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1

Bella, Francesco, and Carlo Azzi. "14C Dating of the ‘Titulus Crucis’." Radiocarbon 44, no. 3 (2002): 685–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200032136.

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2

Kim, Seyoon. "Imitatio Christi (1 Corinthians 11:1): How Paul Imitates Jesus Christ in Dealing with Idol Food (1 Corinthians 8–10)." Bulletin for Biblical Research 13, no. 2 (January 1, 2003): 193–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422669.

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Abstract The importance of the theme of imitatio Christi in Paul has long been recognized in scholarship, especially with regard to the two questions: Pauline ethic and the Jesus-Paul debate. It is argued here that imitatio Christi for Paul, while centered on Christ's self-giving in his incarnation and crucifixion, has the example and teaching of the historical Jesus also in view, and that in dealing with the problem of eidōlothuta in 1 Cor 8–10 Paul concretely draws some of his guidelines from the historical Jesus' teaching and example.
3

Bräunlein, Peter. "Negotiating Charisma: The Social Dimension of Philippine Crucifixion Rituals." Asian Journal of Social Science 37, no. 6 (2009): 892–917. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156848409x12526657425262.

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AbstractThe Philippines are the only predominantly Christian nation in Southeast Asia. The tradition of the passion of Christ is supposed to be the centre of Philippine religiousness and the fascination with the suffering, battered and dead Christ can be regarded as a characteristic feature of Philippine lowland society. The most spectacular expressions of the so-called Philippine 'Calvary Catholicism' are flagellation and crucifixion. In 1996–1998, the author studied Philippine passion rituals in the village of Kapitangan. During the Holy Week, thousands of people mostly from Manila visit the church and observe the spectacle of ritual crucifixions on Good Friday in the churchyard. In Kapitangan, mostly women are nailed to the cross, which is, however, is not an act of volition. They act under directions 'from above', possessed by Sto. Niño or Jesus Nazareno. All of them are (faith-)healers. All of them are founders of a religious movement. In this article, the author uses Ernst Troeltsch's typology — church, sect, mysticism — as a tool to raise questions about ritual crucifixion as a focus of community and collective identity formation, both on the local and national level of society. Troeltsch's typology sheds light on the delicate relation between the Philippine 'official' church and practices of the so-called 'folk-Catholicism'. It illuminates motives and aims of the healers, who are called 'new mystics' by some scholars, and the sense of belonging of their followers. It also reveals discourses of consent and dissent among the spectators and general public, provoked by that literal re-enactment of Jesus' death.
4

McGowin, Emily Hunter. "Book Review: The Crucifixion: Understanding the Death of Jesus Christ." Anglican Theological Review 100, no. 1 (December 2018): 212–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332861810000144.

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5

Kantaras, Anastasios. "Byzantine Epigrams on the Cross and Crucifixion of Jesus Christ." Sapiens ubique civis 2 (December 15, 2021): 163–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/suc.2021.2.163-196.

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This article presents the Byzantine epigrams centred around the cross and the crucifixion as compiled by one of the most emblematic scholar figures of the Church in the beginning of the 11th century, namely John Mauropous. The goal of this article is to present the main patterns from those epigrams, spot potential influences from other texts of a preceding time as well as draw basic conclusions.
6

Williams, Vanessa. "Fleming Rutledge, The Crucifixion: Understanding the Death of Jesus Christ." Theology 119, no. 6 (October 18, 2016): 449–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x16659243c.

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7

Mandingorra Llavata, María Luz. "El nomen sacrum ihs como símbolo de la crucifixión en el Sermón de la Circuncisión del Señor de san Vicente Ferrer." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 17 (May 31, 2021): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.17.20946.

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Resum: El nomen sacrum ihs se hallaba presente en infinidad de manifestaciones artísticas y objetos de la vida cotidiana durante la Edad Media, por lo que era bien conocido por los fieles. El objetivo del presente artículo es mostrar de qué modo san Vicente Ferrer se sirve de esta abreviatura como símbolo de la crucifixión de Jesucristo con el fin de fomentar la devoción al nombre Iesus y erradicar el recurso a adivinos y sortílegos. Para ello, analizaremos el sermón de la Circuncisión del Señor predicado por el maestro dominico y estableceremos la conexión de los elementos integrantes del texto con representaciones coetáneas de la crucifixión.Paraules clau: san Vicente Ferrer, predicación, Nomina Sacra, crucifixión, historia de la cultura escrita Abstract: The nomen sacrum ihs was present in many paintings as well as other artifacts during the Middle Ages, therefore, it was very well known by the public. The aim of this paper is to show the way Saint Vincent Ferrer uses this abbreviation as a symbol of the Crucifixion of Jesus Christ in order to increase the devotion to the Name of Jesus and prevent people from consulting diviners and sorcerers to solve daily life problems. To this end, we analyse the Sermon of the Circumcision of the Lord preached by the Dominican master and establish the relationship between the elements that compose the text and some contemporary images of the Crucifixion.Keywords: Saint Vincent Ferrer, preaching, Nomina Sacra, crucifixion, history of literacy
8

Streett, Daniel R. "Cursed by God? Galatians 3:13, Social Status, and Atonement Theory in the Context of Early Jewish Readings of Deuteronomy 21:23." Journal for the Study of Paul and His Letters 5, no. 2 (2015): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26371766.

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Paul's citation of Deut 21:23 in Gal 3:13 is often misunderstood, as Paul is frequently thought to be declaring that Jesus, by virtue of his crucifixion, fell under the curse which Deut 21:23 pronounces on victims of that form of execution. This, it is claimed, was the mechanism by which Jesus atoned for sin, as God transferred the curse resting on humans to Jesus, who bore it vicariously. There is no evidence, however, that Second Temple Jews read Deut 21 as cursing all crucifixion victims. Rather, a wealth of evidence suggests that they understood the Law to curse only those crucified victims who were truly guilty of capital offenses against God. Therefore, there is good reason to believe that Paul, himself a Second Temple Jew convinced of Jesus's innocence, did not believe that Jesus was cursed by God solely by virtue of his manner of death on a cross. Thus, Paul's language in Gal 3:13 when he speaks of Christ “becoming a curse” rather than becoming “accursed” is significant. It refers to Jesus's humiliation and execration at the hands of his fellow Jews, not his becoming vicariously cursed by God. It is thus not an explanation of the mechanism by which Christ achieved atonement. This reading receives virtually unanimous support from Patristic interpretations.
9

Streett, Daniel R. "Cursed by God? Galatians 3:13, Social Status, and Atonement Theory in the Context of Early Jewish Readings of Deuteronomy 21:23." Journal for the Study of Paul and His Letters 5, no. 2 (2015): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jstudpaullett.5.2.0189.

