Дисертації з теми "Justice, Administration of – Latin America"
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Jiménez, Guillermo. "Nonjudicial administrative justice in Latin America : a case study of the Chilean Comptroller-General." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2018. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10052326/.
Повний текст джерелаBarreneche, Osvaldo 1958. "Crime and the administration of criminal justice in Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1785-1853." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282402.
Повний текст джерелаRogers, Ashley Sarah Frances. "Claiming the law : an ethnography of Bolivian women's access to justice and legal consciousness." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/27070.
Повний текст джерелаLanda, Arroyo César. "Constitutional Justice in Latin America." IUS ET VERITAS, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123250.
Повний текст джерелаA partir de la relación entre la Democracia y el Constitucionalismo en Latinoamérica, el autor aborda la problemática de justicia constitucional como entidad encargada del control judicial de las leyes, que ejercería un poder contra mayoritario de anular las normas legales inconstitucionales. Asimismo, se plantea una reflexión acerca del amparo de los derechos fundamentales en la región, analizando los matices que presenta en cuantoa las distintas concepciones constitucionales.
Van, Lier Amadeus Moritz Christof. "International Outsourcing of Services towards Latin America." Thesis, Universidad de las Américas Puebla, 2011. http://catarina.udlap.mx/u_dl_a/tales/documentos/bce/van_l_am/.
Повний текст джерелаCordovez, Mónica. "Transfer of technology to Latin America." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60476.
Повний текст джерелаState intervention, through the enactment of technology transfer legislation, is a viable alternative for strengthening the acquirer's bargaining position, and thus obtaining technology under fair and equitable terms. Technology transfer policies must focus on the generation of indigenous technological capabilities, rather than on the mere importation of consumptive technology. In order to achieve their ultimate goals--social and economic progress and technological self-reliance, developing countries' governments must integrate these policies within concrete and long-term economic development programs.
Cremer, Thomas Karl Josef. "Commutation initiative for small reserve value business in Latin America." Thesis, Universidad de las Américas Puebla, 2010. http://catarina.udlap.mx/u_dl_a/tales/documentos/bce/cremer_tk/.
Повний текст джерела(cont.) Based on the mentioned aspects, the paper contains reasonable expectations on the project performance and potential. Finally the paper contains the evaluation of the initiative, discussing the reasonableness of the project targets and the adequacy of the project approach for the specific situation at Swiss Re as well as the suitability of the process structure and the performance measures. The content of this paper also includes the assessment of the project´s impact on operations, especially concerning run-off administration costs. A final judgement on the project performance cannot be rendered yet, as the project is still in progress. The indications displayed in this paper suggest, that further research and future initiatives should focus on improving the accounting system and contract structuring in order to reduce the occurrence of run-off contracts. .
Davies, Augusto Zampini. "Amartya Sen's Capability Approach and Catholic Social Teaching in dialogue : an alliance for freedom and justice?" Thesis, University of Roehampton, 2014. https://pure.roehampton.ac.uk/portal/en/studentthesis/amartya-sen’s-capability-approach-and-catholic-social-teaching-in-dialogue(25edea38-94e9-4d46-83d0-88f03c66988e).html.
Повний текст джерелаBoltaina, Bosch Xavier. "Public and Administrative Intervention in Social and Labor Relations: The New European and Latin American Paradigm." Derecho & Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118981.
Повний текст джерелаEl artículo analiza el progresivo proceso de desregulación de las relaciones laborales y sociales a través de la retirada del Estado y de los poderes públicos, así como de la Administración Pública, en el control y dirección de las relaciones de este tipo, tanto individuales como colectivas. La comparativa se efectúa entre el modelo español y peruano, pero muy especialmente entre la regulación de la Unión Europea y de diversos países de América Latina. Se distingue en el artículo entre la intervención “pública” –regulación legislativa o gubernamental– de la intervención “administrativa”, control por parte de la Administración de las relaciones laborales, especialmente en este supuesto a través de los órganos de la inspección de trabajo.
Niesing, Eva. "Nation Branding Practices in Latin America. A Diagnosis of Brazil, Chile and Colombia." Thesis, Universidad de las Américas Puebla, 2013. http://catarina.udlap.mx/u_dl_a/tales/documentos/bce/niesing_e/.
Повний текст джерелаArroyo, Pastor Jose. "Truth and Reconciliation Commissions and the Search for Justice: A Comparative Study of Chile, Argentina and Guatemala." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1783.
Повний текст джерелаChumberiza, Tupac Yupanqui Mayté Pamela, and Estrada Lucía Alejandra Guzmán. "How is the reform of justice in Latin America going? Interview with Dr. Luis Pasara Pazos." Derecho & Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118366.
