgrowth, lipomatosis, arteriovenous malformation andepidermal nevus (SOLAMEN) syndrome is related to mosaic PTEN nullizygosity. Eur J Hum Genet. 2007 Jul;15(7):767-73. doi: 10.1038/sj.ejhg.520182324. Gupta SK, Sushantika, Abdelmaksoud A. Isolated SOLAMEN Syndrome. Indian J Dermatol. 2021 Sep-Oct; 66(5):561-563. doi:10.4103/ijd.IJD_675_20.25. Domingo A, Westenberger A, Lee LV, Braenne I, Liu T, Vater I, et al. New insights into the genetics of X-linked dystonia-parkinsonism(XDP, DYT3). Eur J Hum Genet. 2015 Oct;23(10):1334-40. doi: 10.1038/ejhg.2014.29226. Lee LV, Munoz EL, Tan KT, Reyes MT. Sex linked recessive dystonia parkinsonism of Panay, Philippines (XDP). Mol Pathol. 2001Dec;54(6):362-368.27. Lee LV, Rivera C, Teleg RA, Dantes MB, Pasco PMD, Jamora RDG, et al. The unique phenomenology of sex-linked dystonia parkinsonism(XDP, DYT3, “Lubag”). Int J Neurosci. 2011;121 Suppl 1:3-11. doi: 10.3109/00207454.2010.52672828. Wilhelmsen KC, Weeks DE, Nygaard TG, Moskowitz CB, Rosales RL, dela Paz DC, et al. Genetic mapping of “Lubag” (X-linkeddystonia-parkinsonism) in Filipino kindred to the pericentromeric region of the X chromosome. Ann Neurol. 1991 Feb;29(2):124-31.doi: 10.1002/ana.41029020329. Rosales RL. X-linked dystonia parkinsonism: clinical phenotype, genetics and therapeutics. J Mov Disord. 2010 Oct;3(2):32–8. doi:10.14802/jmd.10009.
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Noyce, Diana Christine. "Coffee Palaces in Australia: A Pub with No Beer." M/C Journal 15, no. 2 (May 2, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.464.

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The term “coffee palace” was primarily used in Australia to describe the temperance hotels that were built in the last decades of the 19th century, although there are references to the term also being used to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom (Denby 174). Built in response to the worldwide temperance movement, which reached its pinnacle in the 1880s in Australia, coffee palaces were hotels that did not serve alcohol. This was a unique time in Australia’s architectural development as the economic boom fuelled by the gold rush in the 1850s, and the demand for ostentatious display that gathered momentum during the following years, afforded the use of richly ornamental High Victorian architecture and resulted in very majestic structures; hence the term “palace” (Freeland 121). The often multi-storied coffee palaces were found in every capital city as well as regional areas such as Geelong and Broken Hill, and locales as remote as Maria Island on the east coast of Tasmania. Presented as upholding family values and discouraging drunkenness, the coffee palaces were most popular in seaside resorts such as Barwon Heads in Victoria, where they catered to families. Coffee palaces were also constructed on a grand scale to provide accommodation for international and interstate visitors attending the international exhibitions held in Sydney (1879) and Melbourne (1880 and 1888). While the temperance movement lasted well over 100 years, the life of coffee palaces was relatively short-lived. Nevertheless, coffee palaces were very much part of Australia’s cultural landscape. In this article, I examine the rise and demise of coffee palaces associated with the temperance movement and argue that coffee palaces established in the name of abstinence were modelled on the coffee houses that spread throughout Europe and North America in the 17th and 18th centuries during the Enlightenment—a time when the human mind could be said to have been liberated from inebriation and the dogmatic state of ignorance. The Temperance Movement At a time when newspapers are full of lurid stories about binge-drinking and the alleged ill-effects of the liberalisation of licensing laws, as well as concerns over the growing trend of marketing easy-to-drink products (such as the so-called “alcopops”) to teenagers, it is difficult to think of a period when the total suppression of the alcohol trade was seriously debated in Australia. The cause of temperance has almost completely vanished from view, yet for well over a century—from 1830 to the outbreak of the Second World War—the control or even total abolition of the liquor trade was a major political issue—one that split the country, brought thousands onto the streets in demonstrations, and influenced the outcome of elections. Between 1911 and 1925 referenda to either limit or prohibit the sale of alcohol were held in most States. While moves to bring about abolition failed, Fitzgerald notes that almost one in three Australian voters expressed their support for prohibition of alcohol in their State (145). Today, the temperance