Статті в журналах: "Justice in immigration"

1

Scaperlanda, Michael A. "Immigration Justice." Journal of Catholic Social Thought 1, no. 2 (2004): 535–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcathsoc20041224.

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2

Higgins, Peter W. "Immigration Justice." Social Philosophy Today 25 (2009): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday20092512.

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3

McNicoll, Geoffrey, and Warren F. Schwartz. "Justice in Immigration." Population and Development Review 22, no. 3 (September 1996): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2137737.

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4

Miller, David. "Justice in immigration." European Journal of Political Theory 14, no. 4 (May 8, 2015): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885115584833.

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5

Piketty, Thomas. "Immigration et justice sociale." Revue économique 48, no. 5 (1997): 1291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reco.1997.409941.

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6

Piketty, Thomas. "Immigration et justice sociale." Revue économique 48, no. 5 (September 1997): 1291. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3502675.

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7

Ingram, David. "Immigration and Social Justice." Peace Review 14, no. 4 (December 2002): 403–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1040265022000039187.

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8

Shabani, Omid A. Payrow. "Cosmopolitan Justice and Immigration." European Journal of Social Theory 10, no. 1 (February 2007): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431006068760.

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9

Gomez, Valeria, and Marcy L. Karin. "Menstrual Justice in Immigration Detention." Columbia Journal of Gender and Law 41, no. 1 (November 8, 2021): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cjgl.v41i1.8826.

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The menstrual injustices experienced by noncitizens detained in immigration facilities – a particularly vulnerable subset of menstruators in carceral spaces – are largely ignored. Menstruating detainees are forced to rely on the immigration system to provide adequate access to menstrual products, and on detention facilities to engage in safe menstrual management and corresponding dignity. Unfortunately, the immigration system fails many detainees, and the defining characteristics of immigration detention— the lack of access to counsel and significant geographic and social isolation that people in custody face—exacerbate the problem. Despite these isolating factors, detainees are finding ways to share their struggles with menstrual injustices. This Essay aims to categorize, amplify, and contextualize these experiences, and the need for thoughtful reform.

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10

Yong, Caleb. "Justice in Labor Immigration Policy." Social Theory and Practice 42, no. 4 (2016): 817–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract201642429.

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11

Brooks, Jeffrey S., Anthony H. Normore, and Jane Wilkinson. "School leadership, social justice and immigration." International Journal of Educational Management 31, no. 5 (June 12, 2017): 679–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijem-12-2016-0263.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore theoretical connections between educational leadership for social justice and support for immigration. The authors seek to identify strengths, weaknesses and opportunities for further study and improved practice. Design/methodology/approach This is a theoretical research paper that introduces, evaluates and expands two frameworks for understanding leadership and immigration. Findings Findings suggested that there is a need for educational leadership scholars to more purposefully investigate issues related to social justice and immigration. Originality/value This study offers a novel theoretical perspective on leadership, social justice and immigration.

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12

Dauvergne, Catherine. "Beyond Justice: The Consequences of Liberalism for Immigration Law." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 10, no. 2 (July 1997): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900001557.

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In November 1994 the Canadian government released its Immigration Plan for 1995 and an immigration and citizenship strategy mapping policy direction until the year 2000. This strategy, developed after extensive public consultations, was the government’s response to increasingly contentious public discourse about immigration. The 1994 document was the government’s attempt to reorient Canadian immigration law and policy. The 1996 and 1997 Immigration Plans, tabled in November 1995 and October 1996 respectively, are consistent with the five year plan announced in 1994, demonstrating that the change of direction set out in 1994 has met at least some of the government’s objectives.This paper assesses the reorientation of Canadian immigration law contained in the 1995 Immigration Plan and accompanying documents. Much of the public debate about immigration concerns whether current immigration levels and policies are fair, or just. As Canada is a liberal society, it is appropriate to begin the search for standards of fairness—or justice—in liberal theory. But because liberal theory presumes a community and then explores theories of fairness and justice within that community, it does not yield a standard of justice which is useful for assessing changes in immigration law. Nor, I argue, can liberalism’s tenets be extrapolated to address this question. This conclusion leads to insights about the role of immigration law in liberal society and points to particular ways to assess this law. While other theoretical paradigms may contain ways of determining the fairness of immigration law, such paradigms are less useful in the Canadian setting, where liberal discourse is hegemonic and hence is the language in which debates about immigration law must take place to be immediately politically relevant. The first half of this paper examines liberal theory’s failure to address the justice of immigration laws, and evaluates attempts to extend classical liberalism to meet this challenge.

