Дисертації з теми "Justice et réconciliation en afrique"
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Stirn, Nora. "Repenser la justice transitionnelle en Afrique subsaharienne : concilier l'un et le multiple dans la reconstruction des sociétés post-guerre civile." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01D031.
Повний текст джерелаThrough a comparative study of different African conflicts, this research aims at underlying the need for complementarity between the different judicial and extra-judicial mechanisms of the transitional justice process. Sierra Leone, Central African Republic, Rwanda, Uganda, Darfur, Mozambique, every post-conflict situation has its own experience of Transitional Justice. There is no pre-conceived solution to solve a conflict, where the frontier between victims and perpetrators is constantly shaken, and with mass atrocities committed by both sides. Be it International Justice, National Justice, Truth and Reconciliation Commissions, or Local and Traditional Justice, none of these mechanisms of Transitional Justice can be efficient if they aren't any linkage between them and if they are not adapted to each specific contexts. For post-conflict justice to be a catalyst toward Reconciliation and a Sustainable Peace, peacemakers have to look deep into the political, the historical, and structural reasons that led to the commission of international crimes. The purpose of this PhD project is to encourage the adoption of a renewed plural vision of Justice in Africa, which would meet more specifically the needs of the war-torn population for a long-term peaceful society
Lefranc, Sandrine. "Politique du pardon : amnistie et transitions démocratiques : une approche comparative." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000IEPP0033.
Повний текст джерелаSalcedo, Cécile. "La transition démocratique sud-africaine : essai sur l'émergence d'un droit public de la reconstruction de l'Etat." Aix-Marseille 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010AIX32050.
Повний текст джерелаIn 1994, South Africa knew its first democratic elections. Sixteen years later, and four general elections, the country seems to have made a success of its bet of a democratic South Africa. The strong tensions which remained at the end of the apartheid regime let not at all augur a democratic and peaceful transition. The will of the negotiating parties to reach an optimal compromise and confidence in the rule of law guided the country in its choices. South Africa chose to supervise the slightest details of its transformation by the law. The Republic of South Africa demonstrated the importance that the law can take on the reconstruction of the State, by appealing to characteristic elements of the democratic transitions, such as constitutionalism, more specific instruments, such as a Truth Commission and egalitarian policies. This last one is mainly registered in two constitutions, "temporary" and "definitive". These not only allowed the passage of the apartheid regime towards a democratic one, but they also registered the bases of a new transitional justice, through a Truth and reconciliation commission of a new kind. They also began a reparation policy, with egalitarian aims, and registered in a global project of State building. Choices made by South Africa in transition and in State building can be source of inspiration for number of States in transition
Colombani, Anouk. "L'après-violence : (ré)conciliations (im)possibles ?" Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080019/document.
Повний текст джерелаMore than fifty thousand processes of national reconciliation have been organised since the end of the eighties. Yet the outcome is still uncertain: is reconciliation possible? The instances of extreme violence which emerged in the twentieth century seem to have created an insoluble paradox. On the one hand, we must accept reconciliation to avoid new massacres. (Doesn't violence generate more violence?) On the other, it seems more incongruous than ever to call for reconciliation. Who has the right to order a victim of genocide to agree to r conciliation? The underlying assumption in this work is that reconciliation never really works because liberal theory cannot conceive of violence, and, more generally, social sciences are unable to deal with violence. As a result, we have to understand the scientific storytelling produced by liberal philosophy and transitional justice. We can then oppose the storytelling to a "philosophy of the concrete" and a philosophy of detail, which draw on anthropology and history in order to grasp what we almost incidentally call violence
Ngowet, Luc. "Les fondements théoriques de la modernité politique africaine : essai de phénoménologie politique." Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCC337.
Повний текст джерелаAny consideration of African political thought cannot disregard the issue of its recovering by Africanist discourse. The hegemony of this discourse is partly at the origin of our reflection on the theoretical foundations of modernity in Africa, that seeks to lay the foundations for a long-term research agenda on African political thought. Beyond a contention with the Africanist discourse, my thesis is also motivated by a more fundamental objective that presupposes and seeks to demonstrate that African thought has always played a vital role in the construction of the political modernity of Africa. I will analyse the contours and content of the theoretical foundations of that african political modernity through a methodology and a principle of reason that will bear witness to those foudations with conviction and lucidity. My doctoral dissertation therefore has two main objectives. First, it seeks to develop a critique of Africanist reason that will lead to an interpretation of endogenous discourses on politics in Africa, through a method of investigation called political phenomenology. Such a phenomenological understanding of politics as an instrument that can elucidate African modernity in Africa will be based on a critical interpretation of major african political texts written in both French and English. Secondly, my thesis aims at developing a philosophizing history of African political thought, providing a precise understanding of its concepts and issues. In sum, this dissertation would have achieved its objective if it read as a philosophical meta-narrative on African modernity, the specificity of which I shall define
Issa, Fehima. "Les Commissions Vérité et Réconciliation comme mécanisme de justice transitionnelle : La question de la justice, de la vérité et de la réconciliation dans les sociétés en transition démocratique." Thesis, Paris 11, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA111012.
Повний текст джерелаThe issue of justice in societies in transition is systematically raised after a conflict, a repressive period or an authoritarian period. Gross violations of international human rights law and grave breaches of international humanitarian law perpetrated under previous regimes cannot let the choice of inaction concerning the past to the new political institutions.Truth and reconciliation commissions constitute one of the mechanisms of transitional justice, which place the victim at the middle of its concerns especially because the criminalization of perpetrators is not the only goal of justice and, as noted by Hannah Arendt, “men are unable to forgive what they cannot punish and are unable to punish what turns out to be unforgivable”. Sometimes presented as an alternative mean to criminal justice, these commissions aim to establish the misdeeds committed by former regimes. The possible choice between truth commissions and international or internal criminal Justice is avoided in this study, which aims to highlight the important role of the complementarity of truth and reconciliation commissions with other transitional justice mechanisms, notably legal prosecutions against the perpetrators of crimes against international law and reparations for victims. In this regard, the aim of this study is not to analyze these commissions in an isolated manner, but to notice that international standards as well as situations in each country restrict the options available for dealing with the past. This research is based on a comparative approach presenting a case study on different countries for demonstrate the legitimacy of truth and reconciliation commissions and their functioning in period of transition
Fall, Moustapha. "Les cours de justice africaines et l'intégration." Thesis, Nantes, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020NANT3005.