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Paul's citation of Deut 21:23 in Gal 3:13 is often misunderstood, as Paul is frequently thought to be declaring that Jesus, by virtue of his crucifixion, fell under the curse which Deut 21:23 pronounces on victims of that form of execution. This, it is claimed, was the mechanism by which Jesus atoned for sin, as God transferred the curse resting on humans to Jesus, who bore it vicariously. There is no evidence, however, that Second Temple Jews read Deut 21 as cursing all crucifixion victims. Rather, a wealth of evidence suggests that they understood the Law to curse only those crucified victims who were truly guilty of capital offenses against God. Therefore, there is good reason to believe that Paul, himself a Second Temple Jew convinced of Jesus's innocence, did not believe that Jesus was cursed by God solely by virtue of his manner of death on a cross. Thus, Paul's language in Gal 3:13 when he speaks of Christ “becoming a curse” rather than becoming “accursed” is significant. It refers to Jesus's humiliation and execration at the hands of his fellow Jews, not his becoming vicariously cursed by God. It is thus not an explanation of the mechanism by which Christ achieved atonement. This reading receives virtually unanimous support from Patristic interpretations.
10

Wimbush, Andy. "Hey Prestos and Humilities: Two of Beckett's Christs." Journal of Beckett Studies 25, no. 1 (April 2016): 78–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jobs.2016.0157.

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As well as its oft-noted concern with mysticism and negative theology, Samuel Beckett's work frequently returns to the figure of the incarnate Christ. This article explores two perspectives on Christ that can be found both in Beckett's work and in religious writing from the European middle ages: the triumphant Jesus known as the Christus Victor, and the suffering Jesus, or Ecce Homo. Building on Mary Bryden's work in this area, the article shows that just as medieval writers such as Julian of Norwich, Ludolf of Saxony, and Margery Kempe reject the contemplation of a transcendent or triumphant Jesus in favour of a vision of him on the cross, Beckett's characters seem to prefer to think about Jesus's suffering rather than contemplate his divinity, his miracles, or his resurrection. Although seemingly irreconcilable, the distinction between the kenotic Christ and the victorious Christ is, theologically speaking, a false one, and so both Beckett and his characters have to interpret the crucifixion in a peculiar way: the article reads Beckett's poem ‘Ooftish’ as heretical complaint that the whole thing was a slight-of-hand on God's part, an act of suffering that was staged rather than authentic. The article goes on to propose that the preference for the suffering Jesus on the part of Watt, Molloy, Malone and others is closely linked with Beckett's own aesthetic allegiances. Taking a cue from comments made about Jesus by Murphy and by the Polar Bear in Dream of Fair to Middling Women, the essay argues that the wonder-working, triumphant Jesus was seen by Beckett as analogous to an author who interferes with the natural disorder of his novel, smoothing over its moments of failure and contradiction just as Jesus righted the vicissitudes of death and disease through miracles. The resigned, suffering Jesus, on the other hand, comes closer to the quietist aesthetic – and religious perspective – of André Gide and Fyodor Dostoevsky, writers that Beckett admired and wished to emulate. The article concludes with an analysis of notes made about the crucifixion and aesthetics in Beckett's Watt notebooks, noting this razor's edge in Christological thinking – one which was particularly alive to Christians of the middle ages.
11

Adiatma, Daniel Lindung. "Peristiwa Penyaliban Yesus Ditinjau dari Perspektif Sejarah dan Teologi Yohanes." IMMANUEL: Jurnal Teologi dan Pendidikan Kristen 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2022): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46305/im.v3i1.104.

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The event of the crucifixion of Jesus Christ has caused controversy for some circles. For Christians, this event marks a major change in human life in obtaining eternal life. For non-religious historians, these events are ordinary events that do not have any meaning in history. But they admit that the crucifixion of Jesus is considered a major event for mankind. His example influences mankind to become civilized human beings. In addition, there are some people who do not believe that the crucifixion of Jesus is a factual event and can be trusted. The assumption is, Jesus was released from the punishment of the cross and went to other areas to preach the gospel. Although the latter opinion is not supported by valid data and has received opposition from Christian historians and theologians, it is still believed by several groups of people. This study seeks to assess historical facts about the crucifixion of Jesus Christ from a historical and theological perspective so that the validity of the events of Jesus' death cannot be doubted and increases Christian belief in the event not only at the faith level, but also at the academic level. The author will present historical data from leading historians and literary analysis of the Gospel of John 11:1-12:36 to find the historical factuality of the crucifixion of Jesus and the theological meaning behind the event. In his study, the author will compare the opinions of historians who lived close to the time of Jesus and John as narrators and witnesses of the death of Jesus. Finally, readers can believe in the factuality and history of Jesus' crucifixion which is interpreted as a glory for the Son of God and has an impact on the lives of believers.AbstrakPeristiwa penyaliban Yesus Kristus telah menimbulkan kontroversi bagi beberapa kalangan. Bagi orang Kristen, peristiwa tersebut menandai perubahan besar dalam kehidupan manusia dalam memperoleh kehidupan kekal. Bagi sejarahwan non keagamaan, peristiwa tersebut merupakan peristiwa biasa yang tidak memiliki makna apapun dalam sejarah. Tetapi mereka mengakui bahwa peristiwa penyaliban Yesus dianggap sebagai peristiwa besar bagi umat manusia. Keteladan-Nya memberikan pengaruh bagi umat manusia agar menjadi manusia yang beradap. Selain itu, ada beberapa kalangan yang tidak meyakini peristiwa penyaliban Yesus sebagai peristiwa yang faktual dan dapat dipercayai kebenarannya. Asumsinya, Yesus dilepaskan dari hukuman salib dan pergi ke daerah lainnya untuk memberitakan injil. Meskipun pendapat terakhir tersebut tidak didukung dengan data-data yang valid dan memperoleh pertentangan dari sejarahwan dan teolog Kristen, namun pendapat tersebut masih diyakini oleh beberapa kelompok orang. Penelitian ini berusaha untuk menilai fakta sejarah tentang penyaliban Yesus Kristus dari perspektif sejarah dan teologi sehingga validitas peristiwa kematian Yesus tidak dapat diragukan dan meningkatkan keyakinan orang Kristen terhadap peristiwa itu bukan saja pada tingkat iman, melainkan juga pada tingkat akademis. Penulis akan memaparkan data-data sejarah dari sejarahwan terkemuka dan analisis sastra Injil Yohanes 11:1-12:36 untuk menemukan faktualitas sejarah penyaliban Yesus dan makna teologis di balik peristiwa tersebut. Dalam kajiannya, penulis akan membadingkan pendapat sejarawan yang hidup dekat dengan masa Yesus dan Yohanes sebagai narator dan saksi peristiwa kematian Yesus. Akhirnya, pembaca dapat meyakini faktualitas dan historitas penyaliban Yesus yang dimaknai sebagai kemuliaan bagi Anak Allah dan berdampak pada kehidupan orang percaya.
12

Gea, Ibelala. "SALIB KRISTUS SEBAGAI SIMBOL KEKERASAN UMAT YAHUDI (Studi Teologis Matius 26:1-5 Diperhadapkan dengan Kondisi Indonesia Masa Kini)." Jurnal Teologi Cultivation 3, no. 1 (July 14, 2019): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.46965/jtc.v3i1.256.