movement’s platform has largely been forgotten, killed off by the practical example of the United States, where prohibition of the legal sale of alcohol served only to hand control of the liquor traffic to organised crime. Coffee Houses and the Enlightenment Although tea has long been considered the beverage of sobriety, it was coffee that came to be regarded as the very antithesis of alcohol. When the first coffee house opened in London in the early 1650s, customers were bewildered by this strange new drink from the Middle East—hot, bitter, and black as soot. But those who tried coffee were, reports Ellis, soon won over, and coffee houses were opened across London, Oxford, and Cambridge and, in the following decades, Europe and North America. Tea, equally exotic, entered the English market slightly later than coffee (in 1664), but was more expensive and remained a rarity long after coffee had become ubiquitous in London (Ellis 123-24). The impact of the introduction of coffee into Europe during the seventeenth century was particularly noticeable since the most common beverages of the time, even at breakfast, were weak “small beer” and wine. Both were safer to drink than water, which was liable to be contaminated. Coffee, like beer, was made using boiled water and, therefore, provided a new and safe alternative to alcoholic drinks. There was also the added benefit that those who drank coffee instead of alcohol began the day alert rather than mildly inebriated (Standage 135). It was also thought that coffee had a stimulating effect upon the “nervous system,” so much so that the French called coffee une boisson intellectuelle (an intellectual beverage), because of its stimulating effect on the brain (Muskett 71). In Oxford, the British called their coffee houses “penny universities,” a penny then being the price of a cup of coffee (Standage 158). Coffee houses were, moreover, more than places that sold coffee. Unlike other institutions of the period, rank and birth had no place (Ellis 59). The coffee house became the centre of urban life, creating a distinctive social culture by treating all customers as equals. Egalitarianism, however, did not extend to women—at least not in London. Around its egalitarian (but male) tables, merchants discussed and conducted business, writers and poets held discussions, scientists demonstrated experiments, and philosophers deliberated ideas and reforms. For the price of a cup (or “dish” as it was then known) of coffee, a man could read the latest pamphlets and newsletters, chat with other patrons, strike business deals, keep up with the latest political gossip, find out what other people thought of a new book, or take part in literary or philosophical discussions. Like today’s Internet, Twitter, and Facebook, Europe’s coffee houses functioned as an information network where ideas circulated and spread from coffee house to coffee house. In this way, drinking coffee in the coffee house became a metaphor for people getting together to share ideas in a sober environment, a concept that remains today. According to Standage, this information network fuelled the Enlightenment (133), prompting an explosion of creativity. Coffee houses provided an entirely new environment for political, financial, scientific, and literary change, as people gathered, discussed, and debated issues within their walls. Entrepreneurs and scientists teamed up to form companies to exploit new inventions and discoveries in manufacturing and mining, paving the way for the Industrial Revolution (Standage 163). The stock market and insurance companies also had their birth in the coffee house. As a result, coffee was seen to be the epitome of modernity and progress and, as such, was the ideal beverage for the Age of Reason. By the 19th century, however, the era of coffee houses had passed. Most of them had evolved into exclusive men’s clubs, each geared towards a certain segment of society. Tea was now more affordable and fashionable, and teahouses, which drew clientele from both sexes, began to grow in popularity. Tea, however, had always been Australia’s most popular non-alcoholic drink. Tea (and coffee) along with other alien plants had been part of the cargo unloaded onto Australian shores with the First Fleet in 1788. Coffee, mainly from Brazil and Jamaica, remained a constant import but was taxed more heavily than tea and was, therefore, more expensive. Furthermore, tea was much easier to make than coffee. To brew tea, all that is needed is to add boiling water, coffee, in contrast, required roasting, grinding and brewing. According to Symons, until the 1930s, Australians were the largest consumers of tea in the world (19). In spite of this, and as