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13

Black, Richard. "Immigration and Social Justice: Towards a Progressive European Immigration Policy?" Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 21, no. 1 (1996): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/622925.

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14

Bhui, Hindpal Singh. "Book review: Immigration, Crime and Justice." Probation Journal 59, no. 4 (December 2012): 421–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0264550512458637.

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15

Caraballo, Krystlelynn. "Immigration, Law, and (In)Justice: Coronavirus and Its Impact on Immigration." International Criminal Justice Review 30, no. 4 (August 26, 2020): 448–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1057567720951848.

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This introduction to the International Criminal Justice Review provides a brief overview of the books reviewed in this special issue, which address multiple facets of the immigration system. Then, I provide an overview of the key immigration policy changes and legal challenges that have occurred in the midst of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic between March and July 2020. This health crisis exacerbated the struggles faced by the immigrant community and exemplify the systemic barriers that impede integration.

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16

Adelman, Robert M., Charis E. Kubrin, Graham C. Ousey, and Lesley W. Reid. "New Directions in Research on Immigration, Crime, Law, and Justice." Migration Letters 15, no. 2 (April 29, 2018): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v15i2.365.

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From the early twentieth century onward, research has found little to no support for a positive association between immigration and crime (Hayford 1911). In fact, much available research finds the opposite; more immigration leads to less crime. While the scholarly community has largely debunked as myth the idea that more immigrants lead to more crime, there remain many questions about the nature of the relationship between immigration and crime. Three articles in this special issue take up these more nuanced questions. The research presented in this special issue contributes new findings and perspectives on immigration, crime, law, and justice. The analyses range from studies of the relationship between undocumented immigration and crime among youthful offenders to studies of newspaper coverage of immigration and crime in Europe. Moreover, the questions addressed are informed by a productive mixture of quantitative and qualitative empirical evidence from the present and the past. As we look to the future, we encourage scholars to build from the work presented herein and to seek diverse data to build a better understanding of the complex ways that immigration, crime, law, and justice are interconnected.

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17

Bosniak, Linda. "Immigration Ethics and the Context of Justice." Ethics & International Affairs 31, no. 1 (2017): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089267941600068x.

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By now one might hope that the robust body of theoretical work recently published on immigration ethics would have taken general political philosophy a long way from the prevailing Rawlsian-style insularity premise, according to which society is “a closed system isolated from other societies” into which persons “enter only by birth and exit only by death.” But there are still a great many political theorists whose focus is unreflectively endogenous and who assume away questions of states’ constitutive scope and boundaries. One of the signal merits of David Miller's new book, Strangers in Our Midst, is that it lucidly demonstrates why ignoring state boundary constitution is untenable for political theory. Miller shows that foundational debates in political philosophy are inescapably related, both as premise and entailment, to many normative immigration questions.

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18

Peers, Steve. "Free Movement, Immigration Control and Constitutional Conflict." European Constitutional Law Review 5, no. 2 (June 2009): 173–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019609001734.

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European Court of Justice decision of 25 July 2008, Case C-127/08, Metock et al. v. Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform – EU citizens and their third-country family members – ECJ largely reverses Akrich case-law – Dividing line between national and Community competences on immigration – ‘Reverse discrimination’ not a matter of concern for Community law – Analysis of repercussions of decision on EU and national legal orders

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19

Bauböck, Rainer. "Global Justice, Freedom of Movement and Democratic Citizenship." European Journal of Sociology 50, no. 1 (April 2009): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397560900040x.