Повний текст джерелаThe construction of the Community in Africa, referred by the judge, is a real step forward. The establishment of courts of justice has given African sub-regional organizations (EAC, ECOWAS, CEMAC, COMESA, SADC, WAMU) a new appearance marked by respect for law and legality. These courts are designed to support community processes by helping to remove obstacles to the objectives of integration. Through their case law, characterized by a dominance of human rights cases and a lack of economic freedom litigation, African courts of justice assume a mission as guardians of integration objectives. The judge's intervention has made it possible to clarify the scope of competence of the institutions and to structure the essential principles of integration law, even if certain legal remedies remain unusual. Moreover, the expansion of human rights litigation before the african courts reveals a strong trend towards the protection of the human person with different approaches. The assertion of the courts of justice and the legitimization of their jurisdictional functions are being tempered by resistance from Member States. But this does not prevent the manifestation of the rise of the African Community judge in a context of contentious human rights sparks. Thus, the jurisprudential work examined shows that African courts of justice have made an ambivalent and decisive contribution to African integration
Massamba, Makoumbou Jean-Serge. "Contribution à l'étude des politiques de la mémoire dans la construction de l'Etat en Afrique." Thesis, Paris Est, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PEST2013.
Повний текст джерелаBuilding peace following a conflict reveals the importance of the role of the memory as witnessed by the increased importance of the memory policies witch are responsible of conflicts and the change of political regimes. This undertaking remains subject to the knowledge, or lack of it, of the serious violations of the rights of man, and the material and symbolic redress for victims seeking recognition as well as the rewriting of history with the aim of changing stereotypes at the origin of conflicts within a particular community.Given the absence of an independent judicial system and a third party State, the memory policies initiated in the resolution of Congolese conflicts tend towards legitimizing an authoritarian political regime rather than promoting reconciliation. The constitutionalizing of peace, the limited accusation of war criminals and the deficit of “congolité” reveals the inadequacy of these policies, and the continuance of the international pardon policies.In light of this, the edification of a positive peace that differs from a simple cessation of the hostilities requires the establishment of a correlation between forgiveness and justice in a quest for accountability. This approach calls for a fresh attitude capable of favouring the transformation of the negative behaviours into rational positions with the aim of forgetting past outrages in order to work toward promoting a new innovative communal life. If the establishment of the future resolution mechanisms appear to be a major factor, any withdrawal from a crisis remains partial when not associated with a process of reconciliation
Kamugisha, Yvonne. "L’influence américaine et la fonction du religieux dans les mécanismes de réconciliation et de prévention contre le génocide : quel modèle de réconciliation pour le cas du Burundi ?" Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BOR30021.
Повний текст джерелаAs Burundi begins a key phase in national reconciliation, the vast work of collective memory initiated by the Arusha Peace Accords in August 2000 offers an opportunity to the US to penetrate and strategically position them in the Great Lakes’ Region Peacebuilding. A mistake would be to see such U.S. involvement in the East Africa Community as a recent phenomenon. Since the postcolonial era until the current phase of reconciliation mechanisms and genocide prevention, the American visibility in African politics goes back in time as its missionary activities prove it. Many studies explored the question on geopolitical relations between former colonial countries and colonial powers in sub-Sahara Africa. Yet, few pointed out the relevance or the deep religious relationships and their influence in sociopolitical events in East African countries such as Burundi or Rwanda. To explain the U.S. Foreign Policy linking it to its religious investment in the Great Lake prevents a misleading simplification of U.S. interests. Our study of the role of American missions and their complex relations with Christian missions of former colonial powers offers us a new look at the U.S. political dynamics in the Great Lakes’ Region in East Africa. The challenge of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission provides a unique political and religious space for a study of these different religious actors. The use of the transitional justice in Burundi underlines not only the confrontation of processes of justice and forgiveness in post-conflict periods, but it underlines the difficult negotiation of collective memories along with geopolitical interests
Lollini, Andrea. "Le rôle (pré)constituant de la Commission vérité et réconciliation : le renouvellement du constitutionnalisme en Afrique du Sud." Paris, EHESS, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003EHES0048.
Повний текст джерелаThis thesis explores the experience of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and its relationship with the post-arpatheid constituent process. The confession, constituting one of the basis of the Commission's procedure have been analysed from an historical, legal and theological perspective, trying to shape the influences of the Commission's activity, first on the process of codification on the new democratic Constitution, then on the fabrication of the unity of a new democratic political body. The structure of the thesis is composed of three parts : 1) the renewing of the South African constitutionalism; 2) the analyse of the historical morphology of the confession and qualification of the confession in the Truth Commission procedure; 3) analyse of the configuration of the South African democratic sovereignty in post-apartheid era
Yaliki, Arnaud. "Quelle justice pour une réconciliation nationale ? Cas de la République Centrafricaine et de la République de Côte d'Ivoire." Thesis, Paris Est, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PESC0046/document.
Повний текст джерелаFor more than a decade, the Central African Republic (CAR) and the Republic of Côte d'Ivoire (RCI or the Ivory Coast) are going through serious military-political conflicts which have been accentuated for the Central African Republic in 2012 and for RCI in 2011. These crises, which in most cases are rooted in poor governance and lack of political will have a common denominator: significant material damage and loss of life. Serious crimes in the hierarchy of horror have been committed (war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide). Given the seriousness of these crimes that profoundly transcend human consciousness, both countries have engaged in transitional justice processes, through judicial and non-judicial measures to deal with their painful past and reconcile divided populations and communities. How to integrate justice into a more global strategy of the transitional process for national reconciliation in favour of a new democratic future?It is true that the repression of these crimes by the Central African and Ivorian courts, the International Criminal Court (ICC), the Special Criminal Court (SPC) in CAR or under universal jurisdiction is a priority objective pursued by both countries. However, classical justice has proved incapable of judging all the authors, as their number is important and the facts they are accused of are serious. This is why the Central African and Ivorian authorities have considered complimentary mechanisms to criminal justice aimed at restoring living together among the divided populations, materialized by the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CDVR). It is responsible for establishing a historical truth about the crimes committed in order to definitively turn the page. Apart from this classical institution of national reconciliation, other structures have been created, either to fill the gaps of previous initiatives or to find other new areas. Religion has also played an important role; either it promotes religious tolerance, acceptance of differences or peaceful resolution of conflicts, or it appears as a cause of conflict, through messages of hatred and division.But in this process of reconciling these two objectives, how can we begin the process of national reconciliation without endorsing practices of impunity? It is in this sense that the repression of serious crimes appears as a necessary mechanism of transitional justice.Finally, it is important to note that the crises in both countries are politically motivated, but also institutional. This is why institutional reforms have been initiated in several areas, including Security Sector Reform (SSR) with the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of all combatants. Reforms have also been undertaken in the field of good governance and constitutional justice so that, henceforth, the actions of the rulers are subject to the law
Guillou, Benoît. "Le pardon à l'épreuve d'un génocide : discours et pratiques du pardon au Rwanda (1994-2006)." Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EHES0014.