Повний текст джерелаLa presente entrevista busca mostrar cómo la tradición jurídica que hereda América Latina, proveniente de España y Francia, ha ido cambiando puesto que en la tradición Hispanoamérica el papel del juez se ha visto subordinado al del poder político a diferencia de otros países. Es así que surgen las motivaciones para empezar y continuar, en muchos casos, con la reformar del sistema de justicia, donde lo que se necesita es un conjunto de actores que definan y lleven adelante esta reforma.
Guilfoyle, Michael Hoag 1946. "Indians and criminal justice administration: The failure of the criminal justice system for the American Indian." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291683.
Повний текст джерелаHanna, Faith Emily. "Entrepreneurship Policy in Latin America: Are Science and Technology Innovation Overemphasized?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/896.
Повний текст джерелаWalter, Mariana. "Political ecology of mining conflicts in Latin America an analysis of environmental justice movements and struggles over scales." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/145402.
Повний текст джерелаLatin America is currently one of the most attractive mining frontiers in the World, concentrating one third of global mining investments. However, as the pressure to extract ores grows, the region witnesses a wave of social mobilizations against the expansion of large-scale metal-mining activities. While communities claim that mining activities endanger their livelihoods, and despise their rights and their future, national governments and companies promote this activity as a source of development and wellbeing. Complaints are framed as being politically motivated or based on misinformation. From a political ecology framework, nurtured by politics of scale studies, this thesis studies environmental justice movements contesting large-scale metal-mining activities in Latin America and their struggles over scales. Two different approaches are developed. In a first approach, the thesis addresses how and why environmental justice movements have formed, which are their discourses, their claims and strategies and how these movements engage in struggles over scales, contesting scalar hierarchies and reclaiming communities' power to decide on mining projects. Action research methods were used to conduct an in-depth case study in Esquel gold mining conflict (2001-2003, Argentina) where a project was stopped by a local referendum. Moreover, primary and secondary sources were used to conduct a multiple case study analysis of the emergence and spread of other community consultations/referenda on large-scale mining activities in Latin America. In this research, conducted with Leire Urkidi, we studied the 68 cases of community consultations/referenda that took place between 2002 and 2012 in Peru, Guatemala, Argentina, Colombia and Ecuador. About 700.000 people participated in these consultations, expressing a massive rejection to mining activities. I conclude that communities are demanding recognition for local views on development that are not compatible with large-scale mining, given its impacts, risks and uncertainties. Conflicts are exacerbated by the fact that mining decision-making procedures cannot adequately accommodate local views regarding technical and non-technical issues at stake. Analysing the spread of consultations I claim that they are a multi-scalar institution that constructs a new scale of regulation (decision-making): local participation via referendum/consultation. Consultations emerge as a local democratic response to environmental injustices in contexts of repression and criminalization of activists, and gain legitimacy as they become spaces of participation for affected populations. Consultations are moreover a hybrid institution, promoted by alliances between social movements and local governments that reclaim and re-signify municipal, national and international participation and indigenous rights and legislations. In this vein, consultations not only challenge hegemonic scales of meaning governing mining activities but re-construct and put in practice a new scale of regulation. In a second approach, in collaboration with Sara Latorre and with the support of Carlos Larrea and Giuseppe Munda, social multi-criteria evaluation and scenario techniques were applied to structure the multi-dimensional implications of developing extractive activities in socially and environmentally sensitive locations. In this chapter on the Íntag mining conflict (Ecuador), I claim that this approach is able to make visible scales, social values and uncertainties that are made invisible by hegemonic discourses in the mining debate that focus almost exclusively on economic results at national level.
Sewell, Bevan. "A global policy in a regional setting : the Eisenhower administration, Latin America & Brazil, 1953-1961." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/10671.
Повний текст джерелаBarron, Marcia Hoyle. "Finding our way : paths to justice reform in an Aboriginal community /." *McMaster only, 1998.
Знайти повний текст джерелаDavis, Katherine Carroll. "Sowing the Seeds of Altruism in Social Interaction: Appealing to ?Empathic Proclivity? to Address Social Violence in Latin America." Scholarly Repository, 2008. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/153.
Повний текст джерелаFreudenreich, Johannes. "Entschädigung zu welchem Preis? : Reparationsprogramme und Transitional Justice." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4813/.
Повний текст джерелаTransitional justice refers to approaches that states use to address past human rights violations at the end of violence and repression. Providing reparations to victims, which can be understood as one of the main instruments of Transitional Justice, has so far received relatively little attention in the Transitional Justice literature. This book tries to fill this gap and asks why some states chose to implement reparation programs while others did not. Putting reparations into context this book adapts explanations for the realization of trials and truth commissions and asks whether they also hold for reparations. The main question is, whether state elites chose Transitional Justice mechanisms for moral or tactical reasons. Hence, by analyzing reparations this book can also help us to reappraise the validity of popular explanations for other Transitional Justice mechanisms. Studying the democratic transitions in South America in the 1980ies this book shows that reparations were often paid to justify amnesty decisions for the perpetrators. When perpetrators and victims posed a credible threat for the incumbents, they implemented reparation programs while crimes of the past went unpunished. In most cases reparations were paid due to tactical convenience rather than moral commitment, which should be considered when we evaluate the concept of reparations.