coffee, since its introduction into Europe, was regarded as the antidote to alcohol, the temperance movement established coffee palaces. In the early 1870s in Britain, the temperance movement had revived the coffee house to provide an alternative to the gin taverns that were so attractive to the working classes of the Industrial Age (Clarke 5). Unlike the earlier coffee house, this revived incarnation provided accommodation and was open to men, women and children. “Cheap and wholesome food,” was available as well as reading rooms supplied with newspapers and periodicals, and games and smoking rooms (Clarke 20). In Australia, coffee palaces did not seek the working classes, as clientele: at least in the cities they were largely for the nouveau riche. Coffee Palaces The discovery of gold in 1851 changed the direction of the Australian economy. An investment boom followed, with an influx of foreign funds and English banks lending freely to colonial speculators. By the 1880s, the manufacturing and construction sectors of the economy boomed and land prices were highly inflated. Governments shared in the wealth and ploughed money into urban infrastructure, particularly railways. Spurred on by these positive economic conditions and the newly extended inter-colonial rail network, international exhibitions were held in both Sydney and Melbourne. To celebrate modern technology and design in an industrial age, international exhibitions were phenomena that had spread throughout Europe and much of the world from the mid-19th century. According to Davison, exhibitions were “integral to the culture of nineteenth century industrialising societies” (158). In particular, these exhibitions provided the colonies with an opportunity to demonstrate to the world their economic power and achievements in the sciences, the arts and education, as well as to promote their commerce and industry. Massive purpose-built buildings were constructed to house the exhibition halls. In Sydney, the Garden Palace was erected in the Botanic Gardens for the 1879 Exhibition (it burnt down in 1882). In Melbourne, the Royal Exhibition Building, now a World Heritage site, was built in the Carlton Gardens for the 1880 Exhibition and extended for the 1888 Centennial Exhibition. Accommodation was required for the some one million interstate and international visitors who were to pass through the gates of the Garden Palace in Sydney. To meet this need, the temperance movement, keen to provide alternative accommodation to licensed hotels, backed the establishment of Sydney’s coffee palaces. The Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company was formed in 1878 to operate and manage a number of coffee palaces constructed during the 1870s. These were designed to compete with hotels by “offering all the ordinary advantages of those establishments without the allurements of the drink” (Murdoch). Coffee palaces were much more than ordinary hotels—they were often multi-purpose or mixed-use buildings that included a large number of rooms for accommodation as well as ballrooms and other leisure facilities to attract people away from pubs. As the Australian Town and Country Journal reveals, their services included the supply of affordable, wholesome food, either in the form of regular meals or occasional refreshments, cooked in kitchens fitted with the latest in culinary accoutrements. These “culinary temples” also provided smoking rooms, chess and billiard rooms, and rooms where people could read books, periodicals and all the local and national papers for free (121). Similar to the coffee houses of the Enlightenment, the coffee palaces brought businessmen, artists, writers, engineers, and scientists attending the exhibitions together to eat and drink (non-alcoholic), socialise and conduct business. The Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace located in York Street in Sydney produced a practical guide for potential investors and businessmen titled International Exhibition Visitors Pocket Guide to Sydney. It included information on the location of government departments, educational institutions, hospitals, charitable organisations, and embassies, as well as a list of the tariffs on goods from food to opium (1–17). Women, particularly the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) were a formidable force in the temperance movement (intemperance was generally regarded as a male problem and, more specifically, a husband problem). Murdoch argues, however, that much of the success of the push to establish coffee palaces was due to male politicians with business interests, such as the one-time Victorian premiere James Munro. Considered a stern, moral church-going leader, Munro