Повний текст джерелаAs an introduction we started from a banal observation, that it is difficult to define the notion of forgiveness. This term covers a heterogenous body of practices and can also have multiple moral, legal and religious meanings. Investigations carried out in Rwanda between 1994 and 2006 have enabled us to put more and more actors into spotlight who constantly take possession of the vocabulary of forgiveness in the perspective of national reconciliation. After examining discourses and practices of forgiveness -in prison, at catholic rural parish level, at the level of a cell (the smallest administrative entity) and at Detmold in Germany -we have characterized and distinguished the main forms of forgiveness according to the actions and to the devices implemented. In Rwanda, the notion of forgiveness after the genocide gives rise to radically different configurations. The practice of forgiveness implies that the floor is taken to put the negative reality into words. If forgiveness given or asked for can become a tool of constraint and defense of particular interests, an action that is being sought to extort, it is not limited to the defense of individual or collective prerogatives. Forgiving offers the opportunity to “start anew”, to become a source of inspiration and sometimes to create a personal and collective resource to stop the spiral of violence
Almeida, Amah Sedjro d'. "Décolonisation et institutions judiciaires en Afrique noire." Paris 2, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA020025.
Повний текст джерелаUnder colonization, different systems of culture and civilization have coexisted on the same land, the colonizer having generally allowed the local institutions and customary or native systems of courts to subsist. He also introduced legislations and modern european systems of courts (french or english). The decolonization has restored the sovereignty of the african countries. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the leading lines of the judicial institutions of black africa since the decolonization trying moreover to bring out a typology which distinguishes between legislations which have perfected the evolution towards modernity, the legislations which have kept together the two systems of courts and those in which customary or native justice would become predominant again. The thesis aims to point out the reasons and explanations which have given rise to such a situation
Akakpo, Kokouvi Dodzi Luc. "Les enfants accusés de crimes internationaux : d’une justice hétérogène à une homogénéité des théories et des pratiques." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23683.
Повний текст джерелаDjie, Bouin Wilfried. "Le droit à un procès équitable et la justice transitionnelle dans la reconstruction du système juridique et politique ivoirien." Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018TOU10052/document.
Повний текст джерелаThe issue of the research deals with fair trial and transitional justice in Côte d'Ivoire. The problem at stake here is to see how the state of Côte d'Ivoire fail to protect and respect an international fondamental right as Fair trial in context of post crisis.It will be convenient to highliht the role of transitional justice and its mechanisms in the process of reinforcing respect and promotion of the right to a fair trial in Ivory Coast
Adopo, Annick Marie-Dominique. "Les États africains et la répression des crimes internationaux." Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010280.
Повний текст джерелаTjouen, Alex-François. "Les rapports entre les juridictions suprêmes nationales et la Cour commune de justice et d'arbitrage de l'Organisation pour l'harmonisation en Afrique du droit des affaires (OHADA)." Paris 2, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA020044.
Повний текст джерелаRiotor, Clotilde. "Une réconciliation contestée : l'affaire de la répression de Tanjung Priok : violence, justice et fabrique de l'après-violence en Indonésie (1984-2005)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0123.
Повний текст джерелаWhy are some state or mass crimes judged in courts after a civil war or the fall of an authoritarian regime, while other episodes of violence see their judicial treatment suspended ? Why do they sometimes go through so-called “reconciliation” procedures or institutions? Are these forms of circumvention of justice ? This thesis is an attempt to answer these questions in the light of a case of violence in 1984 in Indonesia. In full contrast with a national climate often referred to as impunity of suspected perpetrators of serious past violations since the transition, the “tragedy of Tanjung Priok” has not remained without judicial consequences after the fall of Suharto in 1998. In 2003, about fifteen soldiers who were deployed on the scene during the bloody events were charged and tried for “crimes against humanity” before a national ad hoc human rights court. However, a charter of “reconciliation”, called ishlah charter, referring to Islamic law, signed before the trial between suspected perpetrators and some of the victims sparked off a controversy and the embarrassment of institutional actors. To understand the stakes of this “reconciliation”, this work makes an extensive review of the evolutions of transitional justice mechanisms on an international scale dialogue with a portrait of Indonesia in transition and a historical reconstitution of the key scenes and the controversies that have arisen over the course of this whole affair, which extends over more than twenty years. Thus, this thesis departs from disembodied descriptions of post-violence in order to insist on local dynamics at work on a long temporality, this being based on manifold sources (interviews, tracts, trials, press), from underground contests of State violence during Suharto's era up to the 2000s. Yet, it should also be distinguished from analysis in terms of determinism of structures and, conversely, puts the stress on the concatenation effects generated by the globalization of practices of transitional justice
Idourah, Silvère Ngoundos. "Colonisation et confiscation de la justice en Afrique : l'administration de la justice au Gabon, Moyen-Congo, Oubangui-Chari et Tchad, de la création des colonies à l'aube des indépendances /." Paris ; Budapest ; Torino : l'Harmattan, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb377178835.
Повний текст джерелаEn appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 369-388.
Turgis, Noémie. "La justice transitionnelle en droit international." Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010315.
Повний текст джерелаBenouis, El Mostafa. "Le système juridico-judiciaire almohade en Al-Andalous et au Maghreb, 542-668/1147-1269." Lyon 2, 2002. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/sdx/theses/lyon2/2002/benouis_em_notice.
Повний текст джерелаYaga, Jean Prosper. "La dialectique de la justice et du pardon : approches des positions de la conférence des évêques du Cameroun depuis sa création jusqu'à nos jours." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAK013.
Повний текст джерелаJustice and forgiveness are like two poles of a dialectic that unites them to the point of making them inseparable. Forgiveness is a free gift that comes from a personal approach while justice is a natural or legal right that every human being is entitled. Indeed, forgiveness is not incompatible with justice. It coexists with justice without interfering. The work of one is supplemented by the contribution of the other. In this regard, there cannot be closure with forgiveness without justice. Likewise, there can be no reconciliation with justice without forgiveness. Thus, forgiveness is the fruit of justice. In fact, forgiveness is an act of love beyond fault that breaks pain and hatred. Forgiveness grows whoever offers it and contributes to the happiness of others. The past is vanquished and transcended. Justice is a safeguard that removes discord and inequality. From this point of view, justice and forgiveness are two interacting virtues that bring moral and spiritual fulfillment to human being. They are at the service of charity
Wasso, Misona Joseph. "Constitution de l'état de droit et développement : essai sur le fondement de la justice constitutionnelle dans les pays en voie de développement d'Afrique noire francophone." Aix-Marseille 3, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005AIX32036.