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AbstractThe article discusses three liberal arguments about freedom of movement: immigration as a remedy for global injustice in the distribution of opportunities, freedom of movement as an integral aspect of individual autonomy, and immigration control as implied in democratic self-determination and citizenship. The article shows how these apparently irreconcilable stances can be reconstructed as partially overlapping once we realize that liberal citizenship provides not only reasons for closure but entails a bundle of mobility rights and is open for access by migrant stakeholders.

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20

Palmer, Nicola. "Immigration trials and international crimes: Expressing justice and performing race." Theoretical Criminology 25, no. 3 (April 19, 2021): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13624806211009157.

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This article examines the performative collisions between the wrong of genocide and the invocation of this international crime as a means to secure carceral control of borders. Drawing on courtroom observations, legal transcripts and the media coverage of an immigration trial in the United States, the article explores the performative relationship between international criminal law and immigration law. It argues that this relationship helped to construct and racialize the category of the ‘criminalized migrant’ while establishing the perceived ‘civility’ of criminal law as a primary means of enacting domestic border control. While race was never made explicit in the trial, it emerged in a fractured but significant way, as the horror of the Rwandan genocide against the Tutsi reinforced the wrong of violating immigration law.

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21

Malm, Heidi. "Immigration Justice and the Grounds for Mandatory Vaccinations." Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal 25, no. 2 (2015): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ken.2015.0013.

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22

Seglow, Jonathan. "Immigration justice and borders: towards a global agreement." Contemporary Politics 12, no. 3-4 (December 2006): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569770601086154.

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23

Passini, Stefano, and Paola Villano. "Justice and Immigration: The Effect of Moral Exclusion." International Journal of Psychological Research 11, no. 1 (February 9, 2018): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21500/20112084.3262.

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Numerous media news items suggest on a daily basis that people tend to use harsher criteria when they judge immigrants than members of their own in-group. In the present research project, we were interested in studying individual justice judgments of a violation of a law by an Italian (in-group) or an immigrant (out-group) member and the influence of moral exclusion processes on the assessment. In particular, we examined whether those people who tend to exclude out-groups from their scope of justice will give such biased judgments and will adopt double standards, while inclusive people will not. A total of 255 people evaluated the seriousness of a crime in two different law-breaking scenarios in which the offender’s and the victim’s nationalities were systematically changed (either Italian or Romanian). Moreover, participants completed a scale measuring the moral inclusion/exclusion of other social groups. As hypothesized, participants who tended to exclude some groups from their moral community judged the Romanian more harshly than the Italian culprit. On the contrary, those people that tended to have a more inclusive moral community did not show any difference in evaluation. In conclusion, the present research highlights the importance of considering the effect of moral inclusion/exclusion processes on the evaluation of justice events, especially in an intergroup context.

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24

Franco, Rubén. "An Archbishop’s View on Immigration and Social Justice." Diálogo 16, no. 1 (2013): 77–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dlg.2013.0014.

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25

Scaperlanda, Michael A. "Immigration Justice: Beyond Liberal Egalitarian and Communitarian Perspectives." Review of Social Economy 57, no. 4 (December 1999): 523–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00346769900000020.

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26

Lindahl, Hans. "In between: Immigration, distributive justice, and political dialogue." Contemporary Political Theory 8, no. 4 (October 29, 2009): 415–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2008.50.

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27

Bosworth, Mary. "Immigration Detention, Punishment and the Transformation of Justice." Social & Legal Studies 28, no. 1 (December 26, 2017): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663917747341.

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In this article, I examine the changing nature of punishment under conditions of mass mobility. Drawing on research conducted in immigration removal centres in the UK, I will show how porous boundaries between administrative penalties and criminal penalties have made the two systems co-constitutive and, in so doing, have drawn into question the liberal foundations of punishment. As foreigners face additional, administrative burdens and are subject to processes of differentiation and exclusion simply by virtue of their citizenship, I suggest, basic values of due process, fairness and equality of treatment and outcome, are drawn into question. As a consequence, justice itself is transformed.