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AbstractThe research in this article aims to explain that theologically, the crucifixion of Christ as a symbol of the violence of the Jews hide behind the Roman law, and confronted with the condition of present-day Indonesia.To explain the violence that comes from Matthew 26: 1-5 as a basis for the discussions were enriched by a number of violence-related references.The results showed that violence as the imposition of the will to achieve the goals, whether individuals, groups and institutions.Violence tangible crucifixion of Jesus was hiding behind the guise of religious Jews, laden with engineering, which is the real Jesus was not guilty of what is charged to him.The Roman government represented Pilate dare not uphold justice, it can be called that trial and the verdict against Jesus is gray as a result of a compromise and government conspiracy with the leader of the majority religion, the Jewish religion.Violence in Indonesia, including violence against women, children and political violence as a sign of not respecting others.Lodging in the political violence, often triggered by the politicization of religion as a vehicle to achieve the goal by mobilizing the number of people that fanaticism and radicalism.Any violence is not in accordance with the will of God who loves the whole humanKeywords: Cross of Christ And Violence of Jewish People
13

Ellington, Donna Spivey. "Impassioned Mother or Passive Icon: The Virgin's Role in Late Medieval and Early Modern Passion Sermons*." Renaissance Quarterly 48, no. 2 (1995): 227–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863065.

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On 13 April 1403, Parisian chancellor Jean Gerson delivered one of his most famous sermons, a sermon on the Passion of Christ entitled “Ad deum vadit.” That evening, in the second part of the sermon, Gerson set forth the central and most dramatic portion of the Passion narrative, the crucifixion of Jesus. As he had done throughout the story, Gerson sought to recreate the feelings, responses, and very words of Mary as she witnessed her son's suffering. In an anguished question that echoed Jesus’ own, Gerson proclaims that Mary was able to cry to God.
14

Visi, Tamás. "The Chronology of John the Baptist and the Crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth." Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 18, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455197-2019003.

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The consensus of present-day historians that Jesus was crucified around the year 30 ce has been challenged by a minority of scholars who argue that the execution of John the Baptist could not take place earlier than 35 ce, and for that reason Jesus must have been crucified at the Passover of 36 ce. This paper argues that both parties have strong and convincing arguments, and for that reason we must conclude that John was probably executed after Jesus’ death. The collective memory of the early Christians did not succeed in retaining the chronological order of these events, and this circumstance allowed the synoptics to turn the Baptist into a forerunner of Christ.
15

Courey, David. "Victory in Jesus: Perfectionism, Pentecostal Sanctification, and Luther’s Theology of the Cross." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 22, no. 2 (2013): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-02202010.

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This paper examines perfectionist motifs in baptistic Pentecostal notions of sanctification, and asks whether resources to solve this quandary may be found within the tradition itself. Tracing these motifs back to the ‘Finished Work’ theology of William Durham, variations on themes of the Keswick movement are noted. These parallels continue through the institutional period, and recurrence of ‘union with Christ’ and ‘crucifixion with Christ’ tropes are discovered, particularly in the Assemblies of God Pentecostal Evangel. Keswick leader L.E. Maxwell’s classic The Crucified Life provides a direct connection between Pentecostal and Keswick treatments of sanctification. While Pentecostal applications of identification with Christ have led some to draw connections with the Orthodox doctrine of theosis, this paper asserts a closer relationship to Luther’s theology of the cross and offers a means of using resources within the Pentecostal tradition to redefine a non-perfectionist model of sanctification that remains dynamic and cross-centred.
16

Heim, S. Mark. "Their Cross Problem and Ours: Thoughts on the Aesthetic of Crucifixion." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 76, no. 1 (January 2022): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00209643211051128.

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Contemporary Christian witness about the death of Jesus moves in a culture already saturated with an aesthetic or intuitive ethic of the crucifixion. That aesthetic has many features acquired though Christianity’s long social dominance. This essay focuses on one aspect, authentically derived from the distinctive understanding Christian faith attributed to the crucifixion. First, I describe the Roman context, and the natural “reading” of the image of a crucified person there, as the background to considering the absence of that image in early Christianity. This leads to exploration of the ways that early Christianity used a variety of typological images to weave a new frame of meaning around the crucifixion of Christ. Then, using Tom Holland’s recent historical synopsis of Christianity, I indicate how this new aesthetic of the cross lodged itself in shared cultural assumptions and perceptions. Finally, I consider the crucial American case of lynching, in which White Christian churches betrayed this distinctive meaning of the crucifixion, Black churches affirmed it, and the cultural aesthetic of crucifixion proved itself a key medium for resistance to lynching. Finally, I suggest some implications for church preaching and teaching in relation to the surrounding culture today.
17

Królikowski, Janusz. "Królewskość Jezusa Chrystusa w opisie męki w Ewangelii św. Jana." Sympozjum 25, no. 2 (41) (2021): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25443283sym.21.022.14702.

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The kingship of Jesus Christ as presented in the description of Passion in the Gospel of John The question of the kingship of Jesus Christ currently constitutes one of the most exceptional theological issues in terms of meaning, since it not only defines a living element of Christian piety, but also, in the recent years, it has aroused considerable controversies in the context of the so called intronization and evoked numerous questions. To answer these questions and to formulate appropriate spiritual and pastoral propositions, a profound exegetical and theological study into this matter is required. That is why in this paper we propose a broader analysis of the question of the kingship of Jesus Christ in the light of the Gospel of John, and predominantly in the light of the description of the Passion and crucifixion of Jesus Christ, where the issue of His kingship occupies a central place. Temat królewskości Jezusa Chrystusa stanowi obecnie jedno z zagadnień teologicznych o szczególnym znaczeniu, ponieważ nie tylko określa żywy element pobożności chrześcijańskiej, ale w ostatnich latach wywołało i ciągle wywołuje również niemałe kontrowersje w kontekście tzw. intronizacji. Pojawiające się rozliczne pytania domagają się pogłębionych studiów egzegetyczno-teologicznych, aby można było na nie odpowiedzieć, a zwłaszcza by można było sformułować stosowne propozycje duchowo- -pastoralne. Aby stało się to możliwe, proponujemy w tym miejscu szerszą analizę zagadnienia królewskości Jezusa Chrystusa w świetle Ewangelii św. Jana, a przede wszystkim opisu męki i ukrzyżowania Jezusa Chrystusa, w którym zagadnienie Jego królewskości zajmuje pierwszorzędne miejsce.
18

Gardner, Patrick X. "Book Review: The Crucifixion: Understanding the Death of Jesus Christ. By Fleming Rutledge." Theological Studies 77, no. 4 (November 17, 2016): 985–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040563916666828v.