Повний текст джерелаNevertheless recognized as a human right, the right to development is, mostly, considered as a political/economical project more than a legal obligation ; it is true, above all, in the case of an under-developed State. This conception needs to be balanced today with a constitutional and international approach of the legal order. For a democratic State, constitutional justice plays indeed a fundamental role to regulate constitutional rights. In that perspective, with the constitutional consecration of the human being and the consecutive expansion of the constitutional rights and constitutional justice, the development seems to derive from basic requirements of a democratic State. The legal supervision of the political powers, as a principle of organization, and the separation of powers, as a functioning rule, characterize the Rule of Law. Its development is conditioned by the integration of its other dimension, rather subjective, the development of the citizen and therefore, the State
Baldé, Saïdou. "La justice pénale internationale et les conflits armés en Afrique subsaharienne : contribution à l’étude du droit international pénal." Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019TOU10014/document.
Повний текст джерелаCamara, Fodé. "Systèmes criminels et systèmes sociaux en Afrique de l'ouest : entre contingence et complexité : le cas de la Guinée." Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016TOU10066.
Повний текст джерелаThe purpose of this research is to understand the criminal phenomenon, its implementation, and its perpetuation through the devices and instruments of control, from international to national to regional crime policies. This research was conducted in Guinea, located in West Africa. After Independence, African States were immediately faced with the problem of the complexity of their social systems. Complexity is rooted in structural couplings created in colonial times between traditional and colonial system. In a world in which we simultaneously exclude the necessity and impossibility, inter-systemic interactions are key. Self-observation and self-description of African social systems will be selectivity even more contingent than in traditional social systems. Globalization will increase this phenomenon and will eventually affect Africa; opening gaping holes in its political and legal systems allowing criminals systems engulf it
Perrin, Hélène. "Justice sociale et santé : l’accès aux soins à Abidjan." Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001CLF10229.
Повний текст джерелаSocial justice is one of the fundamental questions in contemporary economics. From the seventies, it has been the subject of a renewal of interest among philosophers and economists. Economic theories of justice aim at proposing conditions leading to a just society. They have also inspired justice principles to be applied to specific society fields. Health, in particular, appears as a privileged application field of these theories. The question of justice in health field arises with a particular intensity in development countries where health conditions are low and where resources allocated to health are often insufficient and badly used. The approach developed here is at the intersection of the three main fields of economics above-mentioned namely social justice analysis, health economics and development economics. The thesis aims at analyzing, in terms of justice, the impact of the health policy currently performed in the majority of West African countries, and in particular in Ivory Coast. This policy is based on the principles of Bamako Initiative, initiated by WHO, UNICEF and West African countries governments. It is based notably on two points: user fees and health care quality improvement. These principles raise an animated debate about the justice of such a policy. Some claim that justice is guaranteed because this health care reform should allow health care access for the majority of people. Others, in return, consider this policy unfair insofar as it may exclude the poorest sick out of health care system. This thesis intends to participate in this discussion and to bring elements of response to the question of justice raised here. It comprises four movements. The first one presents the principal economic theories of justice developed during this century. It allows to grasp with precision the notion of justice, fundamental in this research. The second one analyses justice principles developed in the more specific field of health. It leads to identify an empirical method that enables to detect a possible unfair impact of the health policy currently performed in Abidjan. This method, lying on an econometric estimation of a health care demand function, uses data of a survey that we personally conducted in Abidjan, from February to march 1998, among more than 4000 households. The third movement presents the main characteristics of this field work and analyses, from a justice point of view, the descriptive results obtained from this survey. Quite an injustice, felt at the end of this descriptive analysis, is confirmed by the econometric results exposed in the fourth time of this thesis. Indeed, user fees impact on health care demand appears inequitable because it is particularly unfavorable to the poor. Moreover, quality improvement, which is supposed to offset negative price effect, may essentially rise up health care use by the rich. Alternative solution, more favorable to the poorest, are then discussed. Several targeting policies, aimed at directing public resources in priority to the poor, are, in particular, analyzed. If some of them may be defended from a theoretical point of view, their implementation may force some difficulties. Then, such propositions must be improved and the research of other solutions that would even better assure health care access to the poor must, more than ever, be pursued
Idourah, Silvère Ngoundos. "L'administration de la justice au Congo : de la réorganisation judiciaire de 1897 au Congo-français au régime de 1992 en république du Congo." Lyon 3, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997LYO3A003.
Повний текст джерелаRakotoarisoa, Faustin. "L'autorité des évêques et le gouvernement de la vie et du ministère des prêtres : doctrine, droit et praxis en Afrique." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019STRAK002.
Повний текст джерелаThe bishop holds an inherent authority from the apostolic succession, the fullness of the sacrament of orders, the multiple power that canon law bestows upon him. The authority of the bishops in Africa is reinforced by the distinctiveness of their status, whether it is at the social, cultural or political level. They are hardly disputable. Presbyters always have to refer to their bishop in the exercise of their ministry, no matter the size of that ministry, and that because of the legal binding of the incardination. This guarantees the governance of the priests, the hierarchy and the efficiency of diocesan administration. However, the bishop’s authority doesn’t always prevail because of the tribalism, the abuse of power of certain priests and the disobedience that puts a strain on the authority. It must be noted that certain bishops also abuse of their authority, violate in impunity the ecclesiastical norms and fail to exercise their responsibilities to the priests’ detriment. Therefore, it is necessary to return to the importance of service in the exercise of the episcopal ministry and to reinforce the rigorous application of universal law of the Catholic Church. If the Supreme authority of the Church is willing to manifest its evolution by severely sanctioning the bishops who fail their mission, there will be a true opportunity for change in order, for the ecclesiastical institution who faces the diocesan realities in Africa, to advance more largely in terms of control, caution, sanction and protection of the rights for both the priests and the laity
Tsanga, Ndomo Laure Christelle. "Les effets des décisions de la cour de justice de la CEMAC : contribution à l'étude d'une justice intégrative inspirée du modèle communautaire européen." Thesis, Nantes, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NANT3030.
Повний текст джерелаDue to the role played by the Court of Justice of the European Union in the construction of integration in Europe, the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa shows its desire to revitalize integration by establishing a Court Of Community Justice whose powers and functioning are reminiscent of those of the CJEU. The challenges facing this Court, especially the resistance of member states, the reluctance of supranational authorities, and the difficult task of adapting the EU's judicial system to the CEMAC context, are all challenges. This probably justifies the fact that the effects of the decisions of that court do not always have the same effect on integration as is the case for the EU. Hence the importance of questioning the real impact of its decisions on integration. The analysis of the effects of the decisions of the CJCEMAC makes it possible to assess its role in the consolidation of integration. This study ultimately reveals that the CJCEMAC judgments constitute a tool for the effectiveness of Community law ; thus confirming the exportability of the EU judicial system. Decisions are also seen as normative instruments on which integration is grafted, insofar as they protect the community order while participating in the realization of integration in Central Africa
Mfuamba, Katende Mazarin Pierre. "Justice politique et démocratie chez John Rawls: Repères pour une rationalité politique africaine contemporaine." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/248782.