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28

Blake, Michael. "Book Review: Immigration Justice, by Peter W. Higgins." Political Theory 43, no. 3 (April 9, 2015): 412–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591715580070.

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29

Baier, Annette C. "A Note on Justice, Care, and Immigration Policy." Hypatia 10, no. 2 (1995): 150–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1995.tb01377.x.

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Should a “caring” immigration policy give special treatment to would-be immigrants who are near neighbors? It is argued that, while those on our borders requesting entry have some special claim, it should not drown out the claims of more distant applicants for citizenship.

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30

Erez, Edna. "Migration/immigration, domestic violence and the justice system." International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice 26, no. 2 (September 2002): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01924036.2002.9678692.

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31

Cavallero, Eric. "An immigration-pressure model of global distributive justice." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 5, no. 1 (February 2006): 97–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x06060621.

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32

Peguero, Anthony A. "Reflections of a Latino Associate Professor." Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 40, no. 1 (January 12, 2018): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739986317752408.

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The following reflection essay is about my experiences as a Latino Associate Professor who focuses on criminology, youth violence, juvenile justice, and the associated disparities with race, ethnicity, and immigration. I reflect about the “race and justice” job market, pursuing and establishing a Latina/o Criminology working group, often being the only Latinx scholar in the room, and the significance of being a child of Latina/o immigrants in a precarious time of immigration and justice. In addition, it is a privilege to be given the opportunity to share my reflection because so many mentors, colleagues, and students have shared their similar experiences with me.

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33

Jiang, Jize, and Edna Erez. "Immigrants as Symbolic Assailants." International Criminal Justice Review 28, no. 1 (August 4, 2017): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1057567717721299.

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Despite little evidence of an immigration-crime nexus, many American jurisdictions have adopted a punitive approach to undocumented immigrants and an increasingly restrictive and exclusive system of immigration control. The extensive deployment of criminal justice measures to address the immigration “problem” led to the growth of a crimmigration apparatus—a mesh of immigration and criminal justice systems. Drawing on extant literature and applying the framework of the penal field, the article examines the social dynamics, processes, and consequences of crimmigration. It is argued that the portrayal of immigrants as “symbolic assailants” has facilitated the creation and operation of crimmigration under the guise of crime prevention rather than for addressing terrorism and national security—the presumed purpose of utilizing crimmigration practices. The current configuration of crimmigration across the United States is the interactive product of minority threat, partisan politics, and federalism of the American government system, which have jointly formed a “multilayered patchwork” of immigration control. The article first outlines the analytical framework; reviews the social construction of immigrant “criminality”; and describes the punitive and exclusive laws, policies, and enforcement practices established as responses to this “threat.” The dilemmas, contradictions, and contestations associated with crimmigration, including collateral impacts on immigrants, their families and communities, and the criminal justice system, are analyzed; and policy implications are drawn and discussed.

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34

Walker, Hannah, Marcel Roman, and Matt Barreto. "The Ripple Effect: The Political Consequences of Proximal Contact with Immigration Enforcement." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 5, no. 3 (August 11, 2020): 537–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2020.9.

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AbstractA growing body of research suggests that proximal exposure to immigration enforcement can have important social and health-related consequences. However, there is little research identifying the impact of proximal contact with immigration policy on political attitudes and behaviors, and still less investigating the underlying mechanisms that might connect contact and political dispositions. Drawing on insights from criminal justice, we argue that proximal immigration contact influences political behavior via a sense of injustice with respect to the discriminatory application of immigration enforcement. The impact of a sense of injustice should primarily hold among Latinos, who are targeted on the basis of race, ethnicity, accent, and skin color. Nevertheless, it may also hold among Blacks, whose communities are targeted more generally, and Asians, to whom issues related to immigration are likewise important. In order to assess this theory, we leverage a survey with nationally representative samples of four different racial groups. We find that proximal contact motivates participation in protests, and does so indirectly via a sense of injustice for white and Asian respondents. Latino and Black respondents are primarily motivated by injustice irrespective of contact. In sum, the results suggest that immigration enforcement and non-immigration-related criminal justice policies may have similar political effects on those who are proximately affected.