Merino, Ismael. "Cross-Cultural Comparison of Servant Leadership in the United States and Latin America." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/362.
Повний текст джерелаGonzalez, Manuel. "The Question of Homeland Security in Rural America." ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2261.
Повний текст джерелаFang, Yang. "The comparison of victim-offender mediation programs between China and America." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/883.
Повний текст джерелаLawson, Amanda. "Development in the Rights Timing: How the Carter Administration Engaged NGOs in Latin American Foreign Policy." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1556893160797073.
Повний текст джерелаVander, Veen Sarah. "Mock jurors' attitudes toward aboriginal defendants: a symbolic racism approach /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2006. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2688.
Повний текст джерелаEspinosa-Saldaña, Barrera Eloy. "When the Latin American constitutional judge forgets his/her job of conventionalization of law: reflections about a recent sentence of the Argentine Supreme Court of Justice." IUS ET VERITAS, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123779.
Повний текст джерелаEn el presente artículo el autor nos habla sobre la labor del juez constitucional y la importancia que adquiere está en un contexto de crisis. Asimismo, resalta la convencionalización del Derecho como tarea central de los jueces constitucionales. De igual manera, detalla las dificultades que acarrea esta tarea y los retos a enfrentar para la consolidación de un derecho común en América Latina.
Oshynko, Norma. "Claimant document production in Indian Residential Schools Resolution Canada's alternative dispute resolution process /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2006. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2703.
Повний текст джерелаAaby, Makenzie Laron. "An Assessment of Sentencing Disparities among American Indians within the Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth Federal Circuit Courts." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4459.
Повний текст джерелаMonroy, Zambrano Katherine Estefania. "Internationalization of Financial Technology Start-ups (Fintechs) : Evidence from Ecuadorian case studies." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-96022.
Повний текст джерелаMcIntosh, Matthew James. ""Daylight" fails to shine on the reservation." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1594495091&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Повний текст джерелаRudling, Adriana. "La Senora Presidenta : Feminist policy-making by female Latin-American presidents?" Thesis, Halmstad University, School of Social and Health Sciences (HOS), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-2323.
Повний текст джерелаThe following thesis is dedicated to the investigation of the comparative gender discourse of two of the current South American female Presidents: Michelle Bachelet, the first woman elected President in Chile for a four year term, in 2006 and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, the first woman elected President in Argentina also for a four year term, but in 2007. Using secondary sources and critical discourse analysis, the study attempts to characterize their agenda on gender both before and after their election campaigns. Recognizing that a candidate must balance between many actors, as one of the principles of social constructivism runs, the essay presents a short history of the feminist movement in both countries and the current state that the movement finds itself in, either institutionalized or absorbed and fragmented by party politics. The conclusions that the study arrives to are that, of the two subjects, the one who has presented a more concrete and convincing stand on gender thanks to her political views, the space created for feminism by her coalition and the climate of her country, is Michelle Bachelet.
Sánchez, Escobar Cathalina. "Le rôle du juge en Amérique Latine au XIXe siècle : entre tradition latino-américaine et influences étrangères." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1062.
Повний текст джерелаThe nineteenth century in Latin America is characterized by the independence of the former Spanish colonies, the formation process of nation-state and the reconstruction of legal systems of the new states. Once the republican model adopted, it was necessary to create new legal institutions and a legal system to regulate the destiny of new societies according to the local reality and, above all, as different as possible from the old colonial regime. In all these transformations the jurists (lawyers, judges, jurists, bureaucrats) have played an important role. As owners of legal and politic knowledge, they were the ones suitable to organize the state. Among this organization task, structuring the justice was essential for the new states. To show the implication of judges in this consolidation process is one of the purposes of this work. Besides, the construction of Latin American legal imaginary was carried out under the influence of foreign legal models, like France, Britain and the United States. In a special legal classicism, the reception and transformation of these models has created a proper legal consciousness, innovative and very different from the original model, combining French exegesis with German conceptualism
En América Latina, el siglo XIX se caracteriza por la independencia de las antiguas colonias españolas, el proceso de formación de los Estados-Nación y la reconstrucción de los ordenamientos jurídicos de los nuevos Estados. Una vez adoptado el modelo republicano, fue necesario la creación de instituciones jurídicas nuevas y un sistema normativo que regulara el destino de las nuevas sociedades conforme a la realidad local y, sobre todo, lo más distante posible del antiguo régimen colonial. En todas estas transformaciones, los hombres de ley (abogados, jueces, juristas y burócratas) tuvieron un papel importante ; como proprietarios del saber jurídico y político, fueron los personajes idóneos para realizar la tarea de organización del Estado. Dentro de esa tarea, la estructuración de la justicia fue fundamental para los nuevos Estados. Una de las finalidades de este trabajo es demostrar la implicación de los jueces en ese proceso de consolidación. Además, la construcción del imaginario jurídico latinoamericano se llevó a cabo bajo la influencia de modelos jurídicos extranjeros dentro de los cuales se destacan Francia, Alemania y Estados Unidos. La recepción y tranformación de dichos modelos dentro de un clasicismo jurídico particular, que combinaba la exégesis francesa y el conceptualismo alemán, generó una conciencia jurídica local original y muy diferente del modelo inicial
Scott, David. "Regionalism som motstånd : Två latinamerikanska staters motiv att ingå i integrationsprojektet ALBA." Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-5111.
