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1
Hung, Chang-Tai. "The Politics of Songs: Myths and Symbols in the Chinese Communist War Music, 1937–1949." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (October 1996): 901–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016838.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Nie Er (1912–1935), a young Communist musician from Yunnan, could not possibly have imagined that when he wrote this patriotic song (with lyrics by the left-wing writer Tian Han [1898–1968]) for the 1935 filmChildren of Troubled Times (Fengyun ernü) it would soon become one of the most popular tunes in China. The overwhelming success of the song reflected a nation, long frustrated by imperialist (especially Japanese) aggression, thwarted reforms, domestic armed conflicts, and government ineptitude, venting its anger and crying out for a solution. When the Japanese invaded China two years later, ‘The March of the Volunteers’ was rapidly transformed into the quintessential song of resistance against Japan, sung at schools, in the army, at rallies, and on the streets. The song was influential in capturing the hearts and minds of millions during China's eight-year War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945); its impact, in the words of one contemporary song critic, was ‘similar to that of the “Marseillaise” [in the French Revolution]’. When the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) seized power in it adopted the song as the official national anthem.
2
Seekins, Donald M. "Japan's Development Ambitions for Myanmar: The Problem of “Economics before Politics”." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 2 (August 2015): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341503400205.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Myanmar and Japan have had an important shared history since the Pacific War, when Japan occupied the British colony of Burma and established the country's first postcolonial state and army. The period from 1941 to 1945 also witnessed the “militarization” of Myanmar as the country was turned into a battlefield by the Japanese, the Allies and indigenous insurgents. After independence from Britain in 1948, the Union of Burma continued to suffer insurgency and became a deeply conflicted society, especially under the isolationist socialist regime of General Ne Win (1962–1988). However, Japan played a major role in Myanmar's economic development through its allocation of war reparations and official development assistance (ODA), especially yen loans. During the period of martial law from 1988 to 2011, Tokyo exercised some self-restraint in giving aid due to pressure from its major ally, the United States, with its human rights agenda. However, with the transition from junta rule to constitutional government in 2011 came a dramatic increase in Japanese ODA, as Tokyo forgave large amounts of debt and invested in ambitious new special economic zones (SEZ). Japan will no doubt benefit from Myanmar as close ties are expanded: Not only will Japanese companies profit, but Japan will have access to Myanmar's raw materials and gain ability to compete more effectively with an economically expansive China. On Myanmar's side, though, it is unlikely that anyone other than the military and crony capitalist elites will benefit from the flood of new yen loans and infrastructure projects. This paper argues that without a political resolution of Myanmar's many conflicts, including the establishment of genuinely open political institutions, the aid of Japan (and other countries) is likely to make these deep-rooted social and ethnic conflicts even worse.
3
Nish, Ian. "An Overview of Relations Between China and Japan, 1895–1945." China Quarterly 124 (December 1990): 601–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000031416.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The relationship between China and Japan is a many-layered cake, impossible to eat all at once. This article will concentrate on the diplomatic layer of the relationship. Diplomatic history is essentially about the decisions of governments and the documents that are subsequently exchanged. Each of these aspects has its difficulties for the historian of East Asia. For substantial parts of the period under review “government” in a western sense hardly existed in China, while in Japan even the considered decisions of the government in Tokyo frequently failed to reflect the situation on the ground. In Japan's relations with China there was often a dual – if not a multiple – diplomacy at work where the army (among others) had an independent hand in fashioning “policy.”
4
Inoguchi, Takashi. "Nambara Shigeru (1889–1974): how a Japanese liberal conceptualized eternal peace, 1918–1951." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (December 2018): 612–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000373.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractNambara Shigeru was a rara avis of Japanese liberal academics at hard times in that he survived difficult times without being punished by the oppressive government in the pre-war Japan and the occupation authorities in the immediate post-war Japan. He specialized in Western political philosophy especially in Immanuel Kant and Johann Gottlieb Fichte, known as proponents of German idealism and nationalism. His magnum opus was published, without being punished, in 1944, arguing that the Nazi politics was totally against the Western political tradition. In 1945–46, he made clear his opposition to the draft new Constitution in which the emperor be symbolic and the armed forces be abolished. In 1949–1950, he made clear his view that Japan, once Japan admitted to the United Nations, what would become Japanese Self-Defense Forces should donate portions to what would become United Nations Peace Keeping Operations. On the basis of his writings in the war period and the occupation period, comparisons of his positions with Roger Scruton, Vladislav Surkov, Yanaihara Tadao, Akamatsu Kaname, Nitobe Inazo, and Yanagida Kunio on such concepts as democracy promotion, national self-determination, peace keeping are attempted to see the extent to which the pent-up Wilsonian moment burst in the immediate post-war period.
5
Kohno, Masaru. "The Politics of Coalition Building in Japan: The Case of the Katayama Government Formation in 1947." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (January 1994): 148–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006840.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This Note examines the formation of the Socialist-led coalition government in Japan in 1947. Despite the recent expansion of positive research on coalition governments, the existing literature remains ‘European’ in its scope, leaving ambiguity as to whether the currently available models are truly general theoretical models, as some formal theorists seem to claim, or only applicable to a certain cultural and socio-political environment. The Japanese example presents an excellent vehicle, a hard case, with which to test contemporary coalition theories, because Japan is usually described as a country with a distinctive political culture and historical background.
6
Goto, Ken'ichi. "Caught in the Middle: Japanese Attitudes toward Indonesian Independence in 1945." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 27, no. 1 (March 1, 1996): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400010663.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In September 1944 the Japanese government promised to give “independence in the near future” to Indonesia. However, when Japan surrendered in 1945, the Allies ordered the Japanese authorities to suppress any move by the Indonesians toward independence. Caught between their old promise and their new role, the Japanese exhibited contrasting patterns of behaviour. This paper analyzes their reactions by using two categories, the “allegiance type” of person who adhered to Allied instructions, and the "renunciation type" who attempted to honour the promise given to the Indonesians.