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19

Calero Ruiz, Clementina. "María Magdalena. Origen e iconografía en las artes plásticas y en el cine." Latente Revista de Historia y Estética audiovisual, no. 19 (2021): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.latente.2021.19.01.

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Mary Magdalene has always been a controversial issue related to the Passion of the Christ. At the very beginning she seems to be supporting the ministry of Jesus of Nazareth as his first disciple. In addition, she was involved in his crucifixion and burial and, what is more, she was the first witness of his resurrection. Due to this, Jesus entrusted her with the task of giving the good news to his disciples, but nobody trusted her, especially Simon Peter. From the 6th century onwards, her legacy changed and she became a repentant prostitute for the Christianity. This paper tries to analyze how those changes have been represented in the arts and specially in the cinema.
20

Manurung, Pangeran. "Identitas Keturunan Perempuan Dalam Kejadian 3:15 Dalam Studi Soteriologi." Journal KERUSSO 5, no. 2 (August 27, 2020): 24–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33856/kerusso.v5i2.146.

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One of the problems arising from the polemic of the events of the fall of man in the Garden of Eden recorded by the author of the Book of Genesis is the bias of the policy of salvation taught by the writers of the New Testament. Salvation in the New Testament is considered not to have originated in the Old Testament mind. Apart from the element of salvation in the Old Testament which is only supposed to contain "political" salvation, the clarity of the interpretation of the female offspring and its fulfillment in Jesus Christ is also questioned. Jesus Christ is considered unqualified as a descendant of the woman offended in Genesis 3 so that the eternal salvation offered by Jesus Christ in the event of the crucifixion is considered an offer of a "concept of salvation" that is not in line with the promise of salvation in Genesis 3. While other commentators state the opposite. This study will discuss it using a biblical library research approach. This means that the researcher will prove who the offspring of the woman referred to in incident 3 is based on the evidence from the Old and New Testaments. The results of this study prove that the female offspring referred to in event 3 is Jesus Christ. The phrase “bruising in the heel” in the pericope is a symbolic statement of the crucifixion event of Jesus Christ which is interpreted by New Testament readers as the salvation promised in Genesis 3:15. Abstrak Indonesia Salah satu permasalahan yang ditimbulkan dari polemik peristiwa kejatuhan manusia di Taman Eden yang dicatat oleh punulis Kitab Kejadian adalah biasnya dasar keselamatan yang diajarkan oleh penulis Perjanjian Baru. Keselamatan dalam Perjanjian Baru dianggap tidak bersumber dari pikiran Perjanjian Lama. Selain karena unsur keselamatan dalam Perjanjian Lama yang hanya diduga mengandung keselamatan secara “politis”, kejelasan penafsiran terhadap keturunan perempuan dan penggenapannya dalam diri Yesus Kristus juga dipertanyakan. Yesus Kristus dianggap tidak memenuhi syarat sebagai keturunan perempuan yang disinggung dalam Kejadian 3 sehingga keselamatan kekal yang ditawarkan oleh Yesus Kristus dalam peristiwa penyaliban dianggap sebagai sebuah tawaran “konsep keselamatan” yang tidak sehaluan dengan janji keselamatan dalam Kejadian 3. Sementara penafsir yang lain menyatakan kebalikannya. Penelitian ini akan membahasnya dengan menggunakan pendekatan penelitian kepustakaan yang bersifat biblika. Artinya peneliti akan membuktikan siapa keturunan perempuan yang dimaksud dalam kejadian 3 berdasarkan bukti dari Perjanjian Lama dan Perjanjian Baru. Hasil dari penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa keturunan perempuan yang dimaksud dalam kejadian 3 adalah Yesus Kristus. Frase “meremukkan tumit” dalam perikop merupakan pernyataan simbolis atas peristiwa penyaliban Yesus Kristus yang dimaknai oleh para pembaca Perjanjian Baru sebagai keselamatan yang dijanjikan dalam Kejadian 3:15.
21

Johnson, Andy. "The "New Creation," the Crucified and Risen Christ, and the Temple: A Pauline Audience for Mark." Journal of Theological Interpretation 1, no. 2 (2007): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26421315.

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Abstract In the wake of the debate on Gospel audiences, this article illustrates one way of engaging in an explicitly theological interpretation of a Gospel, constrained and enriched by canonical and historical considerations. Building on the arguments of scholars who see "new exodus/new creation" concepts implicitly underlying much of Mark, it asks how portions of this narrative (1:1–11, 15:33–16:8) might be heard if we construe the audience as having been shaped by Paul's theology of "new creation" that underlies 1 Corinthians. This interpretive move assumes that Mark is an attempt to articulate the significance of Jesus within a scriptural matrix, that is, within Isaiah's "conversation" with Genesis and Exodus. This 1 Corinthians audience is an intracanonical, hermeneutical construct intended to further Mark's attempt to articulate the significance of Jesus within a broader scriptural matrix. The reading of Mark that emerges contends that Jesus proleptically baptizes with the Spirit as he forges a new creation throughout the Gospel; at the crucifixion, the Spirit moves from Jesus into the temple (a microcosm of the old order/cosmos) to split the outer curtain signifying its end; and the Spirit continues Jesus' work by raising him from the dead as a microcosm of the new creation.
22

Johnson, Andy. "The "New Creation," the Crucified and Risen Christ, and the Temple: A Pauline Audience for Mark." Journal of Theological Interpretation 1, no. 2 (2007): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jtheointe.1.2.0171.

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Abstract In the wake of the debate on Gospel audiences, this article illustrates one way of engaging in an explicitly theological interpretation of a Gospel, constrained and enriched by canonical and historical considerations. Building on the arguments of scholars who see "new exodus/new creation" concepts implicitly underlying much of Mark, it asks how portions of this narrative (1:1–11, 15:33–16:8) might be heard if we construe the audience as having been shaped by Paul's theology of "new creation" that underlies 1 Corinthians. This interpretive move assumes that Mark is an attempt to articulate the significance of Jesus within a scriptural matrix, that is, within Isaiah's "conversation" with Genesis and Exodus. This 1 Corinthians audience is an intracanonical, hermeneutical construct intended to further Mark's attempt to articulate the significance of Jesus within a broader scriptural matrix. The reading of Mark that emerges contends that Jesus proleptically baptizes with the Spirit as he forges a new creation throughout the Gospel; at the crucifixion, the Spirit moves from Jesus into the temple (a microcosm of the old order/cosmos) to split the outer curtain signifying its end; and the Spirit continues Jesus' work by raising him from the dead as a microcosm of the new creation.
23

Taraba, Iryna. "The Conceptualization of the Phenomenon of Corporeality in Biblical Discourse." Perspektywy Kultury 26, no. 3 (October 1, 2019): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2019.2603.04.

