Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Journalistes – Protection – France"

FR. Longtemps, les risques encourus par les journalistes sur les zones de conflits armés n’ont pas, ou peu, été reconnus et pris en charge par les industriels de l’information. Être blessé.e ou mourir en couvrant des conflits pouvait être considéré comme un prix à payer afin d’appartenir à la noblesse des reportèr.es ou des correspondant.es de guerre, afin d’être adoubé.e par le reste de la profession. Les traumatismes n’étaient pas davantage reconnus et pris en charge, et en faire l’aveu pouvait être assimilé à une forme d’incompétence. Un tournant a été amorcé dans les années 1990. Depuis, la sécurité a progressivement fait l’objet d’une attention singulière, d’un nouveau focus, notamment dans les pays anglo-saxons et en France. Équipements de protection, formations à la sécurité en zone hostile dispensées par des militaires, prévention et guérison des traumatismes, codes de bonne conduite pour journalistes et éditeurs, sont autant de dispositifs traduisant ce tournant prudentiel. Les nouvelles précautions, différemment selon les aires géographiques et inégalement selon les statuts des journalistes, ont contribué à transformer les pratiques et à diminuer le nombre global des journalistes morts en couvrant des guerres. À partir de la littérature académique anglo-saxonne et d’une enquête de terrain menée auprès de journalistes français.es, on se propose d’appréhender le tournant prudentiel du journalisme de guerre, les prescriptions de nouvelles normes et les mesures de sécurisation des pratiques, au regard des transformations de la production d’information depuis les années 1990. Dans la lignée des travaux de Richard Sambrook et de Chris Paterson, la recherche présentée dans cet article restitue les logiques qui ont présidé à cette évolution, en particulier en France où elle avait peu été étudiée jusqu’à présent.
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 EN. For a long time, the risks encountered by journalists in armed conflict zones were not, or only rarely, recognized and addressed by the news industry. Being injured or dying while covering conflicts could be considered as the price to pay in order to be included in the nobility of reporters or war correspondents, and to be praised by the rest of the profession. Trauma was not further recognized and addressed, and admitting to it could be seen as a form of incompetence. A turning point came in the 1990s. Since then, safety has gradually become the object of a particular attention, of a new focus, particularly in the Anglo-Saxon countries and in France. Protective equipment, trainings provided by the military on safety in hostile zones, prevention and healing of trauma, codes of conduct for journalists and editors are measures that demonstrate this cautionary shift. The new precautions, which vary according to geographical areas and to the status of journalists, have contributed to transforming practices and to reducing the overall number of journalists who have died while covering wars. Based on Anglo-Saxon academic literature and a field survey undertaken with French journalists, we propose to understand the cautionary turn of war journalism, the prescription of new norms and measures to make practices more secure, in the light of the transformations in news production since the 1990s. In the tradition of the work of Richard Sambrook and Chris Paterson, the research presented in this article describes the rationale behind this evolution, particularly in France, where it has been little studied until now.***
 PT. Durante muito tempo, os riscos enfrentados pelos jornalistas em zonas de conflito armado foram desconsiderados pela indústria jornalística. Ferir-se ou morrer cobrindo conflitos era o preço a pagar para pertencer à nobreza do/as repórteres ou correspondentes de guerra e ser reconhecido/a pelos pares. O mesmo ocorria com relação aos traumas, ignorados ou considerados como uma forma de incompetência. Nos anos 90, inicia-se uma virada a partir da qual a segurança vai se tornando objeto de atenção e de foco, especialmente nos países anglo-saxões e na França. Equipamentos de proteção, treinamento de segurança por militares em zonas de conflito, prevenção e tratamento de traumas, códigos de ética para jornalistas e editores são exemplos de medidas que refletem essa virada prudencial. As novas precauções, que variam de acordo com as áreas geográficas e, desigualmente, com o status dos jornalistas, ajudaram a transformar as práticas e reduzir o número de jornalistas morto/as em coberturas de guerras. Fundamentados na literatura acadêmica anglo-saxônica e com base em uma pesquisa de campo com jornalistas franceses, analisam-se a virada prudencial do jornalismo de guerra e as novas normas e medidas prescritas para tornar as práticas mais seguras, à luz das transformações da produção de notícias a partir dos anos 90. Corroborando o trabalho de Richard Sambrook e Chris Paterson, a pesquisa busca restituir a lógica por trás dessa evolução, particularmente na França, onde, até então, foi pouco estudada.
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"The topic of this paper explores the online media representation of the victims of terrorist attacks in relation to the ethical and legal frameworks aimed at protecting the people. Despite the fact that freedom of expression should not be restricted under any circumstances, the news media outlets ought to take into consideration the legal acts, the moral behaviors and ethical principles when publishing and disseminating information about the terrorist attacks. Journalists should aim to pursue the purpose of this profession with the intent of remaining objective and upright while respecting the human rights. The research of this paper focuses on the interdependence between journalism, ethics and law by analyzing how Le Monde covered some of the terrorist attacks which happened in Europe. The importance of ethics in journalism had been acknowledged by analyzing the role of the regulatory organizations for the press, as well as the professional standards which were set in order to guide the journalists and protect the people. The in-depth analysis of the media representation of the victims of terrorist attacks highlighted the fact that the journalistic ethical codes might have the power to strengthen the protection of the people in the press, while assessing the noninfringement or the breach of the supranational and national legislation enacted by the European Union and France. Keywords: victims, terrorist attacks, media ethics, media law "

