Готові списки джерел за темами / Japan Self-Defence Force

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Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022
Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Japan Self-Defence Force"

1

Puspitasari, Shinta. "East China Sea Dispute: Paving Japan’s Way to be a Stronger Nations." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 4, no. 2 (November 1, 2015): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.4.2.181-200.2015.

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Анотація:
Dispute over East China Sea between two big countries in East Asia, namely China and Japan is not something new. This dispute existed since 1968 which based on historical and territorial issue. However, China and Japan dispute over this area is never been dangerous as it is now: they both use military. Both of them have tried to make an agreement over this issue; yet, it never succeeded. Thus, Japanese policymakers now think about their border. As a result, they change their defence policy to be more aggressive. This is to say, there is a change in Japan’s Self-Defence Force as well as Japan’s security policy. This move may seem as abandonement of Article 9 Showa Constitution that prohibit them to have military, and has been Japanese base in their defence policy. However, Japan Prime Minister think that this bold move is needed in addition to their stronger relationship with the US. Keywords: Japan, China, East China Sea dispute, defence policy
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2

Fujii, Akiko. "Organizational Identification in the Japan Air Self-Defence Force: formation, change, and significance." Proceedings of the Annual Convention of the Japanese Psychological Association 84 (September 8, 2020): PQ—011—PQ—011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4992/pacjpa.84.0_pq-011.

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3

Gnanagurunathan, A. D. "Examining Waltzian Structural Logic and Japan’s Security Policy." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419901196.

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Анотація:
The problematics of a rearming Japan continue to be a jigsaw given its pacifist orientation. Japan had brought about the changes in its security policy citing new security challenges posed by burgeoning China and an unpredictable nuclear North Korea, despite the US nuclear umbrella. This paper investigates as to whether Waltzian structural logic can still explain the changes in Japan’s behaviour in the post-11 September 2001 global order. Japan has used the sanction to participate in collective security to modify its military doctrine for a more active role in the use and deployment of Self-Defence Forces and acquisition of offensive weapons. Yet, despite the prevalence of necessary conditions and, as a result, the increased vulnerability to its security, Japan has not breached the nuclear threshold, as Waltzian structural logic had predicted. Japan only managed to augment its military capabilities and ease the constitutional restrictions on use of force to a certain extent.
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4

LAM, Peng Er. "Japan's Politics: Crossing the Rubicon." East Asian Policy 08, no. 01 (January 2016): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000064.

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Анотація:
In 2015, an unprecedented set of security bills was passed in Japanese parliament, permitting Tokyo to engage in collective security by aiding allies against third parties and to loosen the tight restrictions on the Self-Defence Force in United Nations Peace Keeping Operations, its rules of engagement and other multilateral deployment abroad. With these bills, Japan has crossed the Rubicon and evolved into a “normal” state in international affairs.
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5

Choi, Hyeongho, and Euipyeong Lee. "Analysis of Emergency Rescue Responses in Large-Scale Disasters in Japan." Journal of the Korean Society of Hazard Mitigation 20, no. 3 (June 30, 2020): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.9798/kosham.2020.20.3.97.

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Анотація:
This study analyzed emergency rescue responses in large-scale disasters in Japan using White Paper on Japan Fire Service, White Paper on Japan Police, Defense of Japan (Annual White Paper), White Paper on Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism in Japan, and Annual Health, Labour and Welfare Report published by the Fire and Disaster Management Agency (FDMA), the National Police Agency (NPA), the Ministry of Defence (MOD), the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism (MLITT), and the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare (MHLW), to contribute to establishing emergency rescue responses during large-scale disasters in Korea. When the resources of disaster areas in Japan are inadequate for emergency response during a disaster due to its large-scale, prefectural governors request to mobilize the Emergency Fire Response Team (EFRT) of FDMA, the Inter-Prefectural Emergency Rescue Unit (IERU) of NPA, the Self-Defense Force of MOD, the Technical Emergency Control Force of MLITT, and the Disaster Medical Assistance Team of MHLW. These teams mobilized from the entire country perform emergency rescue activities through strong connection and collaboration under the command of prefectural governors.
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6

Nasu, Hitoshi. "The Legal Quagmire of Civilian Protection in Peacekeeping under Japan’s New Security Legislation." Journal of International Peacekeeping 20, no. 1-2 (December 8, 2016): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-02001004.