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35

Straehle, Christine. "Justice in migration." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 48, no. 2 (2018): 245–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.2017.1353880.

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AbstractThe movement of people across borders is one of the most pressing issues of our time. Yet it is still unclear how migration should be regulated to be fair to the sending societies, the host societies and the individual migrant. What is at issue? Are we discussing migration from an ethical or from a political philosophical perspective, or both? Are we discussing migration from a global justice perspective or social justice perspective? Do we consider political legitimacy and democratic self-determination as part of our analysis? How should we balance demands of justice in immigration compared to those of emigration?

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36

Messing, Ariella J., Rachel E. Fabi, and Joanne D. Rosen. "Reproductive Injustice at the US Border." American Journal of Public Health 110, no. 3 (March 2020): 339–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2019.305466.

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The detention of immigrants inside US borders is not a new phenomenon. However, a dramatic shift has occurred in both the number and treatment of immigrants in detention. We examine recent changes in immigration policies that have systematized the mistreatment of children and pregnant immigrants, including a ban on abortion for unaccompanied minors in immigration detention, the neglect and mistreatment of pregnant immigrants in detention, and the separation and prolonged detention of parents and children in unsafe facilities. We employ the reproductive justice framework to demonstrate how these policies violate all 3 primary values of reproductive justice: the right to have children, the right not to have children, and the right to parent children in safe and secure environments. We argue that, when analyzed through the lens of reproductive justice, these policies can be seen as manifestations of a single targeted strategy to control the reproductive autonomy of migrants as a tool of immigration enforcement. We conclude with a call to action to the public health community.

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37

Provine, Doris Marie. "Justice as Told by Judges: The Case of Litigation over Local Anti-Immigrant Legislation." Studies in Social Justice 3, no. 2 (October 19, 2009): 231–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v3i2.1017.

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In the absence of comprehensive immigration reform at the federal level, many American states and localities are undertaking their own legal reforms. The new state and local laws have been challenged by immigrant-rights organizations and individuals on the grounds that the federal government has already pre-empted the field. The lawsuits bring a new narrative voice—that of judges—into the boiling U.S. immigration debate. Judges engage the controversy over local enforcement of immigration enforcement, as they have other contentious disputes, both as pragmatic decision-makers and as spokespersons for justice. The tensions this dual role entails are explored here in the context of a single, controversial case. Close-up analysis of the judge’s narrative strategy reveals a range of specific techniques to create moral distance from a decision, combined, ironically, with the enlistment of moral themes to justify the ruling. The inter-twining of rule-of-law and justice rhetoric mirrors and also shapes a broader politics of justice in the United States.

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38

Beltrán. "Legitimate Exclusions of Would-Be Immigrants: A View from Global Ethics and the Ethics of International Relations." Social Sciences 8, no. 8 (August 9, 2019): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci8080238.

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The debate about justice in immigration seems somehow stagnated given that it seems justice requires both further exclusion and more porous borders. In the face of this, I propose to take a step back and to realize that the general problem of borders—to determine what kind of borders liberal democracies ought to have—gives rise to two particular problems: first, to justify exclusive control over the administration of borders (the problem of legitimacy of borders) and, second, to specify how this control ought to be exercised (the problem of justice of borders). The literature has explored the second but ignored the first. Therefore, I propose a different approach to the ethics of immigration by focusing on concerns of legitimacy in a three-step framework: first, identifying the kind of authority or power that immigration controls exercise; second, redefining borders as international and domestic institutions that issue that kind of power; and finally, considering supranational institutions that redistribute the right to exclude among legitimate borders.

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39

Ackerman, Alissa R., and Rich Furman. "The criminalization of immigration and the privatization of the immigration detention: implications for justice." Contemporary Justice Review 16, no. 2 (June 2013): 251–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10282580.2013.798506.