The international comparative study of journalism as a working activity shows various model of retirement going from a non-interrupted involvement to a complete change. To tight the classical distinction between occupation and profession as Everett Hughes put, the occupational identity goes with the unlimited working activity along the life of a journalist till he dies. While in Cameroon and Africa in general, the model of retirement is similar to the working life, journalists turning out here from resourcefulness to begging, in France to the contrary, a set of changing rules coming from a long process of syndication insure the protection of journalists. If the work of journalists is bound to come to an end in one way or the other, the authors inspired by a perspective based on rudology acknowledged a Three-scale Theory of Retirement (TSR) which accounts for the relationship maintained by sociological theory of retirement of journalists namely the everlasting model of retirement, the alternative oriented model and the liberal model. These models were articulated with each other to reveal the first category of journalists made up of a dominant group of media managers in public media and administrative companies with a guarantee of remuneration and social positions close to that of the other senior civil service and private sector categories. This first category enjoy a comfortable retirement condition The second category at the intermediate level is those of practioners taking the control of their living activity by creating media organs or acquiring them either. They are worked by a militant and even messianic vision of their activity and are involved in trade union dynamics. Their protection after the working life is then guaranteed by the inequal capacity to find another occupation, sometimes very different from journalism but not so far from communication. The last category is that of those who consider the corporate organizations to be detrimental to free competitions among workers. During their period of activity they were used to do many other activities and petit businesses which they will continue till the death. The authors advocate for a better supervision of the retirement of journalists by the state, the professional and the trade union circles.

In October 1998, at the height of the Monicagate scandal, the publication by the French publisher Plon of a novel which recounts the adulterous relationship in the 1960s between a politician bearing a marked resemblance to Francois Mitterrand, and a journalist, provided an interesting comparison between the attitudes of the French and of the Americans to the romantic dalliances of their respective leaders. For Jeanne Dautun's work of fiction Un ami d'autrefois is most certainly no Monica's Story, and French reactions to their President's lengthy extra-marital relationship with Anne Pingeot have been at the very least understanding, if not even compassionate. In France, the small gathering of graveside mourners amongst whom Mitterrand's mistress and illegitimate daughter Mazarine took their places shocked no-one, although many an eyebrow was raised in the United States. In truth, Mitterrand manipulated the release of information about his private life all along the line, “coming clean” only progressively with his approaching death. Although the general public knew nothing of his double life, journalists had been very much aware of the existence of this second family for a great many years, but had revealed nothing. The respect of his privacy in this relationship and the reactions of fellow French politicians to his unashamed infidelity contrast sharply with the fate reserved for Bill Clinton, the indiscretions of his private life exposed in the nation's press for all to enjoy. We may ask ourselves if French journalists are perhaps more gentlemanly, less cut-throat than their Anglo-Saxon counterparts. Or are the cliches which describe latins as inveterate romantics and lovers true after all? Or are these irrational judgments supported by powerful French legislation protecting the individual's right to privacy? This article aims to examine the main texts relating to infringements of privacy in France, highlighting in particular those committed by the press against public figures and celebrities.

Alexis Danan (1890-1979) est l'une des grandes figures médiatiques de la campagne contre les « bagnes pour enfants » dans la France des années trente. Le reporter n’est pas le premier ni le seul à écrire sur le sujet. Le nom du journaliste est celui que la mémoire de la réforme des établissements de correction a le plus conservé. En pleine période de lutte antifasciste et sous le Front populaire, des hommes et des femmes se mobilisent ; ils interpellent le pouvoir pour dénoncer le scandale et demander des réformes. Après avoir été un homme d'enquête, le journaliste Alexis Danan dénonce et interpelle le pouvoir dans un journal, Paris-Soir, devenu le quotidien le plus lu des Français. En mai 1936, il utilise le média pour lancer la Fédération nationale des comités de vigilance et d’action pour la protection de l’enfance malheureuse. La trajectoire d’un individu – donc une biographie – est un repère pour interroger autrement les processus sociaux et culturels qui, en amont, modifient l’environnement des actions publiques en direction de l’enfance irrégulière. Le journaliste engagé a pu incarner un mode de légitimité bien particulier dans un monde, celui de la protection de l’enfance. Son exemple est à la fois exceptionnel car la norme se trouve ailleurs, et attendu, au regard d’une image, celle d’un « quatrième pouvoir » en démocratie.