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The article deals with the features of the conceptualization of corpore­ality in literary interpretation as an instrument and a category realized in the figural-emotive paradigm of the dramaturgy of the contemporary Ukrainian authors, A. Chyrkov and J. Vereshchak. It should be noted that in the studied dramatic works the conceptualization of the corpo­real code of culture is extremely clear. It appeals to many biblical motifs with appropriate an sphere of concepts. The dramatic works suggest that evangelical projection demonstrates four concepts that itemize the specifics and principles of embodiment of physicality in the biblical discourse: 1) “Five wounds of Jesus Christ,” 2) “The Crucifixion,” 3) “The sinful flesh,” 4) “Body of Christ.” Corporeality in the biblical discourse corre­lates with world-modeling categories such as “soul” and “thing.”
24

Vigneron, Sophie. "The holy thorn reliquary and cultural heritage." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 68, no. 3 (November 7, 2017): 329–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v68i3.44.

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A thorn, a valueless piece of wood, is displayed in an exquisite box made of gold and precious stones, and ornamented with intricate figures and symbols. This rare artefact showcases a worthless item, but for the meaning attached to it – the belief that it comes from the Crown of Thorns worn by Jesus Christ, during the Crucifixion. In the British Museum, the reliquary is one among many objects displayed for their tangible rather than intangible values. Thus, it becomes a metaphor for the definition of heritage, the identification of heritage values and the framework of cultural heritage law.
25

Lane, Anthony N. S. "The Nicene Creed: A Round Table Discussion." Evangelical Quarterly 89, no. 2 (April 26, 2018): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08902001.

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This article explores the relation between the NT writings and the Nicene Creed by means of an imaginary round table discussion involving the authors of the NT. This teases out the origins of the different clauses of the creed. The participants also point to four weak points of the creed: (1) its downplaying of the theme of Christ dying for our sins; (2) its failure to identify God as the God of Israel; (3) its silence about the earthly ministry of Jesus, jumping from his birth to his crucifixion; (4) its omission of the ethical dimension. They end by affirming what the creed actually does state.
26

Holoubek, Joe E., and Alice Baker Holoubek. "A Study of Death by Crucifixion with Attempted Explanation of the Death of Jesus Christ." Linacre Quarterly 61, no. 1 (February 1994): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20508549.1999.11878236.

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27

Dearborn, Kerry. "The crucified Christ as the motherly God: the theology of Julian of Norwich." Scottish Journal of Theology 55, no. 3 (August 2002): 283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930602000327.

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Is there valid justification for affirming the motherliness of God while holding fast to the cross and to the Judeo-Christian heritage? Some feminists view the God of Abraham and Jesus as so closely linked with patriarchy and abuse that they reject this God as hopelessly male. Other theologians adhere to an exclusive emphasis on God as Father, and regard motherly appellations of God as distortions of biblical faith. Can the crucifixion and the atonement be seen in terms that are affirming of that which is female, yet remain grounded in the biblical texts and traditions? This article focuses on the theology of Julian of Norwich, whose meditations on the cross provide a middle way of affirming both the motherly nature of God and biblical revelation and tradition.
28

Rychter, Ewa. "Romancing the crucifixion in biblical rewritings by Phillip Pullman and Colm Tóibín." Ars Aeterna 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 34–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aa-2018-0004.

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Abstract This paper focuses on how the romance mode is used to re-narrativize the trauma of Jesus’s crucifixion in two contemporary biblical rewritings: Pullman’s The Good Man Jesus and the Scoundrel Christ 2010 and Tóibín’s The Testament of Mary 2012. Reflecting on the process of the composition of the Bible, these novels resort to romance in order to invite a critical reflection on different narrativizations of the traumatic event, dependent as they are on both conservative and more subversive effects of romance. As some characters rely on the strategies of traditional spiritual romance in order to alleviate their pain, others cynically resort to a dualistic vision to establish and consolidate power, and still others make use of the excess and disarticulation of romance to do justice to the absolute horror of the event, the novels draw attention both to the comforting and subversive function of Christian scripture. Adding a metafictional dimension to the narrative of crucifixion, the novels expose the way in which religious scriptures can become ideological instruments, and signal the potentially dangerous effects of the renewed significance of religion today.
29

Berner, Christoph. "The Heptadic Chronologies of Testament of Levi 16–17 and Their Sources." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 22, no. 1 (August 10, 2012): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951820712458632.

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Chapters 16–17 of Testament of Levi ( T. Levi) preserve two examples for the creative reinterpretation of ancient Jewish chronologies in early Christianity. In T. Levi 16, the seventy weeks chronology from Dan. 9 is read as an announcement of Jesus' crucifixion and the destruction of the Second Temple. T. Levi 17, on the other hand, preserves an older Jewish source on the decline of the priesthood. This source was originally composed as a response to the deposition of Onias III (173 BCE) and later expanded through the addition of vv. 9-11 responding to the investment of Jonathan as high priest (152 BCE). For the Christian author of T. Levi 17, the original chronological implications of his source were no longer relevant. He incorporated it for purely theological reasons, namely, as a demonstration for the complete failure of the Jewish priesthood and its subsequent replacement by the eschatological high priest Jesus Christ ( T. Levi 18).
30

Harrower, Scott. "Fleming Routledge, The Crucifixion: Understanding the Death of Jesus Christ. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2017, 668pp. $30pb." International Journal of Systematic Theology 20, no. 3 (July 2018): 447–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ijst.12303.

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31

Bynum, Caroline Walker. "The Blood of Christ in the Later Middle Ages." Church History 71, no. 4 (December 2002): 685–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700096268.

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In one of our earliest descriptions of meditation on the crucifix, Aelred of Rievaulx (d.1166) described the body on the cross, pierced by the soldier's lance, as food and urged the female recluses for whom he wrote not only to contemplate it but also to eat it in gladness: “Hasten, linger not, eat the honeycomb with your honey, drink your wine with your milk. The blood is changed into wine to inebriate you, the water into milk to nourish you.” Marsha Dutton, who has written so movingly of Cistercian piety, speaks of this as a eucharistic interpretation of the literal, physical reality of the crucifixion and points to the parallel with Berengar of Tours' oath at the synod of Rome in 1079: “The bread and wine which are placed on the altar … are changed substantially into the true and proper vivifying body and blood of Jesus Christ our Lord and after the consecration there are the true body of Christ which was born of the virgin … and the true blood of Christ which flowed from his side … in their real nature and true substance.”
32

Smythe, Shannon Nicole. "The Way of Divine and Human Handing-over: Pauline Apocalyptic, Centering Prayer, and Vulnerable Solidarity." Theology Today 75, no. 1 (April 2018): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573618763576.