7
Bull, Jonathan. "National Belonging and the Production of Neglect in the Japanese Repatriate Figure, 1945–1950." Journal of Migration History 8, no. 3 (October 10, 2022): 347–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-08030002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This article analyses the discourse of national belonging produced by the Japanese government. After Japanese empire collapsed in August 1945, hikiagesha (‘repatriate’) was the term officials used to categorise approximately 3.2 million Japanese civilians in the colonies when Japan surrendered. Previous research suggests a repatriate figure emerged in postwar Japan so that non-repatriate Japanese could offload anxieties about imperial failure. Consequently, the repatriate figure was important for Japan to transition from an empire to a nation-state. This article reassesses this transition which in previous research seems to be almost a natural outcome of decolonisation. Starting from the premise that such transitions require the active involvement of specific actors, this article examines how Japanese government officials constructed a discourse of national belonging around the repatriate figure to assuage concerns about state affiliation. It then considers the effects of this discourse on the Japanese ‘extruded history’ of former colonial residents.
8
Kim, Christine. "Politics and Pageantry in Protectorate Korea (1905–10): The Imperial Progresses of Sunjong." Journal of Asian Studies 68, no. 3 (August 2009): 835–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809990076.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the winter of 1909, at the height of Japan's informal rule in Korea, the protectorate government sent the Korean emperor Sunjong on an extended tour of the provinces. Applying the nation-building techniques of Meiji Japan, the residency-general had intended to promote unity and cooperation through the Korean royal house. Instead, the progresses sparked anti-Japanese nationalism and culminated in expressions of resistance. This article explores the political context of the progresses, the role of the newspapers in Korea and Japan in shaping public opinion, and the contest of official and popular nationalisms in Korea, defined by the symbols of the throne and the national flag.
9
Trachtenberg, Marc. "The United States and Eastern Europe in 1945: A Reassessment." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 4 (October 2008): 94–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.4.94.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article reassesses U.S. Cold War policy in 1945, with particular emphasis on Eastern Europe. The article considers how the U.S. government proposed to deal with the Soviet Union in the postwar period more generally. The article looks closely at U.S. policy toward Poland and toward Romania and Bulgaria and sets these policies into context in order to determine whether U.S. leaders had “written off” the East European countries by the end of the year, consigning them to a Soviet sphere of influence. The article traces the strategic concept underlying U.S policy and analyzes key aspects of Secretary of State James Byrnes's policy at the July 1945 Potsdam conference and in the October–December 1945 negotiations with the USSR about the occupation of Japan.
10
Sensui, Hidekazu. "Frontier in the Far East: George H. Kerr’s historical narrative of the Ryukyu Islands." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 35, no. 2 (March 3, 2023): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.127467.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
George H. Kerr (1911–1992) is an American historian who authored Ryukyu: Kingdom and Province before 1945 (Kerr 1953a), the sole general history of theislands in English; he was also a Taiwan specialist in the military and government whose book won him the reputation as the ‘father of Taiwanese independence’ (Lu 2006). He rearranged fragmented memory and recorded it in such a way as to justify a separate people, the Ryukyuans or the Taiwanese, from the nation-state to which they may belong—Japan or China—so that the United States could strategically exploit their home islands. While mainly focusing on Kerr in the Ryukyus and unveiling the process of his writing, this paper offers a bridge to Kerr in Taiwan and addresses the question of a common interpretive framework underneath his historical narratives.
Keywords: Cold War, historiography, politics of collective memory, Ryukyu (Okinawa), Taiwan (Formosa)
11
Dubinin, Yu A. "Soviet Politics and Diplomacy in the Far East: Strategies and Alliances on the Eve of and During World War II." MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, no. 6 (January 17, 2024): 92–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-6-93-92-123.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article offers an in-depth analysis of Soviet policy and diplomacy in the Far East during the tumultuous period spanning from the 1920s to the 1940s. These policies were profoundly shaped by two key factors: firstly, the ideological considerations rooted in the political framework established in the USSR following the 1917 revolution, and secondly, the geopolitical dynamics reflecting the evolving global and regional political landscape in the Far East. The ruling Bolshevik Party and the Soviet government faced formidable challenges as they sought to safeguard the nascent Soviet Republic amid mounting international tensions, both on a global scale and within the Asia-Pacific region.This study aspires to present a comprehensive and integrated examination of Soviet policy and diplomacy during this era. It delineates four distinct chronological segments, each characterized by its unique features, priorities, and challenges. At the same time, these segments are united by the overarching goal of consolidating the Soviet Union's position in the Far Eastern region and the broader Pacific theater. The four discernible stages in Soviet policy and diplomacy in the Far East encompass:1. The period spanning from 1927 to 1932, marked by an initial deterioration in relations between the Soviet government and the Kuomintang administration following the 1927 split between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China (CPC). This phase also witnessed the 1929 conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway and culminated in the reestablishment of Sino-Soviet relations, all set against the backdrop of escalating Japanese aggression in Northeastern China (Manchuria). This phase demanded adroit diplomacy balancing strength and strategic statecraft.2. The 1930s, especially in the aftermath of Japan's aggressive incursions into China, saw limited interaction and collaboration between the USSR and the Republic of China. This period featured cautious Soviet-Japanese relations and included significant events such as armed clashes at Lake Khasan and the Khalkhin-Gol River, as well as the signing of the USSR-Japan Neutrality Pact.3. The era of the Great Patriotic War from 1941 to 1945, during which the Soviet Union's foremost objective was the defeat of the German Nazi aggressor. During this period, Soviet diplomacy was primarily preoccupied with relations with Anglo-American allies, with particular emphasis on the contentious issue of opening a second front. Consequently, Far Eastern and Pacific policy concerns assumed a somewhat marginalized role within the realm of Soviet diplomacy.4. Finally, the period spanning from the winter to the summer of 1945 emerged as a pivotal juncture. During this time, the Soviet Union intensified its political, diplomatic, and military involvement in the Far East, all against the backdrop of preparations for the impending entry into the war against Japan. Diplomatic endeavors reached their zenith during this critical phase.