Повний текст джерелаDoctorat en Philosophie
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Mbemba, Rudy Calva. "L' ordre social : histoire et justice pénale dans la société traditionnelle kongo depuis les origines jusqu' au XXème siècle." Toulouse 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000TOU10092.
Повний текст джерелаThe history of Kongo is exceptional in Black Africa. In 1491, Kongo society welcomed the Europeans. Getting in contact with Portugueses, Kongo people discovered the Christianity, the handwriting and European law
Barcat, Charlotte. "Bloody Sunday et l'enquête Saville : vérité, justice et mémoire." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCA122.
Повний текст джерелаOn January 30th, 1972, in the Northern Irish city of Derry/Londonderry, thirteen people who had been taking part in a civil rights demonstration were shot dead by British soldiers. This ‘Bloody Sunday’ immediately sparked controversy: the soldiers claimed they had fired in retaliation, which civilian witnesses categorically denied. In 1972, the conclusion of the first public inquiry that the soldiers had acted within the rules was rejected by the victims’ families, who launched a campaign demanding a new inquiry in 1992. In 1998, as the peace process was under way, the British government granted a second public inquiry, to be chaired by Lord Saville. This inquiry faced a major challenge: how could they rewrite the official memory of such a symbolic event, which had already been integrated into deeply entrenched, antagonistic collective memories? Three main concepts were used to study the Saville inquiry in this work: truth, justice and memory. Finding the truth was announced as one of the inquiries’ main objectives. Justice is also highly relevant, for even though the inquiry is not a trial, it does serve justice by restoring confidence in the rule of law and providing official recognition for the victims. Finally, the importance of memory is paramount, as any attempt to rewrite the official narrative of an event was bound to clash with existing collective memories: the collective memories of the nationalist and unionist communities, but also the official memory of the British state. Truth, justice and memory thus appear to be closely linked, but may also collide, making it difficult for the inquiry to reach the objective of bringing about reconciliation
Manière, Laurent. "Le code de l'indigénat en Afrique occidentale française et son application : le cas du Dahomey (1887-1946)." Paris 7, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA070051.
Повний текст джерелаThe Indigenat Code is a group of provisions which empowered colonial administration to punish summarily African subjects, as distinct from citizens, without recourse to any of the regular courts. For West French Africa, the first major legislation was that contained in the Decree of 30 September 1887. The local French Administration might have imposed penalties on individual offenders up to the maximum of 15 days imprisonment and a 100 francs fine. The list of the offences so punished included conscription, fiscal obligations and forced labour. Additionally, in situations of grave political crisis such as insurrection, the Governor of a local territory could impose communal fines and pronounce sentences of deportation or banishment. The indigenat was the most prominent way of coercion in the French West African Administration. It was the most effective means to realise French colonial objectives. From the very harsh nature of the legal provisions and also from a virtually uncontrolled use made of this power, several shades of excesses and abuses were denounced. The abolition of the regime came in the end as a result of both the armed and unarmed protests by the subject people ending the liberalising impact of the Second World War on French Colonial attitude
Bakama, Bope Eugène. "Les fonctions de prévention et de réconciliation de la Cour pénale internationale : cas de la république démocratique du Congo." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AIXM0395.
Повний текст джерелаIn addition to the judicial function to put an end to the impunity of the perpetrators of the crimes referred to in its statute, States parties have assigned to the International criminal court the function of preventing them. The interpretation of some provisions of the Rome Statute also leads to a de facto reconciliatory or peacemaking function. Is there an obligation to prevent the most serious international crimes? What are the outlines of the preventive function which is foreseen by the Rome Statute? Is the prevention through judicial action sufficient to prevent the repetition of crimes, especially in the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo? Is there a reconciliation judicial function? If so, in what forms? How these two functions fit with others, repressive and restorative? In the first part of this thesis, the approach adopted is to analyze the provisions of the Rome Statute and the attitude of the organs of the court in the function of prevention. Although the objective is mentioned in the Rome Statute, there is still much progress to be made in implementing the spirit of these provisions, as the case on the DRC reveals. In the second part, the thesis focuses on a prospective approach to the reconciliation function. The analysis of the attitude of the court and its perception lead to a reflection on the reconciliatory character of the judicial decisions it has rendered and on their limits. The thesis then provides some reflections on the need to resort to transitional justice as part of this reconciliation function
Sando, Jean. "Les états africains et les juridictions internationales." Paris 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA010276.
Повний текст джерелаAfrican states attitude towards international jurisdictions varies according as they are preconstituted or arbitral. Reticent to preconstituted jurisdictions, african states manifest a clear preference for international arbitral jurisdictions. This double attitude is explained for two reasons : on the one hand, the failure of the integration of occidental system of justice in africa and the unfavourable attitude of the international court of justice to African states expresses throught its jurisprudence in african affairs during the sixties have given the latters the impression that thecourt is acquired to the occidental powers cause and it symbolized the occidental system of justice. What, for African states, constitutes a threat to their sovereignty which is still vulnerable. On the other hand, the african mind is stood under the influence of an old tradition whose balance and harmony have been secreted by supple idea of the human relations, so that africans have difficulties to put up with the human relatiion philosophy founded on rigour. What explains the african states preference for the more supple jurisdictions such as international arbitral jurisdictions. The infatuation manifested by these latters for those jurisdictioins has carred away a renewal of international arbitrary, so that even the preconstituted juridictions have undertaken a reconversion to the international arbitrary
Kadio, Kadio Eric. "Education, justice sociale et développement en Afrique de l'Ouest : une analyse multidimensionnelle de l'articulation des référentiels internationaux aux stratégies nationales." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AIXM0537.