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The premise of this article is that in order for apocalyptic theology to be a valid form of God-talk, it must be explicit in its existential orientation by articulating the role of apocalyptic Christian practices. Following Barth’s exegetical insights, I first propose that the existential orientation for apocalyptic theology center on the divine handing-over ( paradidōmi) of Jesus in the incarnation and crucifixion, which has its positive human correlate in the apostolic handing-over of the tradition ( paradosis) by disciples like Paul. The confrontation by the apocalypse of the divine handing-over is therefore always existentially oriented. As Jesus hands over the Spirit to us (John 19:30), we are given the power to correspond existentially through the Spirit’s non-identical repetition of the death of Christ in us, to the divine prototype of handing-over through the vocation of witnessing to Jesus. Centering prayer is a Christian practice that functions within such an apocalyptic framework. Through centering prayer’s embodied practice of spiritual kenosis, the Spirit can form us, more and more, in the apostolic way of handing-over Jesus as we come daily into open situations of proclamation in which we are called to give embodied witness to the powerless power of God in the world.
33

Thusgård, Esben. "Dramatisk teologi – en introduktion af Raymund Schwager." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 72, no. 1 (May 17, 2009): 18–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v72i1.106448.

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This article introduces the Swiss/Austrian catholic theologian Raymund Schwager (1935-2004) to a Danish audience. It is argued that Schwager’s dramatic theology offers a coherent model for interpreting the paradoxes in Christian faith. How can God be described as both constructive and deconstructive, as both merciful and full of anger? Combining Hans Urs von Balthasar’s conception of drama and René Girard’s theory of mimetic desire and scapegoating, Schwager formulates a theology, where the vertical aspects of reconciliation do not overshadow the horizontal aspects, and viceversa. The action of God in Christ meets human reaction in a balanced way. The drama contains five acts: 1. Jesus proclaims the Kingdom of God; 2. The rejection of Jesus’ preaching; 3. The judgment of Jesus and his crucifixion; 4. Resurrection as the reaction of the Father; 5. The new gathering. The perspective, provided by the drama, makes it possible to integrate themes, which otherwise seem without any relation, for in the drama, as well in our lives, everything is interrelated and interdependent. A dramatic view on the revelation thus clarifies how action is succeeded by reaction: God speaks and human beings respond.
34

Van der Merwe, P. "Twee Bybelse Verhale van Abraham H. De Vries." Literator 7, no. 2 (May 7, 1986): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v7i2.881.

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Abraham de Vries is not so much known as the author of Biblical stories, but two stories can be pointed out very clearly as belonging to this category. These stories are "Skoenmaker diepe water" from Volmoed se gasie and "Die verdeling van die kind” from Vliegoog.The first story, "Skoenmaker diepe water”, refers to Matthew 14:22 - 32 in which Jesus walks on water. In this story the fairy tale given appears at the first level, and the religious motif on the second level. The main character, Vel Binneman, is clearly depicted in the story as being the true believer. “Die verdeling van die kind” also has a Biblical background, and then Herod's infanticide in Bethlehem of which we read in Matthew 2:16 as well as the crucifixion of Christ. In the story It is not only the Biblical motif that is dealt with, but there is a strong Palestinian and New Testament aura. "Die verdeling van die kind” can, with the data at our disposal, be interpreted as a new crucifixion, and the story in fact does become an illustration of God’s redeeming grace.
35

Oghenekevwe K., Jibromah, and Sangotunde Sunday O. "The Involvement of Mary Magdalene in the Sacrificial Death of Jesus on The Cross: Lessons for the Nigerian Christian Women." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 2 (January 31, 2018): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n2p121.

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One major concept that runs through all religious institutions and communities is the practice of ‘sacrifice’. This idea also runs through both the Old and the New Testaments. The world in which the Bible authors inhabited was filled with physical equipments and sacred spaces of sacrifices, from massive temple to rustic country shrines, to tiny household altars. It was made up of interwoven relationships that were reinforced by sacrificial practices. Throughout the book of Leviticus, the idea of appeasement of Yahweh through series of sacrificial acts perfused the entire pages of the book. The death of Jesus Christ on the cross as the final sacrificial rite is the foundation of the Christian faith. Women are generally not considered as occupying important position in the Jewish religious culture and this idea is almost transmitted into the religious arrangement of many denominations today due to some complexities engendered by Paul’s teachings in some of his epistles. Women had played major role on Christ sacrificial death on the cross, although little has been mentioned about them. Hence, the study investigates women’s involvement during Christ crucifixion on the cross focusing basically on Mary Magdalene. The paper adopts textural analysis of the related verses. It also makes use of exegetical method as an approach to unveil the textual relevance of the selected texts to the subject matter. It reveals the positive role played by this woman during the sacrificial death of Christ on the cross in the interface of the expected roles of Nigerian Christian women in the ecclesiastical community. The paper concludes that women played significant role during Jesus’ sacrificial death which is worthy of emulation by women participating in Christian ministries in Nigeria.
36

Kot, Piotr. "Popaschalne świadectwo Parakleta o sądzie Boga nad „światem” w ujęciu J 16,8-11." Verbum Vitae 26 (December 1, 2014): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.1588.

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Holy Spirit plays an important role in the theology of the fourth Evangelist. During the Last Super, and therefore right before his death, Jesus from Nazareth not only foretold the coming of the Holy Spirit, but also designated the nature of his mission. The Paraclete, as Jesus calls him, will “testify about” Jesus (John 15:26) and “will demonstrate to the world what sin, righteousness and judgment are about” (John 16:8). Many scholars, while interpreting these words, point to the juridical function of the Paraclete. Accordingly, the Paraclete would pass right judgment on the world in view of the sin of unbelief. However, a detailed exegetical analysis, taking into account the various narrative techniques employed by the author of the fourth Gospel, among them the technique of misunderstanding, allows for a different interpretation of Jesus’ words. Accusations against Jesus are very frequent in the fourth Gospel. The “world” calls him a “sinner” (8:46) and “one who blasphemes” (10:36). In the context of such charges, the passing of judgment on Jesus, as well as his crucifixion and death, were understood as a revelation of God’s justice in regard to Jesus. The Paraclete’s mission will consist in revealing to the “world” and to the disciples the meaning of these events in a reversed perspective. John describes his task by the use of the technique of irony. The Paraclete will reveal as true that Jesus indeed accepted death as a “sinner”, but in the sense of expiatory sacrifice antitype. For that reason, the justice of God has been realized not “in regard” to Jesus, but “in Jesus.” As a result, the “world’s” judgment on Jesus has, in fact, initiated God’s judgment on the “world” and its ruler. The Paraclete is to give a testimony about the victory of life over death in Jesus Christ, and thus to lead the “world” to faith, and the disciples to the fullness of faith.
37

KREUDER, FRIEDEMANN. "Flagellation of the Son of God and Divine Flagellation: Flagellator Ceremonies and Flagellation Scenes in the Medieval Passion Play." Theatre Research International 33, no. 2 (July 2008): 176–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883308003672.