12
Martin, Brian G. "‘In My Heart I Opposed Opium’: Opium and the Politics of the Wang Jingwei Government, 1940–45." European Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (March 24, 2003): 365–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-00202009.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Wang Jingwei government has been reviled as the Chinese collaborationist regime par excellence, and one of the major indictments against it was its involvement with the alleged Japanese ‘narcotisation policy’. The politics of collaboration, however, were complex, and are not fully captured by a one-dimensional portrayal of the leading collaborators as ‘national traitors’. The Wang Jingwei government was, indeed, complicit in facilitating the Japanese-sponsored opium monopoly during its early years, although it played only a marginal role in running this monopoly. At the same time, as this article seeks to demonstrate, the regime did attempt to continue implementing the pre-war Nationalist government’s opium suppression programme. Its motives were mixed: it wanted to bolster its legitimacy by portraying itself as the successor regime to the pre-war Nationalist government, and, also like that government, it sought to bolster its parlous finances by recourse to an opium tax. Political developments in Japan in 1943 enabled the Wang Jingwei government to gain control of the opium monopoly, and from 1944 until its demise it made a genuine attempt to implement a policy of opium suppression. This policy achieved some success. The government, however, never resolved the ambiguity between the political aims and the financial needs that drove its policy; nor did it effectively overcome the demoralisation produced by years of open trafficking; and it was never able to curb the Japanese military’s narcotic operations.
13
Richardson, Lauren. "The Forgotten Victims of the Atomic Bomb: North Korean Pipokja and the Politics of Victimhood in Japan-DPRK Relations." Pacific Affairs 96, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/202396161.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the redress campaign waged by activists in Japan on behalf of roughly 2,000 North Korean A-bomb victims (pipokja). These victims were repatriated from Japan after being subjected to the 1945 US nuclear attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, while under colonial rule. From the early 1990s through to the twenty-first century, activists in Japan pursued redress for these A-bomb survivors in close synchronicity with the redress movements centred on South Korean victims. Highlighting the potential of the individual as entrepreneur within collective action settings, the redress developments were initiated and largely driven by an activist, Lee Sil-gun (1929–2020).<br/> Although Tokyo and Pyongyang were initially reluctant to acknowledge that A-bomb survivors existed in North Korea, in the face of sustained pressure by the Japan-based activists, the two governments facilitated a limited redress process for the victims by making various concessions on the issue. How did these activists navigate the structural constraints of the authoritarian North Korean state and the volatile bilateral relationship in enacting their transnational activism? How were they able to elicit concessions on their redress objectives from Tokyo and Pyongyang in the absence of formalized diplomatic relations? Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Japan and South Korea, this article probes these questions by empirically tracing and analyzing the evolution of the redress campaign for the North Korean A-bomb victims. I utilize the concept of polylateral diplomacy to elucidate the dynamic of engagement between the activists and the two governments.
14
HONG, Jun-seok. "Chung Woonsoo’s Life and Independence Movement before the Liberation of Korea from Japan." Association for Korean Modern and Contemporary History 106 (September 30, 2023): 147–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.29004/jkmch.2023.09.106.147.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The primary focus of this paper is to illuminate the life and contributions of Chung Woonsoo(鄭雲樹) to the Korean independence movement and explore its significance. The period that this study focuses on is from 1903, when he was born, to right after the liberation of Korea in 1945. Chung was educated predominantly at Protestant schools during the Japanese colonial era and further pursued theological studies in the United States.
His activism gained prominence during the Asia-Pacific War. Chung discerned the intricate link between the culmination of World War II and the restoration of Korean sovereignty. As a response, he fervently engaged in independence efforts in both America and China.
In Washington, D.C., Chung played various roles in the Korean Commission, aiding Syngman Rhee. He embarked on campaigns to secure support and empathy from Americans for the Korean independence cause and spearheaded initiatives to highlight Korea’s quest for autonomy within the American public sphere.
In 1944, Chung was commissioned as an officer in the U.S. Army. Subsequently, he was dispatched to China via Burma and assigned to the U.S.
14th Air Force in 1945. During this tenure, he took part in ‘The Eagle Project’, a collaborative endeavor between the Korean Independence Army(KIA) and the U.S. Office of Strategic Services(OSS). His responsibilities fostering KIA-OSS military collaborations, training communications for KIA’s Second Detachment members, and orchestrating advance operations into Korea.
Chung’s dedication to the independence movement was unwavering. Heemployed a gamut of strategies(from diplomacy and propaganda to direct armed resistance) in his relentless pursuit to end Japanese oppression and reinstate Korea’s sovereignty. Even though the anticipated advance operation into Korea did not materialize, Chung’s instrumental role in bolstering the collaboration between the KIA and OSS undeniably elevated the stature of both the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea and the KIA.
15
Zhang, Weizhen, and Tao Peng. "The Qingdao Pattern and U.S.-Chinese Crisis Management: The KMT, the CCP, and the U.S. Marines in Qingdao during the Chinese Civil War (1945–1949)." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 2 (2023): 150–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01145.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract After the Second World War ended in 1945, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tried to seize Qingdao, a major port city on the Shandong Peninsula. The landing of U.S. Marines there foiled the CCP's attempt. With the support of the Kuomintang (KMT)—the CCP's main enemy—the U.S. Marines stayed in Qingdao throughout the civil war in China, from late 1945 to mid-1949. Drawing on archival sources from China, the United States, the former Soviet Union, Great Britain, and Japan, this article explores CCP-KMT-U.S. interactions regarding the presence of U.S. Marines in Qingdao. The KMT-CCP civil war influenced—and was influenced by—the presence of the Marines in Qingdao. The KMT government depended on the U.S. Marines for security, whereas the CCP, opposing the U.S. presence, took a tough propaganda stance but remained cautious in its actions. The United States ultimately decided to withdraw the Marines to avoid overt involvement in the Chinese civil war. This type of triangular engagement influenced the future pattern of Cold War confrontations among the three parties.