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Анотація:
Japan’s new security legislation, enacted on 30 September 2015 and came into force on 29 March 2016, has expanded the scope in which the Japanese Self-Defence Forces (sdf) personnel can use weapons while engaging in a peacekeeping mission. Among other changes, it authorises the sdf to use weapons in order to protect civilians (civilian protection mandate) or to come to the aid of geographically distant units (“come-to-the-aid” mandate). While this policy itself deserves approbation, its implementation by the sdf in peacekeeping operations under the new security legislation requires careful consideration. This article examines the legal quagmire they will encounter due to the recent jurisprudential development and associated debate regarding the regulation of the use of force in peacekeeping under international law and the circumstances where legal obligations may arise to use force in order to protect civilians. It concludes by suggesting the need for Japan to form its own legal position in relation to each of the debatable legal issues and to develop national rules of engagement for each peacekeeping operation they participate in with a view to effectively communicating its legal position in operational terms to its forces.
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7

Le, Tom. "Japan and the Revolution in Military Affairs." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 5, no. 2 (July 9, 2018): 172–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797018783112.

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Анотація:
The Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) has not only changed how the USA engages in warfare but also how it maintains its military supremacy and how other nations budget and strategize. The very idea of the RMA has impacted how nations manage their technological advantages and raises the questions of can the RMA be monopolized and if not, which nations can adopt their own RMA? In September 2000, the Japan Defence Agency (now the Ministry of Defence [MOD]) produced a report titled ‘“Info-RMA”: Study on Info-RMA and the Future of the Self-Defence Forces’ to explore the prospects of implementing RMA principles in the Japan Self-Defence Forces. In this article, I explore to what extent can RMA principles be implemented in the Self-Defence Forces? I argue that although several significant changes have been implemented in technology, doctrine, operations and organization, various normative and technical constraints have directed the MOD to craft an RMA with Japanese characteristics, emphasizing defence and interconnectedness with the US armed forces. These findings suggest that current efforts to ‘normalize’ the Self-Defence Forces can succeed if crafted to appeal to the sensibilities of the Japanese public.
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8

Nguyen, Dung Ngoc. "CHANGES IN THE NATIONAL DEFENCE - SECURITY POLICY OF JAPAN UNDER JAPAN-US STRATEGIC SECURITY MECHANISM WITHIN AND AFTER THE COLD WAR." Science and Technology Development Journal 12, no. 15 (September 15, 2009): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v12i15.2347.

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Анотація:
National defence - security is an especially important field for a nation in any age of time. In the case of Japan, this national defence - security problem pretty differs from that one in other countries. The paper focuses on studying the national defence – security policy of Japan within and after the Cold War, under Japan - US strategic security mechanism in order to understand the changes in aims , solutions and implementing the national defence – security policy of Japan in conditions of international and regional change.Begun with presenting the national defence - security policy of Japan in Cold War time, the paper pays attention into making clear some essential changes in the national defence – security policy of Japan , that was devided into 2 periods : 1991 -2001, 2001 - todays and rapidly increasing growth of the Self Defence Forces of Japan.
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9

Macleod, Alex. "Le Japon, sa politique de défense et l'avenir de son alliance avec les États-Unis." Études internationales 23, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702968ar.