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Medieval Passion Plays appear to be no less violent than the flagellation and crucifixion scenes in Mel Gibson's film The Passion of the Christ. They were performed with what to today's eyes appears to be, in the context of its presentation in a religious play, chillingly intense and explicit violence. This suspicion is supported by surviving descriptions of performances of medieval Passion Plays in London and Metz, in each of which the actor playing Jesus in the crucifixion scene was fatally injured by the thrust of Longinus' spear or nearly died of heart failure. The expansion of what in the Bible amounts to only brief description, and its formulation in terms of drama, suggest deliberate use of the torture scenario in different Passion Plays. However, a question arises concerning the way in which the scenes of violence were able to find a place in religious plays used by ecclesiastical and municipal sponsors to propagate and affirm the dominant Christian view of the world. According to a common school of thought, the plays realistically represented, through gestural and dramatic elaboration, what the liturgy celebrated in a symbolic ceremony. In this way the plays visually communicated religious instruction to onlookers who did not know any Latin. But how can the torture scenes – on which many Passion Plays linger so long – be reconciled with the purpose of depicting the story of salvation?
38

NORDLING, JOHN G. "A More Positive View of Slavery: Establishing Servile Identity in the Christian Assemblies." Bulletin for Biblical Research 19, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26423799.

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Abstract Recent scholarship calls attention to violence, sexual exploitation, and other indignities experienced by slaves. For most slaves in the Christian assemblies, however, the abuses associated with slavery were not an issue, and so slavery functioned as the place where countless servile believers demonstrated their faith in Christ by serving the neighbor. Three subpoints support the basic position: (1) Paul called himself a slave repeatedly to form an identity with epistolary audiences, large portions of which were servile; (2) directives to slaves to endure suffering for doing good (1 Pet 2:18–21) were paradigmatic for all Christians, not just slaves; and (3) Jesus' death by crucifixion (servile supplicium = "the slaves' punishment") was presented as the common experience of every Christian, not just slaves. Since slaves were the ones for whom much parenesis was intended originally, the argument can be made that biblical slavery remains pertinent for its applicability to Christian vocation.
39

Hunt, Greg. "The Silence of Saturday: Luke 23:50-56 (A Sermon)." Review & Expositor 118, no. 1 (February 2021): 108–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00346373211004690.

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Holy Week naturally centers its attention on Good Friday and Easter Sunday. When pondering the good news of God’s liberating love in Christ, everything culminates in Jesus’s crucifixion and resurrection. Not surprisingly, then, Holy Saturday gets short shrift. The gospels themselves have little to say about it, and Christian tradition does nothing of note to mark what it means. The following message, which in its original form was presented as part of an ecumenical Holy Week series, invites worshipers into the pregnant pause of “silent Saturday,” there to lay lives bare in the aftermath of Christ’s death. In the spirit of the first followers of Jesus, for whom resurrection could scarcely be imagined, those with imaginations and willingness to do so can confess their sins, their fears, their frustrations, their doubts. Against the backdrop of today’s yearnings for justice, they can bring their suffering, exhaustion, and disappointment, as well, and find in introspection the gifts of relinquishment and hope.
40

NORDLING, JOHN G. "A More Positive View of Slavery: Establishing Servile Identity in the Christian Assemblies." Bulletin for Biblical Research 19, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/bullbiblrese.19.1.0063.

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Abstract Recent scholarship calls attention to violence, sexual exploitation, and other indignities experienced by slaves. For most slaves in the Christian assemblies, however, the abuses associated with slavery were not an issue, and so slavery functioned as the place where countless servile believers demonstrated their faith in Christ by serving the neighbor. Three subpoints support the basic position: (1) Paul called himself a slave repeatedly to form an identity with epistolary audiences, large portions of which were servile; (2) directives to slaves to endure suffering for doing good (1 Pet 2:18–21) were paradigmatic for all Christians, not just slaves; and (3) Jesus' death by crucifixion (servile supplicium = "the slaves' punishment") was presented as the common experience of every Christian, not just slaves. Since slaves were the ones for whom much parenesis was intended originally, the argument can be made that biblical slavery remains pertinent for its applicability to Christian vocation.
41

Collins, Adela Yarbro. "Psalms, Philippians 2:6-11, and the Origins of Christology." Biblical Interpretation 11, no. 3 (2003): 361–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851503322566787.

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AbstractStudents of early Christianity recognized long ago that the canonical psalms of the Jewish Bible provided a framework of meaning in which the followers of Jesus could make sense of his crucifixion. This novel hermeneutic is evident in the allusions to the Psalms in the passion narrative of the Gospel according to Mark. It appears also in the Markan Jesus's explanation of the need for the Son of Man to suffer. Most students of the New Testament today understand Philippians 2:6-11 as a pre-Pauline hymn that was composed for early Christian worship. More recent studies suggest that it is exalted prose rather than poetry. The hypothesis of this article is that Paul composed it, either for worship or for the purposes of the argument of his letter to the Philippians. In doing so, he adapted a common social practice of the local culture. The "theologos" was an official in the organized worship of an ancient deity whose duty it was to compose brief speeches, sometimes in prose, sometimes in poetry, in honor of the deity. The organized worship of the emperor included such officials. Paul acted as a "theologos" in writing a brief speech in exalted prose honoring Jesus Christ, whom he had taught the Philippians to honor instead of the emperor.
42

Ryan, Salvador. "‘No Milkless Cow’: The Cross of Christ in Medieval Irish Literature." Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000125x.

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The cross of Christ in the Middle Ages was the most powerful symbol of God’s victory over sin, death and the forces of evil, while also representing the most abject suffering and degradation of Jesus Christ, the God-Man. A simplistic reading of the evolution of the theology of the cross during this period posits a transition from the early medieval victorious and heroic Christ figure, reigning and triumphant upon the cross, to a late medieval emaciated and tortured object of pity whose ignominious death was supposed to elicit heartfelt compassion for his plight and sincere sorrow for the sin which placed him on the beams of the tree of crucifixion. Of course, there is a great deal of value in this argument, and much evidence might be brought forward to support its central thesis. However, it should not be pushed too far; it might also be remembered that the essential paradox of Christ the victor-victim is a constant theme in Christian theology, expressed in the sixth-century Vexilla regis in its identification of the cross as ‘victim of the passion’s glory, by which life brought death to an end, and, by death, gave life again’ and in the hymn Victimae paschali laudes from the central medieval period: ‘Death with life contended, combat strangely ended, life’s own champion slain yet lives to reign’. The image of the victorious cross of Christ, conceived of as simultaneously an instrument of triumph and of torture, would persist right through the late medieval period, despite the development of a greater emphasis on the physical sufferings of Christ in his passion and their ever more graphic depictions. This essay, which examines the way in which the cross of Christ is presented in medieval Irish literature, provides sufficient examples to make this point clear; these are drawn from a variety of sources including religious verse, saints’ lives, medieval travel accounts and sermon material. Of course, these examples are best viewed within the context of a broader medieval European devotional culture from which Ireland was certainly not immune.
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Martelli, Anderson, and Fabiana Palermo Martelli. "The suffering of "MAN JESUS CHRIST" that preceded his crucifixion according to the Holy Bible from the perspective of pathophysiology." South Florida Journal of Development 1, no. 3 (2020): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.46932/sfjdv1n3-001.