16
Zulkarnain, Zulkarnain. "History Curriculum Policy of Senior High School during Sukarno Era." Paramita: Historical Studies Journal 30, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v30i2.23151.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article aims to investigate the history curriculum policy of senior high school during the Sukarno era. The method used is qualitative research by using the historical approach. Also, this research used document study as the primary method. A document study was conducted to both the primary and secondary sources for the source triangulation. Additionally, the complementary approach used interviews with several practitioners and academics, including the practitioners of the Indonesia history curriculum. Data analysis used an interactive analysis model. The results show that during 1945-1951, the history curriculum of senior high school still used AMS (Algemene Middelbare School) curriculum as the inheritance from the Dutch Indies era, so it is directed to the political policy, and the materials are clearly oriented to politics, doctrine, national ideology. The philosophical foundation of history curriculum policy in senior high school during the Sukarno Era is based on Pancasila and UUD 1945. But its implementation refers to government politics and essentialism and perennialism philosophy. The position of history subject in senior high school during the Sukarno era has a strategic role in creating historical awareness and nationalism. However, Manipol USDEK indoctrination was very visible. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menyelidiki kebijakan kurikulum sejarah SMA pada era Sukarno. Metode yang digunakan adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah. Selain itu, penelitian ini menggunakan studi dokumen sebagai metode utama. Studi dokumen dilakukan pada sumber primer dan sekunder untuk triangulasi sumber. Selain itu, pendekatan komplementer menggunakan wawancara dengan beberapa praktisi dan akademisi, termasuk praktisi kurikulum sejarah Indonesia. Analisis data menggunakan model analisis interaktif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa selama tahun 1945-1951, kurikulum sejarah sekolah menengah atas masih menggunakan kurikulum AMS (Algemene Middelbare School) sebagai warisan dari jaman Hindia Belanda, sehingga mengarah pada kebijakan politik, dan materi yang jelas berorientasi pada politik, doktrin, ideologi nasional. Landasan filosofis kebijakan kurikulum sejarah di Sekolah Menengah Atas pada masa Sukarno berpijak pada Pancasila dan UUD 1945. Namun implementasinya mengacu pada filosofi politik pemerintahan dan esensialisme dan perenialisme. Kedudukan mata pelajaran sejarah di sekolah menengah atas pada era Soekarno memiliki peran strategis dalam menciptakan kesadaran sejarah dan nasionalisme. Namun, indoktrinasi Manipol USDEK sangat terlihat.
17
O’Shea, Paul. "Strategic narratives and US military bases in Japan: How ‘deterrence’ makes the Marine base on Okinawa ‘indispensable’." Media, War & Conflict 12, no. 4 (November 21, 2018): 450–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635218810904.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Governed directly by the US from the Battle of Okinawa in 1945 until its reversion to Japan in 1972, the island of Okinawa hosts the majority of US military bases in Japan despite comprising only a fraction of a percent of the total land area. The central government in Tokyo has refused to countenance revision of the status quo in the face of increasing local opposition, including mass protests and the election of anti-base politicians at the local, prefectural and national level. The relocation of the controversial Marine base at Futenma to Henoko in the north of the island, has become the locus of opposition in recent years. Activists, local media and local politicians call for it to be relocated outside Okinawa to reduce the burden on the prefecture, while the central government, conservative national media and the US maintain that the current relocation plan must be implemented – to do otherwise would undermine deterrence. This article analyses the projection of the deterrence strategic narrative in the conservative Japanese media. The first section locates the concept of strategic narratives in a discursive epistemology, and highlights the importance of discursively empowered actors, before placing the newspapers in the broader context of the Japanese media environment, which differs from that of other highly developed countries in the way it empowers traditional actors. The main section of the article then traces the development of the narrative from the late 1990s, analysing how it discursively links the Marines’ presence with the ‘China threat’, and how it renders those who question the narrative as naïve, or even dangerous, for potentially undermining the Japan–US alliance and thus the security of all Japan. The article concludes by assessing the effects of the narrative, including potential unintended consequences for deterrence in the long run.
18
TIKHONOV, Yuriy Nikolayevich. "SOVIET-AFGHANIAN NEGOTIATIONS ABOUT THE PASTURE CONVENTION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE “GREAT GAME” IN CENTRAL ASIA ON THE EVE OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1935–1939)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-203-209.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The results of the study of the new declassified documents of Russian archives lead to the conclusion that under the influence of “world politics” there were all directions of Afghanistan’s foreign policy. The history of Soviet-Afghan relations on the eve of the Second World War convincingly proves the fact that in the relations of Afghanistan with the Great Powers of that time there were no spheres of cooperation that would not be used by foreign states in the struggle for the “Afghan bridgehead”. A striking proof of this is the attempt of the Soviet government in the 1930s to coordinate the issue of grazing of Afghan herds on Turkmen pastures with a whole range of measures aimed at strengthening the positions of Germany and Japan in Afghanistan. Soviet diplomacy repeatedly asked Kabul about the pastoral convention to speed up the signing of the necessary Soviet treaties with Afghanistan. In 1936 the question of concluding a grazing convention was repeatedly raised during the negotiations on the extension of the Kabul Pact of 1931 (the Neutrality and Mutual Non-Aggression Treaty of 1931) and the conclusion of a general trade agreement with Afghanistan, through which the USSR sought to economically supplant German and Japanese goods from the market of Northern Afghanistan.
19
Iacobelli Delpiano, Pedro. "La “neutralidad” chilena en la Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1943): Un análisis historiográfico con énfasis en la literatura sobre las relaciones Chile-Japón." Revista de Historia y Geografía, no. 34 (September 13, 2016): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.34.356.