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Анотація:
The disintegration of the Soviet Union and the Gulf War have forced Japan to question its defence policy. In the past this policy has been firmly based on a purely defensive posture which relied totally on Japan's alliance with the United States. Because the Cold War dragged on in East Asia for much longer than in Europe, Japan could carry on the same defence policy as before. Japanese defence planners found it convenient to emphasize the « Soviet threat » as a way to maintain annual increases in the military budget, and refusing to normalize their relations with the Soviets, until the question of the Northern Territories had been settled. They can no longer ignore the various signs of détente in East Asia. Yet they have had limited effects on Japan's defence policy. The Americans have called on Japan to play a role more commensurate with its economic power but want to avoid any hint of an autonomous Japanese defence policy. They pressured Japan into playing a more active part in the Gulf crisis and the ensuing war, but the government failed to muster sufficient support, at home and amongst the other countries of East Asia, for any role for its military outside Japan, even in a non combat capacity. So Japan has sought other regional and global security policies to compensate for this handicap and has met with mixed success. The recent failure to pass legislation allowing its Self-defence Forces to participate in UN peacekeeping operations has seriously jeopardized Japan 's search for a more active role in regional affairs. But will the Japanese continue for much longer to play a second role in the United States' System of bilateral alliances in the Asia-Pacific region which that country can afford less and less ? This is the real dilemma of Japanese defence policy : it can neither remain as it is nor can it easily change direction.
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10

ISHIZUKA, KATSUMI. "Japan and UN Peace Operations." Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, no. 1 (May 2004): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109904001355.

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Анотація:
Japan created ‘the PKO Law’ in 1992 to provide a legal framework for international peacekeeping activities, following its financial involvement in the Gulf War of 1991. This paper argues that the PKO Law imposed certain restrictions which complicated the missions of the Japanese Self Defence Forces (SDF) and civilian personnel in operational fields. Post 11 September (2001), the Japanese government created a new legal framework for counter-terrorism and dispatched its SDF personnel to the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) and the United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET).
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Дисертації з теми "Japan Self-Defence Force"

1

Mulloy, Garren. "Japan self-defence forces' overseas dispatch operations in the 1990s : effective international actors?" Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/1260.

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Анотація:
This thesis investigates Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) overseas deployment operations (ODO) of the 1990s to evaluate whether the JSDF were effective international actors. This study fills a significant gap in extant literature concerning operational effectiveness, most studies having concentrated upon constitutionality and legality. This study places operational evaluations within the context of international actors during the vital decade of the 1990s, and within the broader context of Japanese security policies. JSDF performance is studied in four mission variants: UN peacekeeping, allied support, humanitarian assistance, and disaster relief operations. A four-stage analytical framework is utilised, evaluating JSDF effectiveness, efficiency, and quality, comparing between missions, mission variants, and with other international actors, thereby cross-referencing evaluations and analyses. The historical development of the JSDF profoundly affected their configuration and ability to conduct operations, not least the mechanisms of civilian control, the constitution, and mediated passage of ODO-related laws. However, these factors have not prevented the development of significant JSDF ODO-capabilities, and their development is traced through the target decade, and linked to the successful completion of post-2001 operations in Iraq and East Timor. It is found that although JSDF ODO in the 1990s provided effective, quality services, operational efficiency was frequently compromised by lack of investment in key capabilities and limited scales of dispatch, despite the relative cost-effectiveness of ODO. Compared to other armed forces, JSDF capabilities developed well in the early 1990s but the Forces failed to comprehensively capitalise upon their achievements unlike a diverse range of international ODO actors. The JSDF during the 1990s thereby developed as an effective, albeit narrow-spectrum, ODO actor, highly capable and well respected, yet compromised by investment, restrictions, and culture. This operational development matched the development of security policies that increasingly attempted to link military, diplomatic, and non-traditional security elements within an emergent Japanese strategy.
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2

Goldsmith, Sam. "China’s Anti-Access & Area-Denial operational concept and the dilemmas for Japan." Master's thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/9721.