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40

Naseef, Kara. "How to Decrease the Immigration Backlog: Expand Representation and End Unnecessary Detention." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 52.3 (2019): 771. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.52.3.how.

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This Note recommends federal policy reform and local implementation in order to decrease the immigration backlog and protect the rights of non-citizens in immigration proceedings. Although non-citizens hold many of the fundamental rights and freedoms enumerated in the Constitution, several core rights— including due process and the right to counsel—are not rigorously upheld in the context of immigration proceeding. By carefully regulating expanded access to representation and ending unnecessary immigration detention, the Executive Office of Immigration Review and Congress will ensure the swift administration of justice and protect non-citizens under the federal government’s jurisdiction.

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41

Johansen, Pamela Stowers. "Incarcerated Mothers." Californian Journal of Health Promotion 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2005): 130–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32398/cjhp.v3i2.1770.

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This study presents a single case that illustrates the special concerns of incarcerated mothers with undocumented immigrant status. Current immigration, criminal justice, and child welfare policies, lack of agency coordination, staffing difficulties, and limited resources can create challenges for any incarcerated parent attempting to maintain custody of minor children. For a parent without legal immigration status, the likelihood of reunification with children is nearly impossible. This paper examines current policies impacting incarcerated mothers, the special needs of families involved in justice systems, and recommendations for more humane practice, education, and public policies.

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42

Corlett, Angelo, and Kimberly Unger. "How not to argue about immigration." Filozofija i drustvo 24, no. 2 (2013): 277–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1302277c.

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This paper describes and assesses the arguments offered both against closed borders and in favor of a more open borders approach to U.S. immigration reform as those arguments are set forth in R. Pevnick?s book, Immigration and the Constraints of Justice. We find numerous problems with Pevnick?s reasoning on both counts.

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43

Edwards, Ian. "Referral Orders after the Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008." Journal of Criminal Law 75, no. 1 (February 2011): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1350/jcla.2011.75.1.683.

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The referral order (RO) is the volume sentence in youth justice. The Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008 (CJIA) made important changes to the use of ROs for young offenders. This article analyses these amendments and evaluates the extent to which they signal a move away from the original rationales for ROs. I argue that the CJIA subtly changes ROs and that this shift broadens the availability of ROs, although the significance of the changes depends in particular on how youth court magistrates view the utility of ROs and restorative justice.

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44

Queudot, Marc, Éric Charton, and Marie-Jean Meurs. "Improving Access to Justice with Legal Chatbots." Stats 3, no. 3 (September 4, 2020): 356–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/stats3030023.

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On average, one in three Canadians will be affected by a legal problem over a three-year period. Unfortunately, whether it is legal representation or legal advice, the very high cost of these services excludes disadvantaged and most vulnerable people, forcing them to represent themselves. For these people, accessing legal information is therefore critical. In this work, we attempt to tackle this problem by embedding legal data in a conversational interface. We introduce two dialog systems (chatbots) created to provide legal information. The first one, based on data from the Government of Canada, deals with immigration issues, while the second one informs bank employees about legal issues related to their job tasks. Both chatbots rely on various representations and classification algorithms, from mature techniques to novel advances in the field. The chatbot dedicated to immigration issues is shared with the research community as an open resource project.

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45

Zilbershats, Yaffa. "Sovereign States Control of Immigration: A Global Justice Perspective." Israel Law Review 43, no. 1 (2010): 126–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000078.

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Global justice is a relatively new concept that is being developed both by scholars, who belong to the political school of thought, and by others, who define themselves as cosmopolitans. Whereas political scholars believe that the global implications of justice contemplate states or peoples, cosmopolitans refer to the individual as the subject of justice even when dealing with it on a global scale.Despite the differences between the two schools, this Article shows that none has clearly called for the imposition of additional obligations upon states that would force them to allow immigrants to enter those states' territory. Further, our survey shows that the five scholars examined believe that considerations of global justice should compel developed states to offer at least some assistance to burdened or poor states in order to reduce the causes of migration. All differ regarding the type and scope of assistance but agree that the reasons for migration should be reduced in the state of origin.What is missing in the scholarly works on global justice is a solution to the forced migration of masses of people. This problem cannot be solved, at least in the short run, solely by assisting the state of origin. As long as the lives of the migrants are threatened, states must open their gates to save them and agree that an international body will administer this issue and ensure that the burden is shared proportionally among the various states of the world. Such an international body will also be competent to promote programs of assistance to states, which will in turn reduce the need to migrate.