Повний текст джерелаFrom 1980 to 2000, the education quality in sub-Saharan Africa decreased gradually under multiple influence. Already characterized by a low level of internal efficiency, schooling and learning outcomes, themselves dotted with regional disparities, gender and unequal access, the transformations of the education sector will be accentuated by the rise in school-age population. To deal with this situation, Governments adopt a curriculum reform at the beginning of 2000 through the Skills-Based Approach.Attached to social justice issues and learning quality, the Skills-Based Approach’ implementation has not always been conducive to rigorous evaluation in the economic literature. Due this situation, our thesis tempts to analyze its transfer and impact by comparing the Ivorian and Senegalese experiences. To achieve this goal, our work has been based on mix methods. In doing so, chapters 1 and 2 successively identify each system particularities and then the curriculum determinants and main objectives. Consecutively, chapter 3 analyzes its transfer, articulation and effectiveness in each educational system, whereas Chapter 4 assesses its impact on internal efficiency and learning quality by a multilevel model.By comparing the results from each methods, we observe that the Skills-based Approach does not explain internal efficiency improvement, which is rather the consequence of inter-cycle transition rules revision. Concerning learning quality, the econometric analysis corroborates the transfer assessment, and suggests a new approach to educational product quality: it insists to pay particular attention to the way in which educational policy is conceived and disseminated
Mboa, Nkoudou Thomas Hervé. "Les makerspaces en Afrique francophone, entre développement local durable et technocolonialité : trois études de cas au Burkina Faso, au Cameroun et au Sénégal." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/67577.
Повний текст джерелаOver the last decade, many Western countries have seen their public spheres populated by the collaborative, open and shared manufacturing spaces, broadly known as makerspaces. Often described as vehicles of social change and industrialization, the idea of makerspaces has been rapidly exported from the West to the rest of the world and in Africa specifically. Regarding this expansion, I wondered about the societal purposes and neutrality of these collaborative spaces in the African context. Prior to address these questions, it is important to establish a common framework understand the socio-historical and economic context of Africa. That is why, inspired by decolonial studies, I have drawn a conceptual framework consisting of technocoloniality and sustainable local development. In order to do so, I first deconstructed the current dominant paradigm of development approaches, namely the sustainable development goals (SDGs). Then, in the light of the work on cognitive justice, I reconstructed and presented the idea of sustainable local development as relevant for Africa, and as an alternative to SDGs. The dimensions of sustainable local development are : the quest for cognitive justice, the informal economy, common goods, inclusion and empowerment, African alternative thinking and social innovation. Then, on the basis of coloniality and the colonial matrix of power, I presented the idea of technocoloniality and its dimensions which are: techno-utopic discourse, neo-capitalist practices and the coloniality of knowledge linked to technology transfer. This conceptual framework allowed me to refine my questioning in the following research question: to what kind of development do makerspaces contribute in Francophone Africa? Specifically, the question is whether collaborative spaces can really contribute to sustainable local development in Africa or whether they contribute to strengthening technocoloniality. To answer these questions, I conducted three case studies in Francophone Africa: the Ouagalab in Burkina Faso, the Ongola Fablab in Cameroon and the Defko Ak Niep Lab in Senegal. For each case, I collected data using a combination of three methods: participant observation, semi-structuredi nterviews with makerspaces members and promoters, and content analysis. After processing data, I conducted a qualitative analysis using Nvivo software. The different categories of my analysis were then compared and interpreted using the previously constructed conceptual framework. My study revealed that makerspaces are commons that fight against cognitive injustice, ensure the flowering of knowledge, promote inclusion and empowerment of members, and catalyse social innovation. In other words, the dynamics within collaborative manufacturing spaces are highly conducive to sustainable local development. Above all, makerspaces display women's dynamism and leadership, since they allow them to fight injustices and biases they used to face in the society and places related to STEM (Science-Technology- Engineering and Mathematics). However, the management of makerspaces as an entity is highly exposed to technocoloniality. This severely hinders the internal dynamics and thus their contribution to sustainable local development. But if the different actors involved in the makerspace ecosystem take into account some factors, makerspaces would bring a lot of benefits to sustainable local development of Africa. That is why at the end of this thesis, we made some suggestions.
Missang, Bibang Covacks. "La justice administrative au Gabon et au Cameroun : contribution à l'étude de la réception des droits étrangers en Afrique noire francophone." Toulouse 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011TOU10005.
Повний текст джерелаThe germination and the evolution of the institution of administrative justice in Africa coincide with the development of the colonial administration. It will be maintained at the time of the accession to international sovereignty, even if its organization will depending on the States : on a side, those which, according to the example of Senegal, have, by preoccupation with the simplification, broken with the french solution of jurisdictional duality ; and other, those whose leader could be the Malagasy Republic, which prefered a solution closer to the preceding system. It is in the last category that is necessary to arrange Gabon anf Cameroon, two neighboring States of central Africa. However, the budgetary weight of the new organization and especially the absence of staff specialized in administrative dispute led in most States setting up a general-purpose Supreme court. The opening of the democratic transition also starts the beginning of the dismantling of this jurisdictional monism, more especially at the tendency is rather is the installation of autonomous administrative jurisdictions. All the excuses testify to the difficulty of the African States of obtaining a system adapted for the regulation of the litigations opposing administration and citizens. In a continent where one aspires more ever to setting-up and the consolidation of the Rule of law, it is not any more opportunity of such institution which would be matter with interrogations. On the other hand, its organization, its integration in a sometimes hostile sociological medium continue to feed doctrinal debates as well as political. Those which incarnate the institution are not in remainder. Thus, the timidity of the administrative judges and his promptitude to import foreign jurisprudence, particularly french, are far from supporting the emergence of a public law which is adapted to the States
Samarbakhsh-Liberge, Lydia. "Un turbulent silence : récits, mémoires et représentations du massacre de Shaperville, Afrique du Sud, 21 mars 1960." Paris, EHESS, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005EHES0132.
Повний текст джерелаThe Sharpeville massacre (March 21, 1960), where the police shot down 69 South Africans and wounded almost 200, is regarded, both in history and politics, as a major historical turning point. From the very beginning, two (apparently) antagonistic interpretations of the event were developed : the first one sees it as a failed attempt to overcome the appartheid regime, and the second one as an obvious evidence of the violent and barbaric nature of apartheid. A shadow of mystery on the very circumstances of the tragedy, as well as the crisis that followed, have influenced, for forty years historical analyses, transmissions of the memory of the event, and the nature of its commemorations. From 1960 up to 1976, a wall of silence has surrounded the country and favoured the legendary and symbolic dimension of the event often to the detriment of historical knowledge. This study based on the comperative critics of primary and secondary sources, draws on the complicated building process of the narratives and evocations of the massacre, along forty years, and their use in politics. Instead of simply disqualifying the symbolistic scope as such, this work describes and explains that dimension, on the ground of historical investigations and in the eyes of the evolutions of the South African society in the mists and the fall of apartheid
Tchuinte, Joël. "L'Application effective du droit communautaire en Afrique centrale." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011CERG0549/document.
Повний текст джерелаX
Makweta, Narcisse Kabeya. "Du principe de réciprocité dans la théorie de la justice de John Rawls : recherche d'un paradigme pour refonder la solidarité et promouvoir une anthropo-éthique en Afrique /." Romae : Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb411340231.