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Анотація:
The People's Republic of China is developing a sophisticated Anti-Access/Area-Denial operational concept utilising a variety of defensive military capabilities, entwined with offensive components. The United States, Japan and other Asia-Pacific countries remain sceptical about China's defensive rationale for developing this operational concept because it threatens to undermine Asia-Pacific security. Specifically, the threat posed by China's military modernisation to the security of Japan may force the Japanese Government to adopt a more self-reliant defence posture. However, there are a variety of factors that complicate Japan's perception of China and restrict the number of feasible response options open to the Japanese Government. As such, this sub-thesis will examine the nature of China's Anti-Access/Area-Denial operational concept in addition to the factors complicating Japan's response and finally the ways that Japan may respond to the rising power of China.
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Книги з теми "Japan Self-Defence Force"

1

Singh, Bhubhindar. Reconstructing Japan's Security. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474446228.001.0001.

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Анотація:
Japan’s post-Cold War security policy displays significant changes compared to the Cold War period. One critical change has been the incorporation of the Japanese military, known as the Self-Defence Force (SDF), as a legitimate and important tool of Japanese post-Cold War security policy practice. It has developed new roles both outside and within the US-Japan alliance to contribute to regional/international security. The question is how the Japanese security policymaking elite has been able to bring about this critical change to the security policy practice in light of the domestic social and legal constraints that have traditionally prevented the expansion of Japan’s security role, in military terms, in regional and international affairs. This research introduces external military crises as an important factor for change in Japanese security policy. It argues that the Japanese security policymaking elite achieved security policy expansion by utilizing external military crises as policy windows, inflating and deflating threat elements to circumvent the constraints and justify the implementation of security policy initiatives. This utility of external military crises to widen the role of the Self-Defence Force (SDF) in shaping Japan’s security priorities, as well as its proactive contribution to regional/ international security are outlined in four key case studies - international peacekeeping in 1992, regional defence in 1997-99, global missions in 2003-05, and collective self-defence in 2014-15.
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2

Tsukimura, Ryōe. Dobaku no hana. 2014.

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Частини книг з теми "Japan Self-Defence Force"

1

Aoi, Chiyuki, and Yee-Kuang Heng. "Japan: Terrorism and counterterrorism in Japan." In Non-Western responses to terrorism, 80–102. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105813.003.0004.

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Анотація:
Japan is unfortunately no stranger to terrorism. Indeed, within the past one hundred fifty years since the Meiji Restoration, the country has experienced political assassinations, kidnappings of innocent citizens, to strikes by apocalyptic millenarian sects. Japanese citizens too have been involved in conducting terrorist attacks, notably in affiliation with Middle Eastern groups. Yet, terrorism and counter-terrorism barely features on academic syllabi within leading Japanese universities. Nor was the term “terrorism” understood as a generic concept until recently in Japan. This chapter seeks to identify historical precedents that shape Japanese perception of terrorism; responses to historical terrorist groups such as the Red Army and Aum Shinri Kyo and the way Japanese authorities identify terrorist threat today, including that emanating from North Korea; the role of the police and the Japan Self Defence Force in resposing to terrorism; and Japan’s response to “global war on terrorism”
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2

"22. The Japanese Self-Defence Forces." In The Growing Power of Japan, 1967-1972, 153–56. Amsterdam University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781898823285-027.

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3

ASHE, D. R. "THE JAPANESE SELF-DEFENCE FORCES IN 1969." In The Growing Power of Japan, 1967-1972, 153–56. Amsterdam University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1s17nqk.28.

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4

Mulloy, Garren. "Introduction." In Defenders of Japan, 1–10. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197606155.003.0001.

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Анотація:
The purpose of this book is to provide insight into the various defenders of Japan after 1945, and attempt to answer some of the most common fundamental questions related to Japanese defence. Most prominent among these defenders are the existentially controversial Japan Self-Defense Forces (...
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5

"12. Death And The Japanese Self-Defence Forces: Anticipation, Deployment And Cultural Scripts." In War and Militarism in Modern Japan, 172–86. Global Oriental, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9781905246854.i-242.82.