Reviews of: Saving Independent Journalism: 30 Years Defending Media and Hostile Climate of Environmental Journalists. Paris, France: Reporters Without Borders. No ISBN (Reviewed by David Robie); The United Nations and Freedom of Expression and Information, edited by Tarlach McGonagle and Yvonne Donders. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1107083868 (Reviewed by Philip Cass); Pacific Way: Auckland's Pasifika Community Diaspora Media, by Michael Neilson. Auckland: Pacific Media Centre. ISBN 978-1-927184-35-6 (Reviewed by Mari Dunlop).Thirty years ago, Reporters Sans Frontières began its global campaign for the protection of journalists and against propaganda as a fledgling NGO in the southern French city of Montpellier. Better known in the Anglophone world as Reporters Without Borders, RSF declares in the editorial of this milestone publication that it has been ‘cheekily climbing the barricades, boldly waving freedom’s banner, proclaiming the virtues of journalism, supporting heroes, dispensing safety equipment, funding resistance and applying pressure in the palaces where the laws are written’ (p. 3).

The author of the article, first of all, draws attention to the current problems of protection and protection of human rights, which unfortunately are traced within the territorial jurisdiction of the European Union. Such problem is quite well demonstrated by Berbel Koffler, as the Commissioner of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany on human rights and humanitarian aid policy. Indeed, the Ombudsman of Germany has raised a number of deep dilemmas: violence against human rights defenders on the grounds of their professional activity, the relation of human rights institutions with public security and economic development. In fact, these questions, in varying percentages, are equally relevant to many countries in the world. In the outlined context, the case of the European Court of Human Rights “Gabriel Weber and Caesar Richard Saravia v. Germany” of 29.06.06 was analyzed. Actually, this case covers directly the issues of human rights and national security of Germany. Grounds for initiating this case have arisen in connection with the legislative provisions of the Law of Germany on the Restriction of the Secret of Correspondence, Mail and Telecommunications of 13.08.68., ("Law G-10"), taking into account changes made under the Anti-Crime Act of 28.10.94, which extend the powers of the Federal Intelligence Service, within the so-called strategic monitoring. It is about collecting information by listening to telephone conversations in order to identify and prevent serious threats to the Federal Republic of Germany, such as: armed attacks on its territory, international terrorist attacks, other serious crimes. According to the applicants who worked as journalists, strategic monitoring can be used against individuals to prevent effective journalistic investigations. In view of these suspicions, the applicants argued that they had violated the human rights guaranteed by the Convention, such as the right to privacy and correspondence, the violation of press freedom, and the right to an effective remedy. The ECHR Judges, having examined the circumstances of the case, concluded that there were no grounds to satisfy the complaints on the basis of the following arguments: 2) German legislation, as part of strategic monitoring, is endowed with adequate and effective safeguards against abuse by authorized entities. In addition, the article analyzes the multi-vector issue of banning citizens of some European Union countries from wearing hats that completely or partially hide their faces. The fact is that, under such restrictions, in particular, the traditional clothing of women adherents of Islam has fallen. It is a “burqa” and a “niqab”. The presented study is mainly based on the legislative practice of France, Belgium, which provides for administrative as well as criminal penalties for non-compliance with the stated prohibition. In such cases as S.А.С. France, Belkacemi and Oussar v. Belgium, Dakir v. Belgium, the applicants, alleged that they had violated the human rights guaranteed by the Convention, including: the right to respect for their private life; the right to freedom of expression of one's religion or belief; the right to freedom of expression; the right to freedom of association; humiliating treatment and discrimination against the enjoyment of the abovementioned human rights. According to most ECHR judges, who have dealt with the said cases, the disputed prohibition is not necessary in a "democratic society for public safety" but its main task is to preserve the conditions of "cohabitation" as an element of "protection of the rights and freedoms of others." In the context of this debate, attention was paid indirectly to such EU Member States as: Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Germany, Latvia, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, Denmark, Switzerland. Keywords: human rights, legal guarantees, security, privacy.