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Thompson, Deanna A. "Fleming Rutledge, The Crucifixion: Understanding the Death of Jesus Christ (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm B. Eerdmans, 2015), pp. 669, $45.00." Scottish Journal of Theology 71, no. 2 (May 2018): 230–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003693061700062x.

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Loewe, William P. "The Crucifixion: Understanding the Death of Jesus Christ. By Fleming Rutledge . Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2015. xxv + 669 pages. $45.00." Horizons 44, no. 1 (May 22, 2017): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2017.27.

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De Caro, Liberato, Emilio Matricciani, and Giulio Fanti. "Yellowing of Ancient Linen and Its Effects on the Colours of the Holy Face of Manoppello." Heritage 3, no. 1 (December 23, 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage3010001.

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On both sides of the Veil of Manoppello, made with very thin linen, translucent linen threads, probably starched, a Holy Face of Jesus Christ is visible. During the centuries, the yellowing of the linen threads has changed the aspect of the original face, in particular producing unnatural colours of the eyes. Indeed, as inferred by some experimental evidences, both on a microscopic and a macroscopic scale, the eyes were probably originally blue. Blue was the colour mainly affected by the yellowing of the linen threads, leading to greenish shades not compatible with human irises’ colours. Thus, we think that this finding compelled an artist to retouch the eyes’ irises with brown colour. The theoretical analysis of degradation times of the cellulose contained in starched linen indicates that, at ambient temperature, the yellowing takes about ten centuries to reach 95% of its maximum. Due to its peculiar optical characteristics and historical vicissitudes, the Veil of Manoppello likely coincides with the Veronica’s Veil, the alleged relic of the face of Christ impressed during his Passion, just before his crucifixion. If the Manoppello and Veronica’s Veils are the same object, any hypothesized colour retouch was done just before its first known public procession and exhibition in Rome, i.e., before the year 1200, after ten centuries of yellowing. Therefore, the Veil of Manoppello could be very ancient, even of the Roman epoch.
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Stasiak, Sławomir. "Niewystarczalność Prawa w wychowaniu według Listu do Galatów." Verbum Vitae 21 (January 14, 2012): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.1541.

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St. Paul in his Letter to the Galatians does not criticise all the stipulations of Law. He pays attention only to the works required by the Law and rejects them as insufficient for the proper education of the Christians. Considering this insufficiency of the Law, St. Paul claims that it was based on inheritance and not on the promise given to Abraham (3:16). The Law was limited and served as an educator (3:24-25). So, the purpose and the way of education is the Gospel of Christ (1:6-9) which the Apostle received directly from the Resurrected (1:12) and then presented to the most influential people in Jerusalem, thus acquiring their acceptance (2:1-2). Incarnation of the Son of God (4:4-5), crucifixion and death of Jesus (2:19-21, 3:1, 6:14) and the descent of the Holy Spirit (4:6) are the three essential elements of Paul’s Gospel. Another crucial constituent of education according to the Letter to the Galatians is faith (2:16), and more precisely, the obedience of faith (3:1-5), which in no case can be connected with the stipulations of Law.
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Moberly, Walter. "The Crucifixion: Understanding the Death of Jesus Christ, FlemingRutledge, Eerdmans, 2017 (ISBN 978‐0‐8028‐7534‐1), xxvi + 670 pp., pb $30." Reviews in Religion & Theology 26, no. 2 (April 2019): 328–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rirt.13558.

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Stoian, S. P. "UKRAINIAN BAROQUE IN VISUAL ARTS – NATIONAL SYMBOLS IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN CULTURE." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 2(9) (2021): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2021.2(9).15.

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The article studies the peculiarities of visual image symbolic type originating in the artistic practice of Ukrainian baroque. It is stated that ba- roque culture of 17-18 cent. was spreading across Ukrainian territories. Meanwhile Ukrainian art of that period was developing in close interaction with the art of Central Europe, Russia and Balkan countries. Realistic traditions of Western Europe were actively taking roots on Ukrainian territory thus forming the alternative for sacral orthodox art. Symbolic and allegoric type of visual art is mostly used for didactic and educational aims (I. Galyatovsky), narrative ones (I. Bondarevska) and to be more precise and clear it is accompanied by text explanations. Symbolic motives are also represented in virtually all works of H. Skovoroda distinguishing purely symbolic images and fantastic ones. He believes that symbolic imagery is a "picture of wisdom". Emblem-embedded and symbol-embedded books with symbolic and allegoric illustrating engravings become more common and widespread due to the typography development. Publication of "Symbola et Emblemata" and "Iphika Hieropolitica" promotes the usage of these murals, icon paintings, and didactic motives of secular arts. Symbolic and allegoric contents of ethno-national coloring fill the imagery of Ukrainian national icon paintings ("Cossack Mamay", etc.) and symbolically-allegoric compositions of icon paintings ("Jesus Christ the Husband- man", "The Eye of Providence", "Crucifixion with Vine", "Christ in the Winepress", etc.). Also allegoric motives are used in parsuna genre. The article states that, due to the rationalistic tendency influence of European culture, Ukrainian visual art of baroque period moves away from Byzantine canons with their symbolic conventionality thus turning more and more to realistic type of imagery (especially in portrait genre) and at the same time retaining symbolic and allegoric techniques which gained some ethno-national peculiarities.
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Shevchugova, Ekaterina I. "Christian Motives in Ch. T. Aitmatov’s Novel The Scaffold." Philology 18, no. 9 (2020): 194–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-9-194-201.

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In the following article, we identify the Christian motifs in the novel Plakha (The Scaffold) by Ch. T. Aitmatov, describe them and offer our interpretations. The novelty of our analysis stems from the fact that Ch. T. Aitmatov’s body of work is still underresearched, particularly the religious components of this novel. Within our study, we employ the historical-literary, comparative, and motif analysis. We summarize the worldview of Avdii Kallistratov as a system and show that his image and life journey as someone who experiences choice, solitude, fate, recognition of his predestination and mission resemble the image and earthly life of Jesus Christ. His Old Testament name, his origins, the course of his life, and the crucifixion as the ultimate outcome are all important. According to the author, the mankind has reached the critical mark; the end of the world, the Apocalypse is advancing. We conclude that The Scaffold is a literary warning about the coming end of times, which is being drawn closer by the evils of modern humans. Only the tragic and heroic feats of people like Avdii can possibly slow this process down. At the same time the Christian doctrine is not the only correct one: the second half of the novel is based on pantheistic views, demonstrating the syncretism of the author’s worldview.

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