Повний текст джерелаKassi, Brou Olivier Saint-Omer. "Francophonie et justice : contribution de l'organisation internationale de la francophonie à la construction de l'état de droit." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BORD0327/document.
Повний текст джерелаJustice is a fundamental attribute of modern States. In a democratic society, itguarantees the safeguard of the standard-setting framework as well as the protection ofrights. An independent and effective justice is a symbol of the rule of law. It illustrates theseparation of powers and establishes the primacy of law. But the efficiency of any judicialsystem depends on the nature and the extent of the resources at its disposal. Yet, inmany Francophone countries, the judicial system faces many weaknesses, sometimesrelated to the avatars of democratic stabilisation processes, sometimes to more fragilepost-crisis situations. So the question of the capacity development of the judicialinstitutions arises. For thirty years, the International Organization of La Francophonie(OIF) has entered the legal and judicial cooperation field on this basis. By including thepromotion of democracy at the heart of its political action, the OIF has indeed made strongcommitments and developed programs aimed at accompanying its member States in thecapacity development of their justice systems, thanks to its institutional networks. Thiscommitment can be seen in several statements of the Organization. It demonstrates thewill of the Francophone States to anchor their relationships in a cooperation framework,dedicated to the protection of fundamental rights and the regulation of majorities’ powers.Today, justice is consequently established as a priority in Francophone concerns. It isentered in both national and international level and in its transitional dimension
Youlou, Philippe. "Tradition et mimétisme dans le fonctionnement de la justice francophone : le cas de la République du Congo." Nice, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005NICE0052.
Повний текст джерелаKudada, Banza Damien. "Logiques et contraintes de l'intégration politique en Afrique centrale: la théorie de la justice de John Rawls à l'épreuve de la réalité africaine." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209696.
Повний текст джерелаDevant ce constat amer, nous nous sommes proposé de réfléchir en profondeur sur la théorie de la justice politique de Rawls en vue de nous imprégner de principes susceptibles de garantir les droits et devoirs fondamentaux des citoyens et des peuples bien ordonnés.
Nous avons ainsi examiné les conditions de possibilité de l’application de la théorie de la justice politique de Rawls pour une intégration politique réussie à l’échelle interne, en République Démocratique du Congo, et au niveau international ou supranational des Etats de l’Afrique centrale. Il ressort que la mise en place des institutions politiques, économiques, socioculturelles viables, de l’Etat de droit et du modèle de la démocratie représentativo-délibérative constituent, à notre sens, des préalables indispensables en vue de postuler, à un second niveau, une intégration politique supranationale dans la sous-région de l’Afrique des Grands Lacs caractérisée par des guerres récurrentes interétatiques. Les principes rawlsiens du droit des peuples peuvent aider à repenser la politique étrangère des pays de la sous-région de l’Afrique centrale et celle des organisations supranationales existantes.
Néanmoins, nous avons soutenu que l’application de certains principes rawlsiens du droit des peuples, comme celui du respect des traités et des engagements, nécessite que ceux-ci soient signés au sein d’une « fédération pacifique » des Etats. En effet, dans l’entendement d’Emmanuel Kant, des traités signés dans une « fédération pacifique » mettent fin à la fois aux guerres présentes et futures.
Dans cet ordre d’idées, nous avons souligné qu’une « fédération pacifique » des Etats pourra créer un cadre important pour l’émergence d’une « communauté de sécurité » au sens deutschien du terme, nécessaire pour la paix durable dans la sous-région de l’Afrique des Grands Lacs. La « communauté de sécurité » préconise que les Etats entretenant des relations réciproques ne recourent pas à la violence physique et règlent leurs problèmes par des « mécanismes de changement pacifique ». Dans cette logique, la guerre n’est plus facilement envisageable. De plus, nous avons estimé, en nous inspirant d’Habermas, qu’il est pertinent que les pays de l’Afrique centrale s’engagent sur la voie de l’« afrofédération », assurant la transformation des traités interétatiques conclus en une Constitution politique que chaque Etat de la fédération devra respecter.
Doctorat en Philosophie
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Tennah, Mansouria. "La contribution du juge administratif à l'état de droit dans les états d'Afrique francophone : l'exemple de l'Algérie et du Sénégal." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM1069.
Повний текст джерелаCommonly perceived as vector for democracy, freedom, equality and justice more generally, the rule of law has become essential. The concept grew from the legal theory of positive law and gradually extended to the political field, first at European level, before extending its reach to Africa, including the French-speaking African states, including Algeria and Senegal. The existence and proper functioning of the rule of law, in which the state as the sovereign holder agrees to submit to the law, and therefore to judicial review, are never acquired. Like any system, it is often that the institutions and historical circumstances will. Its maintenance is therefore assumed that each player concerned to play its part to ensure proper operation. This is especially true in countries where the rule of law remains a challenge. Consequently, one is led to wonder about the nature of the potential contribution the administrative judge to rule of law in both countries
Mbodj, Hamady Hamidou. "L'organisation de la justice pénale en Afrique occidentale française : le cas du Sénégal de 1887 à l'aube des indépendances (1887-1960)." Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AZUR0012/document.
Повний текст джерелаThe period going from 1887 to the independences (1960) allows us to approach the question of the justice in French West Africa by highlighting the transformation of rules and the exercise of the justice, as well as the meeting between the Western system and the local legal pluralism. In Senegal as in the other territories of the French West Africa, the legal and judicial evolution reveals the opposition between two trends: that of the assimilation and that of the adaptation. Within the framework of this confrontation, jurisdictions that are unknown in the mainland France are created in the colonies in order to remedy with the lack of staff and with the financial means of the jurisdictions. For these same reasons the collegiality remains very rare and the justice is often organized around only one judge who is in charge of the pursuit, the investigation and the judgement. The organisation of the native penal justice set up in 1903, practically meets with the will of keeping the native institutions. However, the desire of assimilation leads to achieve around it reforms which tend to weaken the native institutions
Capo-Chichi, Videkon Fantine. "L’autorité juridictionnelle de la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne et de la Cour Commune de Justice et d’Arbitrage de l’OHADA." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO22023.
Повний текст джерелаAccording to the treaty on the European Union, the Court of justice ensures that, in the interpretation and application of the treaties the law is observed. As such, it interprets EU law to make sure it is applied in the same way in all EU countries. In the same way, the treaty of the Organization for the Harmonization of the Business Law in Africa (OHBLA) has conferred to the Common Court of Justice and Arbitration (CCJA) the power to rule on, in the contracting states, the interpretation and enforcement of the treaty. Both regional courts share with national courts the power to apply the law resulting from the treaties.But there has not been a fusion of the judicial system of the member states and the community judicial system. No judicial hierarchy has been established between community courts and national courts. This brings the question of by which means the regional courts can enforce the uniform application of the law in the member states. After analysis, it appears that by granting jurisdictional power, the treaties gave a supranational authority to the European Court of Justice and the CCJA. In addition to the power granted to them, the courts also generate authority through their jurisdictional activities. Thus, the courts work for a better integration of the judicial systems by adopting more and more conquering authoritarian positions. This phenomenon has led to a change in the classical conception of the sources of power of the courts. The CCJA enjoys more power from treaties than the European Court of Justice which is more offensive in case law setting
Naftali, Patricia. "La construction du "droit à la vérité" en droit international: une ressource ambivalente à la croisée de plusieurs mobilisations." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209506.