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ResumenLa literatura sobre la historia internacional de Chile durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial ha centrado el debate en torno al juego de presiones ejercidas por los Estados Unidos hacia los gobiernos radicales de Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia y Juan Antonio Ríos Morales para conseguir que Chile se sumara a la política continental contra las fuerzas del Eje. La neutralidad chilena fue interpretada como una actitud traicionera por los estadounidenses y en un triunfo por los países del Eje durante 1941 a 1943. Este artículo introduce el debate y busca presentar las posibilidades historiográficas al incluir a Japón, tanto como actor relevante en la política chilena como receptor de la “neutralidad” chilena en el periodo.Palabras clave: Chile, Japón, Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, historiografíaThe Chilean “Neutrality” in World War II (1939-1943): A historiographical analysis focused on the literature of the diplomatic relations between Chile and JapanAbstractThe literature about Chile´s international history during World War II has heavily laid on the power dynamics between the US and the Chilean radical governments of vice-president (interim) Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia and president Juan Antonio Rios Morales. Since the Roosevelt administration sought to secure the rupture of diplomatic relations between Chile and the Axis powers, Santiago´s refusal to break relations was understood as treason by the US and as a diplomatic success by the Axis powers during 1941-1943.This paper delves into the historiographical possibilities in including Japan, either as a relevant actor in the Chilean politics and as receptor of the newsabout Chile´s neutrality.Keywords: Chile, Japan, Second World War, United States, historiographyA “neutralidade” chilena na segunda guerra mundial(1939-1943): uma análise historiográfica, com ênfase naliteratura sobre as relações Chile-JapãoResumoA literatura sobre a história internacional do Chile durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial tem-se centrado no debate em torno ao jogo de pressões exercidas pelos Estados Unidos aos governos radicais de Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia e Juan Antonio Rios Morales, para conseguir que o Chile pudesse se somar a política continental contra as forças do Eixo. A neutralidade chilena foi interpretada como uma atitude traiçoeira pelos norte-americanos e uma vitória para os países do Eixo durante 1941 a 1943. Este artigo introduz o debate e procura a presentar as possibilidades historiográficas ao incluir ao Japão, tanto como um ator relevante na política chilena como o destinatário da “neutralidade” chilena no período.Palavras-chave: Chile, Japão, Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, historiografia
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Dalhar, M., Yety Rochwulaningsih, and Dhanang Respati Puguh. "Kiai Fauzan: Pemikiran dan Peranannya di Kabupaten Jepara 1942-1972." Indonesian Historical Studies 3, no. 1 (July 7, 2019): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v3i1.5095.
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This study focuses on the life, ideas, and role of Kiai Ahmad Fauzan in developing Islamic teachings and national values. Islam and nationalism are two things that interconnected and not contradictory. In Indonesian history, the two of them caused turmoil, even opposition. The purpose of this study is to prove the return of the Moslem spirit which is in line with the development of local religious leaders, primarily through case studies of local scholars in Jepara, such as Kiai Ahmad Fauzan. This study used a historical method, including heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Kiai Ahmad Fauzan was a leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) who fought through education and politics to uphold the AhlussunahwalJamaah(Aswaja) ideology in Jepara. Fauzan's Islamic and national ideas can be seen from syair[poems] conveyed to the public. Syairbecame a media for propaganda for Kiai Ahmad Fauzan in spreading the religious understanding of Islam Aswaja. It is delivered to the community as reminder and awareness of harmonious religious and national values. His role in the religious and socio-political fields was seen when Japan began occupying Jepara in 1942. He was the target of arrest because of his role as a cleric. Its leadership formed from religious roles carried out mainly through madrasa and da'wah by traveling from one village to another. Kiai Ahmad Fauzan was involved in socio-religious organizations such as the Indonesian Islamic Assembly (MIAI), Indonesian Muslim Council (Masyumi), and NU, especially during the 1955 elections. Kiai Ahmad Fauzan was also trusted by the government to be the first leader of the Ministry of Religion in Jepara after independence revolution.
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Dore, Ronald. "In Search of the Adequate Level of Intelligence - Martin Chick (ed.): Governments and Markets: Aspects of Government-Industry Relations in the UK, Japan, West Germany and the USA since 1945, Aldershot, Edward Elgar, 1990, viii and 229 pp., £38.50." Government and Opposition 26, no. 4 (October 1, 1991): 526–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb00410.x.
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Stockwin, J. A. A., Masumi Junnosuke, and Lonny E. Carlile. "Postwar Politics in Japan, 1945-1955." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 1 (1987): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758845.
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Swan, William L. "Japan's Intentions for Its Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere as Indicated in Its Policy Plans for Thailand." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 27, no. 1 (March 1996): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400010742.
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The article examines the intent of the Japanese for their Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. It relies on documents that the Japanese government prepared in September 1942 which set forth prospective policy towards Thailand as a member of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. The proposals in these documents specified the political and diplomatic relations Japan expected to have with Thailand, and they were very specific regarding Japan's control over Thailand's economy as a part of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. The documents indicate that the Japanese were aiming at establishing a well-organized, well-regulated sphere as a unity under the direction of Japan. The organic nature that the Japanese envisioned for the Co-Prosperity Sphere was patterned on the same organic unity that they had applied to building and controlling their empire between 1895 and 1940.
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Stronach, Bruce, Hitoshi Abe, Muneyuki Shindo, Sadafumi Kawato, and James W. White. "The Government and Politics of Japan." Pacific Affairs 68, no. 3 (1995): 438. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761153.
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Reed, Steven R., Hitoshi Abe, Muneyuki Shindo, Sadafumi Kawato, and James W. White. "The Government and Politics of Japan." Journal of Japanese Studies 21, no. 2 (1995): 486. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/133030.