expanded the temperance movement into a fanatical force with extraordinary power, which is perhaps why the temperance movement had its greatest following in Victoria (Murdoch). Several prestigious hotels were constructed to provide accommodation for visitors to the international exhibitions in Melbourne. Munro was responsible for building many of the city’s coffee palaces, including the Victoria (1880) and the Federal Coffee Palace (1888) in Collins Street. After establishing the Grand Coffee Palace Company, Munro took over the Grand Hotel (now the Windsor) in 1886. Munro expanded the hotel to accommodate some of the two million visitors who were to attend the Centenary Exhibition, renamed it the Grand Coffee Palace, and ceremoniously burnt its liquor licence at the official opening (Murdoch). By 1888 there were more than 50 coffee palaces in the city of Melbourne alone and Munro held thousands of shares in coffee palaces, including those in Geelong and Broken Hill. With its opening planned to commemorate the centenary of the founding of Australia and the 1888 International Exhibition, the construction of the Federal Coffee Palace, one of the largest hotels in Australia, was perhaps the greatest monument to the temperance movement. Designed in the French Renaissance style, the façade was embellished with statues, griffins and Venus in a chariot drawn by four seahorses. The building was crowned with an iron-framed domed tower. New passenger elevators—first demonstrated at the Sydney Exhibition—allowed the building to soar to seven storeys. According to the Federal Coffee Palace Visitor’s Guide, which was presented to every visitor, there were three lifts for passengers and others for luggage. Bedrooms were located on the top five floors, while the stately ground and first floors contained majestic dining, lounge, sitting, smoking, writing, and billiard rooms. There were electric service bells, gaslights, and kitchens “fitted with the most approved inventions for aiding proficients [sic] in the culinary arts,” while the luxury brand Pears soap was used in the lavatories and bathrooms (16–17). In 1891, a spectacular financial crash brought the economic boom to an abrupt end. The British economy was in crisis and to meet the predicament, English banks withdrew their funds in Australia. There was a wholesale collapse of building companies, mortgage banks and other financial institutions during 1891 and 1892 and much of the banking system was halted during 1893 (Attard). Meanwhile, however, while the eastern States were in the economic doldrums, gold was discovered in 1892 at Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie in Western Australia and, within two years, the west of the continent was transformed. As gold poured back to the capital city of Perth, the long dormant settlement hurriedly caught up and began to emulate the rest of Australia, including the construction of ornately detailed coffee palaces (Freeman 130). By 1904, Perth had 20 coffee palaces. When the No. 2 Coffee Palace opened in Pitt Street, Sydney, in 1880, the Australian Town and Country Journal reported that coffee palaces were “not only fashionable, but appear to have acquired a permanent footing in Sydney” (121). The coffee palace era, however, was relatively short-lived. Driven more by reformist and economic zeal than by good business sense, many were in financial trouble when the 1890’s Depression hit. Leading figures in the temperance movement were also involved in land speculation and building societies and when these schemes collapsed, many, including Munro, were financially ruined. Many of the palaces closed or were forced to apply for liquor licences in order to stay afloat. Others developed another life after the temperance movement’s influence waned and the coffee palace fad faded, and many were later demolished to make way for more modern buildings. The Federal was licensed in 1923 and traded as the Federal Hotel until its demolition in 1973. The Victoria, however, did not succumb to a liquor licence until 1967. The Sydney Coffee Palace in Woolloomooloo became the Sydney Eye Hospital and, more recently, smart apartments. Some fine examples still survive as reminders of Australia’s social and cultural heritage. The Windsor in Melbourne’s Spring Street and the Broken Hill Hotel, a massive three-story iconic pub in the outback now called simply “The Palace,” are some examples. Tea remained the beverage of choice in Australia until the 1950s when the lifting of government controls on the importation of coffee and the influence of American foodways coincided with the arrival of espresso-loving immigrants. As Australians were introduced to the espresso machine, the short