Повний текст джерелаThe formation of sovereign states in regional blocks has become an essential feature in the world system. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to investigate which motives and driving forces that affect the creation of projects of regional integration outside Europe and the Western World. By choosing the Latin American project of integration ALBA (the Bolivarian Alliance of the Americas) as a case of regional integration outside Europe and the Western World, the study investigates the motives expressed by the most prominent actors of the project, Venezuela and Cuba. ALBA is chosen as a representative and a unique case and through the consumption of the gramscian and the realist approaches, the essay defines two motives that affect the creation of projects of regional integration. As a way of investigating the actors’ motives, the paper studies political statements, especially those of the Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez, and official positions expressed in central documents and declarations. The result shows that the motives behind ALBA are to promote a regionalism that gives priority to social welfare issues and to use this regional organization to create a multipolar world system. The essay concludes, with ALBA as a case, that the fundamental motives that could govern the regional integration process outside Europe and the Western World are, firstly, the will to resist a hegemonic world order that doesn’t give priority to social welfare issues and, secondly, to resist a unipolar world system and work as a “balancer”. While this applies to Venezuela, there are in the case of Cuba certain self-interests that could serve as motives. However, the study can’t rule out that also other motives can exist, but there is no evidence that can be used to prove that in this paper.
Eriksson, Evelina. "Korruption i Latinamerika : En kvantitativ studie av korruptionens orsaker." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-489.
Повний текст джерела2008-06-05
Bernardi, Bruno Boti. "O sistema interamericano de direitos humanos e a justiça de transição: impactos no Brasil, Colômbia, México e Peru." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-12012016-122034/.
Повний текст джерелаThe aim of this dissertation is to analyze how and why the norms of the Inter-American Human Rights System on transitional justice exerted an impact on human rights issues in Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. Based on the emerging theoretical approach according to which the effects of international human rights regimes are conditioned by domestic factors of the target-countries, our research seeks to unravel how domestic politics influences and mediates the potential impact of these international norms that comprise the justice cascade, highlighting the role of human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the local higher courts, since these actors are central both to the process of transitional justice and for the activation and enforcement of the Inter-American systems rules. In this sense, a qualitative research design based on semi-structured interviews with civil society actors and judges involved with the theme was adopted, in addition to the consultation of secondary sources and courts rulings. Then, from the analysis of this material, we tested the hypothesis that the Inter-American system will have a domestic impact if and when NGOs and local judges are able to understand and use it as an effective mechanism for their own \"empowerment\". Therefore, contrary to most studies that focus on Executives actions to explain the impact of international human rights norms, our conclusions urge the research agendas on the human rights international regime and transitional justice to pay more attention to the role and profile of judicial actors and domestic litigants, since human rights advacements are anchored on the mobilization of international norms that cannot be understood separately from the agency of NGOs and magistrates
Ribeiro, Agatha Justen Gonçalves. "Democracia participativa no contexto latino-americano: entre o Estado, os heróis e a sociedade civil." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/16984.
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This thesis proposes to examine if institutional changes to introduce and expand direct/participatory democracy in public administration can promote real changes on SocietyState relationship in capitalist Nations. To this end, we analyse the constitutional models adopted in recent years in Latin American countries. We consider the historical process that justifies the emergence of the discussion about social participation mechanisms that are alternative to vote and how that discussion have been gone into the political agenda of some Latin American countries until being institutionalized. Theoretically, we examine the processes of institutionalized participation in the references countries – Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela. We consider the Brazilian case, because it is pioneer and because it is one of the most important countries in this region. We study carefully Bolivia, which recently appears as the most successful case. Methodologically, our epistemological base is dialectics. In addition, we do discursive analyses. Our hypothesis is that those changes, although represent political progress, have historical and structural limitations which prevent to achieve a high level of citizenship and the sustainability of those advances.