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46

Weber, Elisabeth. "Deconstruction is Justice." German Law Journal 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013547.

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This provocative assertion, sharply contrasting with the decades-old criticism of deconstruction as an aesthetisizing apolitical and ahistorical exercise, recapitulated in 1989 the stakes of an infinite task and responsibility that, in spite of and because of its infinity, cannot be relegated to tomorrow: “[…] justice, however unpresentable it may be, doesn't wait. It is that which must not wait.” It is in the spirit of such urgency, of a responsibility that cannot be postponed, that Jacques Derrida was an active and outspoken critic and commentator on issues such as South Africa's Apartheid, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the bloody civil war in his native Algeria, human rights abuses, French immigration laws, the death penalty, and on what Richard Falk has termed “the great terror war”.

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47

Thomas, Brian. "Expanding Social Justice: Exploring Connections Between Immigration and Indigeneity." Southern Journal of Canadian Studies 6 (September 15, 2015): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/sjcs.v6i1.315.

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Most discussions of group--‐differentiated disadvantage seek to explain its covert and overt nature through the experiences of dominant groups and their relations to subordinate groups. This is a vertical approach to social injustice. Instead of taking this approach, I take a horizontal approach that seeks to determine whether there are logics that produce disadvantage that are invisible to the vertical understandings of socially constructed group--‐ differentiated disadvantage. To this end, I critically consider the relationships between disadvantaged groups by reflecting on the experiences of Black Canadians and Canadian Aboriginals. Their experiences reveal the underbelly of Canadian multiculturalism and of discourses of membership and belonging. I explore the ways in which these groups have potentially complex and conflicting modes of injustice that elicit potentially conflicting and complex prescriptions. Recognizing this has the potential to facilitate a finer--‐grained sensitivity to the description and potential amelioration of group--‐differentiated disadvantage and to problematize discourses of membership and belonging in their instantiation in current Canadian practices, norms, and governing arrangements.

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48

Lindahl, Hans. "Erratum: In between: Immigration, distributive justice, and political dialogue." Contemporary Political Theory 10, no. 1 (January 12, 2011): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2010.42.

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Wilcox, Shelley. "Peter W. Higgins, Immigration Justice. Reviewed by Shelley Wilcox." Social Theory and Practice 41, no. 3 (2015): 560–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract201541329.

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50

Pellow, David, and Jasmine Vazin. "The Intersection of Race, Immigration Status, and Environmental Justice." Sustainability 11, no. 14 (July 19, 2019): 3942. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11143942.

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Environmental injustice occurs when marginalized groups face disproportionate environmental impacts from a range of threats. Environmental racism is a particular form of environmental injustice and frequently includes the implementation of policies, regulations, or institutional practices that target communities of color for undesirable waste sites, zoning, and industry. One example of how the United States federal and state governments are currently practicing environmental racism is in the form of building and maintaining toxic prisons and immigrant detention prisons, where people of color and undocumented persons are the majority of inmates and detainees who suffer disproportionate health risk and harms. This article discusses the historical and contemporary conditions that have shaped the present political landscape of racial and immigration conflicts and considers those dynamics in the context of the literature on environmental justice. Case studies are then presented to highlight specific locations and instances that exemplify environmental injustice and racism in the carceral sector. The article concludes with an analysis of the current political drivers and motivations contributing to these risks and injustices, and ends with a discussion of the scale and depth of analysis required to alleviate these impacts in the future, which might contribute to greater sustainability among the communities affected.

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