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Phan, Ca Van. "Japan’s political solution in Vietnam from March 1945 to August 1945." Science and Technology Development Journal 19, no. 4 (December 31, 2016): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v19i4.719.
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After the coup d'etat of the French colonial administration in Indochina ending the period of Japan-France co-governing, the Japanese government publicized its policy to support the foundation of Vietnam’s “independence”. However, the overall view of the political context of the time, the establishment of the Bao Dai-Tran Trong Kim government is a Japanese solution to Vietnam’s situation in the post-coup d'etat period. This solution stemmed from the plans of the Japanese ruling authorities and the specific historical context in Vietnam at that time. For Japan, the ultimate goal which needed to be reached after the coup was not to affect the effort of the war. For France, not only they lost colonies but also their standing position was underestimated in the eyes of the colonists. For the relationship between Japan and Vietnam, the nature and its motive would change in the way as it should have been.
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SAALER, S. "War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945-2005." Social Science Japan Journal 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyn004.
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Hirano, Takashi. "Retailing in urban Japan, 1868–1945." Urban History 26, no. 3 (December 1999): 373–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926899000334.
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In Japan, department stores and public markets grew rapidly from the early twentieth century, and these had significant impacts on both consumers and traditional retailers. Despite pressures from the large-scale retailers, however, traditional, small-scale retailers stubbornly survived. As a result, the Japanese retail system in the pre-war period was characterized as ‘the dual structure’. In addition, the government played a critical role in Japan's retail development. These features can be accounted for as reflections of the unique modernization process of the country.
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Shackleton, Michael. "The new Europe: politics, government and economy since 1945." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (October 1993): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620657.
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Zahara, Mina, and Agus Fiadi. "Sistem Pemerintahan Jepang Pada Muslim Jambi Syu Tahun 1942-1945." Ishlah: Jurnal Ilmu Ushuluddin, Adab dan Dakwah 4, no. 1 (June 21, 2022): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32939/ishlah.v4i1.147.
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This research is motivated by the author's observations on Japanese heritage in Jambi. Whether in the form of documents, objects and buildings. Meanwhile, the information regarding the Japanese occupation in Jambi is still insufficient and complete. Therefore the authors are interested in raising the title Reconstruction of the Dynamics of the Japanese Occupation Government in Jambi Syu. 1942-1945 AD. The research objective was to describe the state of Jambi prior to the Japanese occupation. Then describe the history of the Japanese entry in Jambi. Next, he describes the government system that was applied during the Japanese occupation in Jambi. This type of research is literature research using descriptive analytical methods with a historical approach using historical method work steps, the researcher will try to describe and tell what the author found in a thesis entitled Reconstruction of the Dynamics of Japanese Occupation Government in Jambi Syu. 1942-1945 AD. The results of this study indicate that before Japan conquered the Jambi residency, Japan first carried out propaganda in various aspects. Only then did Japan conquer. The government system used by Japan is different from the government system applied during the Dutch administration. the government system applied is a militaristic government sistem. This change has had a profound impact on the lives of the people of Jambi. Although using a different government system, the government structure used follows the old structure with changes in the pronunciation of each position into Japanese.
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Conrad, Sebastian. "War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945-2005 (review)." Monumenta Nipponica 62, no. 2 (2007): 232–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mni.2007.0032.
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Matsuura, Masahiro. "How the New Government Utilizes Emerging Internet Media in Japan." Asian Politics & Policy 2, no. 4 (September 7, 2010): 671–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-0787.2010.01222.x.
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Orr, James J. "Franziska Seraphim.War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945–2005.:War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945–2005.(Harvard East Asian Monographs, number 278.)." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 476–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.476.
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Guo, Zhao. "Nishida Kitaro and Japans Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 38, no. 1 (January 15, 2024): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/38/20240589.
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No one shaped modern Japanese philosophy as significantly as did Nishida Kitaro, a prominent scholar at Kyoto Imperial University and the author of An Inquiry into the Good. He pioneered the Kyoto School of Japanese philosophy, which combined Western and Eastern thoughts, traditions, and religions to reach a new understanding of the world. Not usually seen as a political figure, Nishida penned a controversial essay in 1943, two years before his death, titled The Principle of the New World Order. The essay was intended for Prime Minister Tojo Hideki's use at the 1943 Greater East Asia Conference in Tokyo, where leaders from East and Southeast Asian countries under the rule of Japanese imperialism discussed future visions for the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, Japan's ostensible war cause. Nishida opposed the militarist government and its oppressive policies at home and abroad, but he hoped to influence its policy through his philosophical writing as Japan's defeat loomed larger than ever. The tense political atmosphere in wartime Japan and Nishida's vision of the world, which was characterized by the harmonious coexistence of the individual and the collective, turned The Principle of the New World Order into a text full of contradictionsthe greatest among them being his uncritical use of Hakko Ichiu (Eight Corners of the World under One Roof), a politico-religious jargon to justify the supreme rule of the Japanese emperor. After WWII, Nishida was posthumously criticized for cooperating with the military government by writing that essay, but a close examination of the text, its historical context, and other works by Nishida reveal that the lone Japanese philosopher was trying to steer Japan's Pan-Asian policy from within, an attempt that was doomed to fail when the government was mobilizing intellectuals for its imperial goals. By focusing on the case of Nishida, this article uncovers the complex dynamic between the Japanese empire and Japanese intellectuals who tried to voice their views different than the government's.
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Swan, William L. "Thai-Japanese Relations at the Start of the Pacific War: New Insight into a Controversial Period." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 18, no. 2 (September 1987): 270–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400020555.