Esta tese se propõe a verificar o quanto as mudanças institucionais voltadas para a introdução e ampliação da democracia direta/participativa na gestão pública são capazes de promover mudanças reais na relação Sociedade – Estado em nações onde permanece dominante o modo de produção capitalista. Para isso, analisamos os modelos constitucionais adotados em anos recentes, no contexto da América Latina. Consideramos o processo histórico que justifica o aparecimento do discurso sobre mecanismos de participação sócio-política alternativos e/ou coadjuvantes ao voto e como essa discussão entrou e se destacou na agenda política de alguns países latino-americanos, a ponto de ser amplamente institucionalizada. Teoricamente, examinamos os processos de participação e mecanismos de exercício da cidadania nos países tidos como referenciais – Bolívia, Equador e Venezuela. Lavamos em conta a caso brasileiro, seja por seu pioneirismo, seja pelo significado econômico e político do Brasil. Estudamos com particular atenção a Bolívia, que recentemente vem apresentando-se como ponto alto desse processo de radicalização da democracia que se experimenta na América Latina. Metodologicamente, nossa base epistemológica é a dialética. Adicionalmente, utilizamos a análise de discurso. Nossa hipótese é de que tais mudanças, ainda que representem um progresso no plano político e mesmo se verificando em ambientes culturais diferentes, inclusive de tradição participacionista, possuem constrangimentos históricos e estruturais que não permitem alcançar o elevado patamar de cidadania que se almeja e muito menos assegurar sustentabilidade aos avanços realizados.
Souri, Eirini. "Global Civil Society : A Study on the Transformative Possibilities of Civil Society as an Agent in International Relations." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-8530.
Повний текст джерелаGlobal Civil Society is a spectrum of diverse social actors, which offers an alternative to the making of contemporary politics, and towards social change; it provides us with a new approach to change the existing global order through development rather than confrontation. For this reason, global civil society has recently attracted increased interest in the academic and political discourse and consequently has left the margins and is placed in the centre of contemporary International Relations and political theory.
Utilizing neo-Gramscian ideas this study examines global civil society’s concept and core features and focuses on its role as well as transformative possibilities as an agent in contemporary world politics. This thesis demonstrates through the findings of our
case study on "Civil Society Organisations" Response to the Fourth European Union – Latin America and the Caribbean Summit in Vienna 2006” the alternative approach in dealing with political issues and actively working towards those ends.
This research’s conclusions designate the great potentialities of civil society’s organizations, if carefully managed to transform the contemporary world; as well as the necessity of addressing global civil society in order to understand the role of the social realm in reducing the gap of legitimacy in the contemporary world order.
Brabazon, Honor. "'The master's tools' : Bolivia's landless peasant movement, the international legal turn, and the possibilities and perils of law-based resistance to neoliberalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fc7d8e1c-be62-4013-b206-96fe9360e5e4.
Повний текст джерелаCollazos, Velasco Maria Dolores. "Le rôle des Cours Constitutionnelles vis-à-vis du pouvoir Exécutif en Amérique Latine. Etude comparative : Chili, Mexique, et Colombie." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0069.
Повний текст джерелаThe last two decades of the 20th century constitutional Tribunals emerged as powerful political actors in Latin America. This transformation is the consequence of the adoption of constitutional reforms during the late 80s and the 90s oriented to turn the constitutional Courts into more independent and powerful institutions.This dissertation seeks to provide elements to understand how and to which extent the institutional design introduced by the reforms shapes the Latin American Constitutional Tribunals’ behavior vis-à-vis the Executive power. More precisely, this research focuses on the role of Constitutional Courts as arbiters of the Executive branch acts in Chile, Mexico, and Colombia afterthe introduction of constitutional reforms aimed to reinforce the constitutional justice in 2005, 1994 and 1991 respectively. Although the standard approach proposes that the institutional design is a fundamental piece to model the judicial behavior, and this idea was in mind of those who conceived the reforms, my empirical results based on archival research and the study of decisions from these courts suggest that the way the constitutional judges build their professional identity, understand their goals in administering justice and assume their role in democracy, also matters in how they exercise the judicial review. In other words, this dissertation argues that the institutional design, although essential, is not enough to explain the Constitutional Court's behavior before the Executive in countries having reinforced the judicial review after authoritarian periods, such as those of my research. Further research is needed to better understand how the judge’s professional ideology and conceptions are formed, and how they shape judicial behavior
Lacerda, Jan Marcel de Almeida Freitas. "A influência da ONU, da OEA, dos seus corpos burocráticos e de suas interações administrativas na promoção e na defesa da democracia na América Latina." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11612/694.