Повний текст джерелаComment une notion aussi floue a-t-elle pu être consacrée si rapidement auprès de ces institutions, alors qu’elle n’est reprise dans aucun catalogue des droits fondamentaux ?Quelle est la portée de ce nouvel objet en droit international, et quels en sont les usages ?Mis à part son appellation, le « droit à la vérité » aurait-il réellement un contenu propre qui se distinguerait du catalogue des droits existants ?Sa reconnaissance offre-t-elle une illustration de la « rhétorique des droits » ou traduit-elle la cristallisation d’un nouveau droit justiciable?
Alors même que le « droit à la vérité » est aujourd’hui convoqué de manière croissante par la communauté internationale pour légitimer la mise en place de nouvelles politiques de pacification internationales, à l’instar des « commission de vérité et de réconciliation » préconisées dans des sociétés affectées par des crimes d’ampleur massive (rapports du Secrétariat général et du Haut-Commissariat aux droits de l’homme des Nations Unies, 2004, et de la Banque mondiale, 2011), cet objet d’étude demeure largement inexploré. Palliant cette lacune, ma thèse consiste en une reconstitution généalogique du « droit à la vérité » dans une perspective chronologique, des luttes sociales concrètes pour sa reconnaissance à ses développements juridiques contemporains, afin de déterminer les enjeux sociaux, politiques et juridiques de sa reconnaissance.
À travers une méthode interdisciplinaire qui articule l’approche critique du droit à la sociologie politique du droit, mes recherches apportent ainsi des connaissances originales sur deux plans :sur le plan juridique, d’une part, il s’agit de la première étude exhaustive des textes et décisions juridiques sur le « droit à la vérité » qui analyse de manière systématique sa nature, ses bénéficiaires, son contenu et ses contours en droit international; sur le plan de la sociologie du droit, d’autre part, elle offre une cartographie inédite des mobilisations sociales et professionnelles du « droit à la vérité » et propose une analyse des motivations qui les animent, susceptible d’enrichir les débats en sociologie du droit et de la justice sur la création et la diffusion empirique de nouvelles normes en droit international.
L’hypothèse de travail mise à l’épreuve tout au long de l’étude est la suivante :la reconnaissance d’un « droit à la vérité », notion à contenu variable par excellence, permettrait à une multitude d’entrepreneurs de normes de défendre, derrière la formalisation de ce droit, d’autres causes controversées en droit international. La thèse montre ainsi comment les mobilisations du « droit à la vérité » tentent d’orienter dans des sens particuliers certains débats qui demeurent ouverts en droit international et qui sont liés à des enjeux de justice contemporains :les victimes d’atrocités ont-elles un droit à la punition des responsables ?Les amnisties sont-elles licites en droit international, et le cas échéant, à quelles conditions ?Peut-on restreindre le privilège du secret d’État et contraindre les autorités à communiquer des informations aux victimes lorsqu’elles sont soupçonnées de couvrir des crimes internationaux ?Quelle est l’étendue et la nature de l’obligation des États d’enquêter et de poursuivre les auteurs de crimes de masse ?En cas de circonstances exceptionnelles, comme la menace d’un coup d’État ou l’insuffisance de ressources financières, les gouvernements ont-ils une marge de discrétion sur ces questions ?Emblème des dilemmes de la justice transitionnelle, le « droit à la vérité » est ainsi revendiqué dans des directions opposées.
En particulier, la thèse révèle la diversité irréductible des mobilisations du « droit à la vérité » en explorant la polysémie de ses usages, les jeux de compétition entre ses promoteurs et les tensions qui jalonnent sa formalisation en droit international. Cette analyse empirique permet de comprendre pourquoi ce droit fonde aujourd’hui des politiques contradictoires, à savoir tant des politiques de répression des violations graves des droits de l’homme, axées sur la condamnation pénale des responsables, que des politiques mémorielles axées sur la « réconciliation » des sociétés à travers des amnisties au bénéfice des auteurs de crimes, ainsi que des mesures de réparation matérielles et symboliques au bénéfice des victimes. Droit à une vérité judiciaire des victimes, et droit à une vérité « historique » et collective des peuples sur les causes de conflits passés coexistent ainsi au sein du même droit pour justifier un déploiement de la justice pénale international(isé)e ou à l’inverse, pour la paralyser au nom d’impératifs de démocratisation et de concorde civile.
Ma thèse démontre ainsi l’ambivalence du « droit à la vérité », qui agit tantôt comme ressource, et tantôt comme contrainte pour ses promoteurs :au final, il n’offre qu’une ressource limitée à ses promoteurs en raison de la compétition qui continue à se jouer au sujet de sa définition, sa nature et ses titulaires.
Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Broni, Fulgence Axel. "L'approche conceptuelle du déplacement forcé de population en Afrique subsaharienne à la lumière du droit international." Thesis, Poitiers, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014POIT3002.
Повний текст джерелаThe international law seems to deal with the issue of forced displacement in Africa through two conceptual approaches. The first which stems from the Cold War is deemed reactive since the issue of forced displacement is limited to exile and international protection of refugees. This traditional system of the refugees' international protection does not allow a full understanding of forced displacement in Africa as such. In light of these shortcomings, and following a growing series of factors fostered by the end of the Cold War, the need for a thorough reassessment of the traditional approach of forced displacement in Africa is becoming an essential issue today. The new paradigm is now proactive and focused on prevention. The research therefore aims to examine this evolution in regards to international public law. Although this new approach to the issue of forced displacement in Africa is proactive, it contains some obvious contradictions in terms of security from an international law practice point of view. The shift of the issue of forced displacement to the matter of security raises concerns about its implementation by international law practice, especially as it tends to favor containment strategies of vulnerable populations within their country rather than promoting their protection in situ. In order to face the risk of a security shortfall, the solution should rely on a human security driven approach regardless of any strategic preoccupation. This attitude could form an efficient answer to the plague of forced displacement in Africa
Brunet-La, Ruche Bénédicte. ""Crime et châtiment aux colonies" : poursuivre, juger, sanctionner au Dahomey de 1894 à 1945." Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00979289.
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