The aim of this article is to present the life and activities of Wanda Ładzina, particularly her involvement in numerous spheres of charitable, political and social work and publishing. At various times in her life she was active in the French Red Cross (fr. Croix-Rouge française), and the Union of French Women (fr. Union des Femmes de France), and the Polish Red Cross. She was president of the Sisters’ Section of the Polish Red Cross (pol. Sekcja Sióstr Polskiego Czerwonego Krzyża), dressed wounded French soldiers participating in the First World War and later Polish soldiers fighting in the war against the Bolsheviks. She was also the caretaker of the Association of Catholic Servants in Lodz (pol. Stowarzyszenie Sług Katolickich w Łodzi), belonged to the National Women’s Organisation, Poland (pol. Narodowa Organizacja Kobiet, Polska), and the “Falcon” Polish Gymnastic Society. In 1922, in the elections of 5 November, she won a parliamentary seat on behalf of the Popular National Union; in the Sejm she sat on three committees: the Labour Protection Committee (pol. Komisja Ochrony Pracy), the Social Welfare Committee (Komisja Opieki Społecznej) and the Invalidity Committee (pol. Komisja Inwalidztwa); she was also active in the Polish-French parliamentary group. Wanda Ładzina fought above all for the social rights of female domestic workers, advocated the abolition of restrictions on women’s civil rights and the regulation of the status of employed women and working minors. During the Second World War, she was in France, active in the Polish Red Cross and, from 1941, in the Welfare Society for the Poles in France (fr. Groupement d’assistance aux Polonais en France, pol. Towarzystwo Opieki nad Polakami we Francji). After the end of the war, she decided to remain in France and published journalistic and religious texts. She died in Paris, was buried in the Montmorency cemetery.

Western anthropologists are typically concerned with interpreting thenon-western world’s unfamiliar cultures for western audiences. TheFrench law banning the hijab from public schools presents itself as just asbaffling as any non-western custom. Thus, it is fully understandable thatit would take anAmerican anthropologist to interpret this event, especiallyfor those in Anglo-Saxon cultures, where in spite of Islamophobia anddiscrimination against the hijab, concepts of religious tolerance and multiculturalismhave generally translated into legal protections for womenand girls who wish to wear it in public spaces. So with a catchy titledesigned to appeal to thiswidespread bafflement, the author seeks to explainthe intellectual underpinnings and political processes that led to this banningof “ostentatious” religious symbols in public schools on March 15,2004.Bowen, whose earlier work looked at religion and social change inIndonesia, focuses on the public deliberations about the issue of the hijab aswell as on wider issues related to Muslim integration in France. He interviewspoliticians, bureaucrats, academics, journalists, public intellectuals,Muslim leaders, Muslim women, and (importantly, since it was a missingdimension, as he points out, in the lead up to the law) Muslim high schoolgirls. He studies public texts and focuses especially on the crucial roleplayed by an often hysterical media in forming and firming up public opinionin support of the law ...

The article is focused on Prussian attempts to separate the North German territories from the rest of the Holy Roman Empire during the summer months of 1806 with the aim of creating a North German Imperial Confederation under the Prussian protection. The reasons behind the possible foundation of the North German Imperial Confederation as well as the journalistic activities around this Prussian project are also in the centre of attention. The structure of the supposed North German Confederation are analyzed on the basis of plans and projects elaborated by the Prussian politicians and diplomats in July and August 1806. The deliberations over the joining to the Confederation were conducted by the Prussian government with the Electors of Hesse and Saxony as well as with the Hanseatic cities of Hamburg, Lübeck and Bremen which were supposed to become the major members of the Prussian-dominated North German state. The analysis has shown that the Prussian government considered the possible North German Imperial Confederation as thelegal successor of the Holy Roman Empire, with Habsburgs being replaced by the Hohenzollern dynasty. The Prussian claims on the inheritance of the Holy Roman Empire and on the hegemony in the Northern Germany were met with discontent on the part of Hesse and especially Saxony, which impelled the Prussian politicians to repeatedly modify their projects, adding more elements of federalism to them. Despite all the concessions, Prussia eventually failed to unite the Northern Germany under its protection. The reasons for this lie both in the separatism of the North German principalities and cities, and in inner inconsistency and crudity of the Prussian projects. France and Great Britain also impeded the Prussian plans since neither of them was interested in a separate North German state under Prussian control. Napoleon's refusal to support Prussia's attempts to unify the Northern Germany was used by the Prussian government as a pretext to declare war on France in October 1806 which ended with dramatic Prussian defeat. Despite the fact that the Prussian plans to create a North German Imperial Confederation in the summer of 1806 were never realized, this was one of the many possible ways of the evolution of the German statehood in the early 19th century. It was finally put into practice half a century later, in the form of the North German Confederation in 1866.