Повний текст джерелаThe present thesis analyzes the influence of the United Nations (UN), the Organization of American States (OAS), their international bureaucracies and their administrative intra and extra-organizational relations in the promotion and defense of democracy in Latin America. By combining the theoretical contributions of social constructivism and management studies, it is observed that the bureaucratic bodies of international organizations such as International Public Administrations (IPAs) influence global governance by distributing the level of government and changing the conduct of States. The singularity of Latin America alerts the International Organizations (IOs) and their international bureaucracies about the constant democratic crisis in the region, the economic and social problems and the distortions of democratic principles in Latin American societies. In this sense, the purpose of this thesis is to investigate the influence of IOs, their bureaucracies and their administrative interactions in Latin American democracy. The working hypothesis is that cooperation between the UN and the OAS impact on Latin American democracies through their joint actions in electoral missions, publications and events. In order to do so, the mixed analysis method was adopted, with qualitative and quantitative research techniques combined to better explain the investigated phenomena. Qualitatively, the thesis uses literary reviews and documentary analysis about the IOs, the international bureaucracies and the inter-organizational relations as external actors in the processes of democratization in Latin America. The quantitative stage of the research included an in-depth descriptive analysis of the database and the usage of estimates by Generalized Least Squares (GLS) for panel data for 20 Latin American countries, from 2000 to 2015. The structuration of the innovative database of this thesis used the organizations’ activities in democracy including events, publications and political and electoral assistance missions during the selected years. The results confirm the initial hypothesis that cooperation between the UN and the OAS in their activities increases the level of democracy in Latin American.
Souza, Artur César de. "O critério consequencialista como fundamento normativo ético de justiça ibero-americano (Uma análise hermenêutica jurídica e filosófica)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670213.
Повний текст джерелаThe Ibero-American Code of Judicial Ethics sets one of the most important normative (non-legal) ethical precepts of the conduct of the judge in the exercise of judicial activity. Among the various virtues advocated by the normative text of judicial conduct is that which establishes that the ultimate purpose of judicial activity is the realization of justice through law. The main thesis of the present paper is precisely to unveil among the various theories of justice which one best fits the Ibero-American Code of Judicial Ethics. As assumptions of adequacy to the ethical conception of justice, the unity of the human being, the recognition of multiculturalism and the observance of interdisciplinarity / transdisciplinarity are suggested. After moving through the various theories of justice, it is concluded that the Ibero-American Code of Judicial Ethics recommends the consequentialist conception of Indian legal philosophy as a criterion to be observed by the Ibero- American judge. Based on this conception, a differentiation is made between the 'fair process' (niti) and the' just decision (nyaya), establishing that the existence of just and correct institutions is not sufficient, without the judge taking into consideration what arises and how it arises and the life that people can effectively live. The unveiling of the consequentialist criterion suggests that the judge keep in mind the application of material ethics as the first philosophy, based on the production, reproduction, and development of human life. However, for the criterion of justice recommended by the Ibero-American Code of Judicial Ethics to have transformative effectiveness in the exercise of jurisdictional activity, a new academic formation of the Ibero-American judge will be necessary, embodied in the fundamental ethical and deontological imperative of the application of law by justice, which cannot be dissociated “from the need for a solid technical-legal formation and a judicial culture that provides effective reference values for the understanding of the new political, cultural and social contexts”
Duque, Silva Guillermo Andrés. "Cosmopolitismo Realista: El Control de Convencionalidad como instrumento para la justicia económica internacional." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671538.
Повний текст джерелаThe investigation deals, with novel arguments, a traditional question of political philosophy; the one that asks if: Is it possible to speak of justice and the need to promote equity in the international arena, even without the presence of a world government? With the treatment of this question, the contemporary theories on cosmopolitanism and international justice of David Held, Thomas Pogge, Cristina Lafont and Jürgen Habermas, among others, regarding the demands of distributive justice and global governance are put to the test. The hypothesis on which the central argument of the thesis is sustained indicates that: if from the prevailing perspectives in the debate on cosmopolitanism the conflict between sovereignties has not played a determining role in defining a conception of fairness at the international level; An in-depth inquiry into the reconfiguration of antagonisms between States, citizenships and companies - that is, an investigation into the decision criteria applied by States, companies and citizens when their freedoms are in contradiction - would have a clarifying potential to define: what It is an unfair situation at a global level and what could be the normative courses of action that would correct it. In his proposal, the author of the thesis examines the possibilities offered by legal tools of international and regional human rights tribunals to resolve disputes between and within States but applied in the search for international redistributive actions. In particular, the thesis defends that, in the figure of Conventionality Control, created in the inter-American human rights system, there is a seed of realistic cosmopolitanism that could solve the deficit of international legal obligation that is required for an ideal of justice economic has an effective level of practical realization. With the thesis, the doctoral student raises a critical or neorealist realistic perspective of the problem of justice in the international arena, with which he contributes a new chapter in the debate on global justice, interpreting the problem from an intermediate point between cosmopolitan idealism and realistic pessimism.
Périssol, Guillaume. "Le droit chemin. Jeunes délinquants en France et aux États-Unis au milieu du XXe siècle." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL055.