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Thailand's relations with Japan during the months surrounding the outbreak of the war in the Pacific are a topic of controversy in Thai historiography; and despite a growing number of studies which have endeavoured to explain, or at least shed light on, the rapid shift in Thai policy from neutrality on 8 December 1941 to an alliance and then declaration of war on the side of Japan by 25 January 1942, little progress or development in the debate has taken place over the decades since the war. This unsatisfactory situation has been largely due to the very limited knowledge available about the diplomatic activities that took place between Thailand and Japan during the period in question. The bulk of our information to date has come from records and recollections of Thais and Europeans involved in the events, and this has concentrated almost entirely on the activities and interplay of Thais and Europeans. The result has been to relegate Japan's presence in events of the period to some dimly perceived undertakings conducted by sinister characters who were nothing more than Thailand's enemies bent on absorbing that country into Japan's new East Asian order. The following article is an effort to redress this imbalance somewhat by directing attention toward Thai-Japanese relations. I have relied greatly on a number of dispatches that passed between Bangkok and Tokyo during the autumn of 1941. Some of the most important of these are available only from “Magic”, the files of intercepted and deciphered Japanese diplomatic messages accumulated by the United States government. The Japanese Foreign Ministry archive files on diplomatic correspondence with Thailand are extremely incomplete, and none of the messages I used from “Magic” are contained in the Japanese files.
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Kim, Myunghee, and Mychal Voorhees. "Government Effectiveness and Institutional Trust in Japan, South Korea, and China." Asian Politics & Policy 3, no. 3 (July 2011): 413–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-0787.2011.01278.x.
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Kazantsev, Artem. "The Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945) and the Politics of Memory in PRC." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 2 (2022): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120018445-0.
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The article deals with the impact of the Sino-Japanese war (1937-1945) on the politics of memory in PRC. Some events of this war, for example, the Nanjing massacre as well as the problem of comfort women are still a vital part of collective memory of Chinese. In recent years studies on Sino-Japanese war and its impact on the politics of memory in China have been constantly growing in number. Less attention has been paid to the history of the issue and its impact on foreign relations in Asia, including China-Japan relations. While work has been done on the revealing of political motives for shaping of PRC’s politics of memory, the impact of Chinese cultural characteristics on this issue has been neglected. Therefore, the historical transformation of war memories in PRC’s memory politics and above all the influence of cultural characteristics and specific worldview of Chinese on memory politics in modern China need further research. This article focuses on (1) the historical transformation of collective memory related to the Sino-Japanese war in China’s historical politics, (2) the influence of Chinese cultural peculiarities, such as “ritual thinking”, on politics of memory in China and (3) the impact of PRC’s historical politics on relations between China and Japan nowadays.
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Colistete, Renato P. "Productivity, Wages, and Labor Politics in Brazil, 1945–1962." Journal of Economic History 67, no. 1 (March 2007): 93–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050707000046.
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After World War II Brazil experienced exceptionally high economic growth, ranking tenth among the largest economies by 1960. Yet evidence shows that real wages lagged far behind productivity, especially from 1956, the heyday of “developmentalism”—an economic ideology aimed at state-led, accelerated industrialization, with foreign and domestic private capital as active partners. The outcome diverged from that of the “social compact for growth,” the cornerstone of the “golden age” in Europe and Japan. A key reason was that in Brazil left-wingers controlled the main trade unions and pushed an agenda of social reform that was widely rejected by industrialists.
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Irianti, Mufidha Brilian. "Menabur Kebiasaan: Propaganda Gerakan Menabung Jepang (1941-1945)." Lembaran Sejarah 11, no. 1 (April 6, 2017): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23784.
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Japan colonialism during World War II brought signifcant impact for Indonesia. Aside from political and social impacts, it has affected daily life. Japanese occupation was meant to recruit human resources from the region on behalf of the Pacifc War. Japan made efforts to capture the attention and cooperation of locals. Japanese propaganda used a variety of media to send the messages. One such propaganda consisted to persuade people to save in formal institutions. In order to reach people of all backgrounds, military government used a variety of mass media such as newspapers, magazines, movies, and radio as well as a kind of theatrical art and singing. The concern of the paper is to describe the strategies of Japanese savings propaganda. Exploring how government used media to persuade people to make saving accounts in modern fnancial institution.
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Assmann, Stephanie, and Sebastian Maslow. "“Digital Government” in Japan: A Selective Survey of Japanese Ministry Web Sites." Asian Politics & Policy 2, no. 2 (April 2, 2010): 291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-0787.2010.01191.x.
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MITTER, RANA, and AARON WILLIAM MOORE. "China in World War II, 1937–1945: Experience, Memory, and Legacy." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 2 (February 10, 2011): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x10000387.
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AbstractChina's long war against Japan from 1937 to 1945 has remained in the shadows of historiography until recently, both in China and abroad. In recent years, the opening of archives and a widening of the opportunity to discuss the more controversial aspects of the wartime period in China itself have restored World War II in China (‘the War of Resistance to Japan’) to a much more central place in historical interpretation. Among the areas that this issue covers are the new socio-political history of the war that seeks to restore rationality to the policies of the Guomindang (Nationalist) party, as well as a new understanding in post-war China of the meaning of the war against Japan in shaping Cold War and post-Cold War politics in China. In doing so, it seeks to make more explicit the link between themes that shaped the experience of World War II in China to the war's legacy in later politics and the uses of memory of the conflict in contemporary Chinese society.
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Abrillioga, Abrillioga, Aldian Nugraha, Azzam H. F, and Himy Oktafiansyah. "Strategic Issues of the Position of the President 3 Period In the Perspective of State Constitutional Law in the Restriction of Power." Jurnal Sosial Sains 2, no. 6 (June 15, 2022): 648–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/sosains.v2i6.402.
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The subject of extending the presidential term to three terms is one that all of us are concerned about. In this example, in the contestation of the dynamics of government and politics in Indonesia, the discourse of the desire to change the 1945 Constitution aims to homogenize the discourse views of the interests of power, making this an intriguing subject to research. As a concept of preventing the authoritarian pendulum in a country, it is required to limit the power held by a head of state and head of government, particularly the president. The term of office for presidential candidates in Indonesia is controlled by the country's presidential system of government. Like the current dynamics in the Indonesian government, that dilemmas and conflicts of interest stemming from pragmatic reasons for legal politics in Indonesia appear to want to smoothen the constitution, namely Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution, which has limitedly affirmed the limits of positions held by a president, namely two terms. by using the provisions of the original intense article 37 of the 1945 Constitution to delegate to three terms. In essence, the presidential term restriction is intended to prevent abuse of power.