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6

Iida, Masafumi. "Japan’s Security Interests and Strategies in the South China Sea." In Security, Strategy, and Military Dynamics in South China Sea, 251–66. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529213454.003.0014.

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Анотація:
This chapter examines Japan's strategic interest in the South China Sea (SCS). It stresses Japan's responsibility for maintaining stability in the sea since sustainable development of the Japanese economy heavily relies on the safety of sea lines of communications (SLOCs) in the SCS. It also clarifies that the SCS is an integral part of the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” vision vigorously promoted by the Japanese government. The chapter illustrates how Japan Self Defence Forces has gradually increased its presence by conducting a variety of military exercises by itself and with the regional and extra-regional countries for enhancing internationally shared rules and norms in the SCS as a responsible maritime power. It examines Japan's foreign and defence policies regarding the SCS, including the principles and strategies that Japan advances in the ocean that involve the SCS.
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7

"10. A Usable Past? Historical Museums Of The Self-Defence Forces And The Construction Of Continuities." In The Power of Memory in Modern Japan, 171–88. Global Oriental, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9781905246380.i-382.81.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Japan Self-Defence Force"

1

Yamada, Hidejiro, Hiroshi Hamatani, and Kazuhiko Ishizawa. "Development of the XF3-30 Turbofan Engine." In ASME 1987 International Gas Turbine Conference and Exhibition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/87-gt-26.

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The XF3-30 is the low-bypass-ratio turbofan engine which has been developed to power the XT-4 intermediate trainer for the Japan Air Self Defence Force. This engine has been designed and tested in accordance with the requirements of MIL-E-5007D with some modifications to meet the particular requirements of an intermediate trainer and circumstances in Japan. All of the qualification tests including endurance tests, low cycle fatigue test, altitude test, foreign object ingestion test and environmental icing test were successfully completed by Mar. 1986 and flight test of the XT-4 trainer aircraft powered by two of the XF3-30 engines has proceeded without any-engine related problems.
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2

Yanagihara, Hideaki, and Akira Tateno. "Accelerated Mission Tests and Reliability Improvement of F3-30 Engine." In ASME 1990 International Gas Turbine and Aeroengine Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/90-gt-322.

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Анотація:
F3-30 is the low-bypass-ratio turbofan engine which has been developed to power the T-4 intermediate trainer for the Japan Air Self Defence Force (JASDF). The qualification tests of the engine were successfully completed in March, 1986, and the actual field service was started in September, 1988. Before the start of the actual use, accelerated mission tests (AMT) were conducted for the purpose of finding deficiencies which would occur in the actual mission usage, and verifying the time between overhaul (TBO) of the initial service. This paper describes the test method, the results, and the evaluation for them. Also it presents current status and basic ideas for the future reliability improvement of the F3-30 engine.
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3

Kozu, Masao, and Satoshi Yashima. "Reynolds Number Effects on the Performance of a Turbofan Engine." In ASME 1989 International Gas Turbine and Aeroengine Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/89-gt-199.

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Анотація:
Reynolds Number effects on the matching performance of a small twin-spool turbofan engine were investigated through the altitude tests of the F3-30 engine which was developed to power the Japan Air Self Defence Force’s T-4 intermediate trainer. Analyzing the test results made it clear that the change of the aerodynamic characteristics of the low pressure turbine due to Reynolds Number effects is as significant as these of fan and compressor, and it caused the difference between the predicted and measured engine performance at high altitudes. Correlation factors on the Reynolds Number for each of the component characteristics (pressure ratio, airflow and efficiency of fan and compressor, and gas flow and efficiency of low pressure turbine) were obtained, and simulation of the engine performance using these factors coincided well with the test data which were obtained from the altitude tests of the F3-30 at Arnold Engineering Development Center of U. S. Air Force.
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