Повний текст джерелаThe quality of mercy is not strain'd, It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven.” This Shakespeare quote was still used in the 1950s as the motto of the Boston Juvenile Court. It tended to replace the traditional repressive function of the law by an ideological function expressed by love. The American juvenile court model, highly imbued with the ideal of compassion and rehabilitation, had had a worldwide success since 1899, when the first juvenile court was created in Chicago. What lies behind the progressivism of the juvenile courts and the “judicial neohumanism” praised by Judge Jean Chazal after the 1945 law which heralded the veritable birth of juvenile courts in France? What signification can we give to the very rapid success of juvenile courts in the United States, Europe and throughout the world?The comparison between two interconnected Western countries can help answer these questions, while filling a historiographical gap, in order to better understand the juvenile justice system and the phenomenon of juvenile delinquency. The post-WW2 period is most pertinent for analysis, as acute questions concerning authority and education were being raised amid international delinquency panics. The study takes place in an innovative and interdisciplinary field, where youth history intersects with the history of justice and control. It is qualitative and quantitative, and is based on new archival material, such as the case files of the Boston Juvenile Court and the Seine Juvenile Court in Paris
Tarragoni, Federico. "« Il faut faire le peuple ! » : sociologie d’un populisme « par le bas » dans les conseils de barrio en Amérique latine contemporaine (Venezuela et Bolivie)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100185/document.
Повний текст джерелаEither as two exemplary democracies or two democracies of excesses, H. Chávez’s Venezuela and E. Morales’s Bolivia seem to attract nowadays more the ideological interpretations operating a rhetorical manipulation than informed social analyses. Far from wanting to discuss Chávez's ou Morales’s “exemplary” skills, the author proposes a policy ethnography focusing on the two radical populisms dynamics that can be observed in township assemblies for public planning (Consejos comunales and Juntas vecinales). These hybrid institutions are true political laboratories where lower classe people living in the country neighbourhoods can meet. Combining decentralization, deliberative democracy and populism, such institutions keep alive the treasure of the social construction of revolutionary policy in Venezuela and Bolivia. The participatory experience of ordinary people, which implies a community to integrate, an interest to defend and a collective identity to build, permits to track down the paradoxes and contradictions of a revolution in progress, and to reveal a sociology of action hidden by stereotyped concepts of faulty democracy or excessive democracy
Larrouqué, Damien. "Les politiques d’inclusion digitale en Amérique latine : de la rénovation éducative à la recomposition de l’Etat (Argentine, Paraguay, Pérou, Uruguay)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0044.
Повний текст джерелаOur ambition is to bring to light the institutional transformations that derive in Latin America from the implementation of digital inclusion policies. These social and educational programs have taken inspiration from the project of the One Laptop Per Child foundation and they have been instituted in some South-American countries during the last decade. We consider that these public policies present two interesting characteristics. On the one hand, being very costly from a financial perspective, they illustrate the “return of the state” in terms of social investment. On the other hand, because they are logistically complex to run, they can be seen as examples of a new and effective policy-making process. Our main hypothesis is that their successful implementation has been triggered by the capacity of public authorities to innovate in the field of administrative management. The academic interest of our dissertation rests on the concept of Neo-weberian State. It designs a new institutional configuration, which borrows some properties from two administrative paradigms: the bureaucratic model of Weber and the New Public Management. Taking into consideration four digital inclusion policies, we argue that the successful implementation of two of them (the programs Ceibal in Uruguay and Conectar Igualdad in Argentina) can be explained by the use of a neo-weberian form of political and administrative management. In our opinion, although it remains an ideal type, the concept of “Neo-Weberian State” is considerably useful for whoever analyses the transformations of public institutions in Latin America
Mancilla, Garcia Maria. "Pollution, interests and everyday life in Lake Titicaca : negotiating change and continuity in social-ecological systems." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1ad3d62d-9be8-4d0c-98da-c3a08f7c91bc.
Повний текст джерелаSchwarzkopf, Anke. "Realpolitik or reinforcement of the EU’s normative power : A Case Study on the EU’s relations with the CELAC." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-130052.
Повний текст джерелаPozzer, Marcio Rogerio Olivato. "Os paradigmas da administração pública e as políticas de patrimônio cultural em museus de Brasil e México." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-21102015-100423/.