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Abrillioga, Abrillioga, Aldian Nugraha, Azzam H. F, and Himy Oktafiansyah. "Strategic Issues of the Position of the President 3 Period In the Perspective of State Constitutional Law in the Restriction of Power." Jurnal Sosial Sains 2, no. 6 (June 15, 2022): 648–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.59188/jurnalsosains.v2i6.402.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The subject of extending the presidential term to three terms is one that all of us are concerned about. In this example, in the contestation of the dynamics of government and politics in Indonesia, the discourse of the desire to change the 1945 Constitution aims to homogenize the discourse views of the interests of power, making this an intriguing subject to research. As a concept of preventing the authoritarian pendulum in a country, it is required to limit the power held by a head of state and head of government, particularly the president. The term of office for presidential candidates in Indonesia is controlled by the country's presidential system of government. Like the current dynamics in the Indonesian government, that dilemmas and conflicts of interest stemming from pragmatic reasons for legal politics in Indonesia appear to want to smoothen the constitution, namely Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution, which has limitedly affirmed the limits of positions held by a president, namely two terms. by using the provisions of the original intense article 37 of the 1945 Constitution to delegate to three terms. In essence, the presidential term restriction is intended to prevent abuse of power.
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Hollerman, Leon, and Alan Rix. "Coming to Terms: The Politics of Australia's Trade with Japan 1945-57." Pacific Affairs 61, no. 3 (1988): 564. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760515.
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Ives, Christopher. "War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945-2005 (review)." Philosophy East and West 62, no. 2 (2012): 295–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pew.2012.0017.
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Inoguchi, Takashi. "Coming to terms: The politics of Australia's trade with Japan 1945–1957." Journal of the Japanese and International Economies 2, no. 4 (December 1988): 546–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0889-1583(88)90007-x.
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Sujono, Imam, and Krisnadi Nasution. "Legal Politics Economic Democracy in Indonesia." Journal of Business Management and Economic Development 1, no. 02 (May 1, 2023): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.59653/jbmed.v1i02.29.
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This research aims to explain process of developing the Indonesian nation in this global era requires a strong economic system so that the general welfare of the people can be realized following the state objectives listed in the Fourth Paragraph of the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution. To realize these state objectives are further regulated in Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution (Post Amendment). Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution provides a foundation for building and developing the Indonesian economy. Apart from that, it can also be used as a filter by the government and the people of Indonesia in dealing with the negative impacts of the development of liberalization in the world economy in the 21st century. However, the Indonesian economic system which is based on Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution, at the level of implementation regulated by law, is not in line with the goals of the state and the interpretation of Article 33 of the Constitution itself, in the end, it is often not achieved in building and realizing an Indonesian economy that can realize people's welfare or people's prosperity. This is because the legal politics of the legislators wrongly designed the implementation of legal products in the Indonesian economic system which is based on a family economy called cooperatives which is difficult to materialize and is only for certain interests.
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Mehl, Margaret. "Between the Global, the National and the Local in Japan: Two Musical Pioneers from Sendai." Itinerario 41, no. 2 (July 31, 2017): 305–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115317000389.
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Western visitors to Japan are often surprised at how widely European art music can be heard. The roots of what is arguably one of Japan’s greatest success stories lie in the systematic introduction and dissemination of Western music by the government after the Meiji Restoration of 1868. Much research has focused on the government’s role; but how was Western music disseminated and received in different parts of Japan? This article discusses the roles of two brothers, Shikama Totsuji (1853–1928) and Shikama Jinji (1863–1941), who in different ways contributed significantly to the dissemination of Western music beyond Tokyo and in particular to the northern provincial town of Sendai.
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Nakamura, Keisuke. "Book Review: Industrial Relations, Politics Government: Disparaged Success: Labor Politics in Postwar Japan." ILR Review 53, no. 4 (July 2000): 713–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979390005300410.
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Leliya, Leliya Leliya, and Leliya Leliya. "INDONESIAN STATE LAW IN ITS HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE AND DEVELOPMENT." Pena Justisia: Media Komunikasi dan Kajian Hukum 23, no. 1 (March 19, 2024): 829. http://dx.doi.org/10.31941/pj.v23i1.4143.
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<p>The history of Indonesian constitutional law began in the Dutch colonial period when Indonesia was still called the Dutch East Indies. Then after Indonesia's independence in 1945, for the first time formed a constitution or Basic Law. The focus of the study in this study is to try to explain the development of Indonesian constitutional law from the Old Order era to reform. This is to find out how the history of the development of Indonesian constitutional law from time to time, especially from the beginning of independence to reformation. The method in this study is qualitative, with a historical approach. The data collection method used is the method of library research (library research). Then analyzed using the descriptive-analytic method. At the beginning of independence in 1945, Indonesia's constitutional law was contained in the 1945 Constitution. The 1945 Constitution described Indonesia as a unitary state with a president as the head of state as well as a democratic head of government. Besides that, under Soekarno's government, constitutional law was regulated in several constitutions, including the 1949 RIS constitution and the 1950 UUDS. And Soekarno's government at that time was known for its nationalist and anti-capitalist politics. The Suharto government was known for its authoritarian politics, political stability, and economic growth. Finally, during the reform period, after the fall of President Soeharto in 1998, Indonesia underwent significant political reforms. Constitutional law is regulated in the 1945 Constitution with several amendments which emphasize the principles of democracy, human rights, decentralization of government, and increased political participation. The history of the development of constitutional law in Indonesia in general shows quite dynamic developments and always follows changes according to political and socio-cultural developments in Indonesia.</p>