black, the cappuccino, and the café latte and (reminiscent of the Enlightenment), the post-war malaise was shed in favour of the energy and vigour of modernist thought and creativity, fuelled in at least a small part by caffeine and the emergent café culture (Teffer). Although the temperance movement’s attempt to provide an alternative to the ubiquitous pubs failed, coffee has now outstripped the consumption of tea and today’s café culture ensures that wherever coffee is consumed, there is the possibility of a continuation of the Enlightenment’s lively discussions, exchange of news, and dissemination of ideas and information in a sober environment. References Attard, Bernard. “The Economic History of Australia from 1788: An Introduction.” EH.net Encyclopedia. 5 Feb. (2012) ‹http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/attard.australia›. Blainey, Anna. “The Prohibition and Total Abstinence Movement in Australia 1880–1910.” Food, Power and Community: Essays in the History of Food and Drink. Ed. Robert Dare. Adelaide: Wakefield Press, 1999. 142–52. Boyce, Francis Bertie. “Shall I Vote for No License?” An address delivered at the Convention of the Parramatta Branch of New South Wales Alliance, 3 September 1906. 3rd ed. Parramatta: New South Wales Alliance, 1907. Clarke, James Freeman. Coffee Houses and Coffee Palaces in England. Boston: George H. Ellis, 1882. “Coffee Palace, No. 2.” Australian Town and Country Journal. 17 Jul. 1880: 121. Davison, Graeme. “Festivals of Nationhood: The International Exhibitions.” Australian Cultural History. Eds. S. L. Goldberg and F. B. Smith. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 158–77. Denby, Elaine. Grand Hotels: Reality and Illusion. London: Reaktion Books, 2002. Ellis, Markman. The Coffee House: A Cultural History. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2004. Federal Coffee Palace. The Federal Coffee Palace Visitors’ Guide to Melbourne, Its Suburbs, and Other Parts of the Colony of Victoria: Views of the Principal Public and Commercial Buildings in Melbourne, With a Bird’s Eye View of the City; and History of the Melbourne International Exhibition of 1880, etc. Melbourne: Federal Coffee House Company, 1888. Fitzgerald, Ross, and Trevor Jordan. Under the Influence: A History of Alcohol in Australia. Sydney: Harper Collins, 2009. Freeland, John. The Australian Pub. Melbourne: Sun Books, 1977. Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace. International Exhibition Visitors Pocket Guide to Sydney, Restaurant and Temperance Hotel. Sydney: Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace, 1879. Mitchell, Ann M. “Munro, James (1832–1908).” Australian Dictionary of Biography. Canberra: National Centre of Biography, Australian National U, 2006-12. 5 Feb. 2012 ‹http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/munro-james-4271/text6905›. Murdoch, Sally. “Coffee Palaces.” Encyclopaedia of Melbourne. Eds. Andrew Brown-May and Shurlee Swain. 5 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs/EM00371b.htm›. Muskett, Philip E. The Art of Living in Australia. New South Wales: Kangaroo Press, 1987. Standage, Tom. A History of the World in 6 Glasses. New York: Walker & Company, 2005. Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company Limited. Memorandum of Association of the Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company, Ltd. Sydney: Samuel Edward Lees, 1879. Symons, Michael. One Continuous Picnic: A Gastronomic History of Australia. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2007. Teffer, Nicola. Coffee Customs. Exhibition Catalogue. Sydney: Customs House, 2005.
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Дисертації з теми "Kangaroo Island (S. Aust.) – History"

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Nunn, Jean. "A social history of Kangaroo Island, 1800-1890 /." Title page, contents and conclusion only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armn972.pdf.

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Nunn, Jean M. "A social history of Kangaroo Island, 1800-1890." Thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/112766.

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Taylor, Rebe. "Island echoes : two Tasmanian Aboriginal histories." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146229.

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Книги з теми "Kangaroo Island (S. Aust.) – History"

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Insular toponymies: Place-naming on Norfolk Island, South Pacific and Dudley Peninsula, Kangaroo Island. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Pub. Company, 2013.

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