Повний текст джерелаPublic policies for cultural assets in museums adopted in Brazil and Mexico are an example of how development models, institutional arrangements of public administration and the government of public policies reflect the changes that historically took place in the Latin American States. This dissertation focused on the assumption that the transformation of the \"little\" 19th-century liberal State (whose function was merely ensure private property and contracts) into the \"great\" 20th-century social State (whose responsibility is to provide a number of social services) virtually made it infeasible to implement the instrumental rationality advocated by Weber´s traditional bureaucratic administration and contributes to deepen the tax crisis in the Latin American States by the end of the 20th century. The investigation compared Brazil and Mexico through documental research and interviews with managers of national asset bodies, followed by an effort of bibliographical review which provided theoretical and methodological substance for the dissertation. Data was collected, treated and analyzed, which led to the conclusion that both countries went through similar processes of institutionalization of their museum policies, at different times, and the expansion of such policies is related, in the two cases, to the consolidation of national project that sought international affirmation and which affect the processes of urban enterpreneurship that paradoxically \"change culture into a commodity\". The increasing criticism by society to the inoperativeness of the bureaucratic model in providing responses to the demands for public services that are more and more complex made way to the managerial models of public administration in local political agendas in both countries. Inspired in the paradigms of business administration, the model was structured around the discourse that the private sector would have greater capacity to meet the social demands when compared to the public sector. However, the model, which promised to overcome the limitations and improve the quality of public services and policies in general, did not achieve the expected success and was partly abandoned in most Latin American countries, as was the case in Brazil. Countries experiencing moderate left- and left-wing governments were able to build an alternate agenda of development in the early 21st century, making room for the construction of and contention for new social values and the attempt to implement an alternate model of public administration called \"participative reorientation of public services\". Thus, together with the neo-developmental policies adopted in part of Latin America, whose main feature is the fact that they are a hybrid model, consisting of liberal and neoliberal traits, on one hand, and developmental social welfare on the other hand, gave rise to a public administration that is also hybrid. This model was characterized by the resume of the State playing the main role, by the emphasis on the building of public-policy systems, by the increase in the quality of the public services provided, by the radicalization of social participation, and by the highlight given to the functions and values that are exclusive of the public sector, focusing on accountability. Meanwhile, Mexico reinforced the country´s option for a neoliberal development model; however the managerial model of public administration was never fully implemented as the public policies of cultural assets in museums stagnated, even if with islands of excellence as in museums of international standard, implemented in a historical moment when the country relied on a developmental project.
Scott, David. "Tjänar amerikansk media utrikespolitiska maktintressen? : En granskning av två amerikanska tidningars rapportering av statskuppen i Honduras sommaren 2009." Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-5815.
Повний текст джерелаAbstract
Essay in Political Science, D-level, spring 2010. “Do the American mass media serve foreign policy interests? – A scrutiny of two American newspapers’ coverage of the coup d’état in Honduras in the summer of 2009”, Author: David Scott. Tutor: Anders Broman
The bias of the American mass media has been widely discussed among scholars. Not only has this phenomenon caught the attention of political scientists, but also academics from other scientific fields. Two of the most known researchers of the American media are the linguist Noam Chomsky and the professor of Finance Edward Herman. They apply, on the American media, a so called “propaganda model” which claims that the media will serve the interests of the domestic power elites. One of the interests that the media try to satisfy is the foreign policy goals of the American state, which is to vilify enemy states and idealize client states. This thesis is applied on the American media coverage of the coup d’état that resulted in the ousting of leftist President Manuel Zelaya from the presidency in Honduras in 2009. In this case the model predicts that Zelaya will be vilified as an enemy and that the cause of the coup will be portrayed as legitimate. The essay studies, in the newspapers New York Times and Wall Street Journal, the portraiture of three aspects of the coup: the cause of the coup, the role of the military and the victims of violence and, finally, Zelaya as a president and the support to versus the resistance against his presidency. Through a textual analysis of the material, the essay concludes that there is a bias and that this means that the propaganda model can be verified. The bias consists of that the papers tend to legitimize the clients (the perpetrators of the coup) by portraying Zelaya as violator of the Honduran constitution and as a radical leftist aligned with Venezuela’s president Hugo Chávez. The legitimization goes further through the toning down of the military’s role in the use of violence against demonstrators. Although this is the bias, it must be stressed that it is subtle and has been detected through an extensive interpretation of the material.
Schlemmer, Jimmi Joe. "THE INTERSTATE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA AND CHILE : A case study of the PRC’s foreign political and economic relations." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-141920.
Повний текст джерелаBaronnet, Bruno. "Autonomía y educación indígena : las escuelas zapatistas de las cañadas de la selva Lacandona de Chiapas, México." Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030087.
Повний текст джерелаBased on the educational practices of the Zapatista peasants of Chiapas, autonomy is conceptualized as the collective construction of a project of Indian peoples in a field of domination and social resistance. At the center of the dispute with the nation state, control over educators by the communities who designate and evaluate them is put into perspective with other contexts, discourses and actions of indigenous political organizations in Latin America. Before 1994, Indian education programs, primarily clandestine, as in the Quiché [Guatemala] and Cauca [Colombia], were antecedents to the Zapatista experience of radical autonomy. As endogenous policies, sui generis, and historically located in multicultural territories or refuges, they call into question the capacity and legitimacy of the nation state in the administrative and pedagogical management of schools. With the authority of the assembly of families and of new communitarian roles! [including the “promoters of education”], the power relations and the social positions of intermediation are being reconfigured between State actors and rebel territories. The active participation of Tzeltal activists contributes to the social appropriation of the school, thus becoming a barrier against social differentiation and cultural assimilation. This participation is an engine for dignity and legitimacy in managing space and time at school, as well as methods and contents. Changes related to autonomy destabilize the status quo in terms of the organization of the school, the political role and work of teachers, and the educational choices relevant for Zapatistas indigenous people