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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022

Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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1

SHIRK, SUSAN L. "Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China." Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, no. 1 (March 14, 2007): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002472.

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Анотація:

China has undergone a media revolution that has transformed the domestic context for making foreign policy as well as domestic policy. The commercialization of the mass media has changed the way leaders and publics interact in the process of making foreign policy. As they compete with one another, the new media naturally try to appeal to the tastes of their potential audiences. Editors make choices about which stories to cover based on their judgments about which ones will resonate best with audiences. In China today, that means a lot of stories about Japan, Taiwan, and the United States, the topics that are the objects of Chinese popular nationalism. The publicity given these topics makes them domestic political issues because they are potential focal points for elite dis-agreement and mass collective action, and thereby constrains the way China' leaders and diplomats deal with them. Even relatively minor events involving China' relations with Japan, Taiwan, or the United States become big news, and therefore relations with these three governments must be carefully handled by the politicians in the Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee. Because of the Internet, it is impossible for Party censors to screen out news from Japan, Taiwan or the United States that might upset the public. Common knowledge of such news forces officials to react to every slight, no matter how small. Foreign policy makers feel especially constrained by nationalist public opinion when it comes to its diplomacy with Japan. Media marketization and the Internet have helped make Japan China' most emotionally charged international relationship.

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2

GORE, Lance L. P. "A Watershed Year: Chinese Foreign Policy in 2018." East Asian Policy 11, no. 01 (January 2019): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000047.

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The year 2018 is a watershed year in China’s foreign relations, marked by rapid deterioration of the external environment. The trade war with the United States is fought simultaneously at business, geopolitical and ideological levels. The two were in a struggle to redefine their bilateral relations, which also affected China’s dealings with other states, including the two Koreas, Taiwan and Japan. A more cautious foreign policy is expected from China in 2019.

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3

Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.

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4

CHIANG, Min-Hua. "China’s Economic Relations with Japan, South Korea and Taiwan Sustained by Persistent Technological Gaps." East Asian Policy 11, no. 02 (April 2019): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000138.

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Japan, South Korea and Taiwan are China’s leading sources of imports, a result of China’s efforts to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) to develop its high-technology industry in the 1990s and beyond. Foreign firms in China have relied on importing key components and capital equipment from their home countries. Despite its industrial upgrading in recent years, China continues to run an increasingly large trade deficit with the three economies due to its lack of key technology.

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5

Whiting, Allen S. "Chinese Nationalism and Foreign Policy After Deng." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034950.

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Анотація:

As the Deng era approaches its end, concern abroad, particularly in East Asia, focuses on how the People's Republic of China (PRC) will cope with territorial disputes with Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and India, and the continued quest for Taiwan. Meanwhile Chinese military modernization steadily increases the People's Liberation Army (PLA) air and sea power projection. The question arises: might a beleaguered post-Deng leadership seek to strengthen its legitimacy through exploitation of Chinese nationalism and if so, how would this manifest itself in foreign relations?

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6

Toyoda, Tetsuya, Ekaterina Vaseneva, and Ryo Takahama. "Security Policy Options for Japan in Three Time Frameworks." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 410–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-4-410-426.

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This paper examines security policy options for Japan at the present stage that may be worth considering in the short term, the midterm, and the long term, respectively. Hence, the aim of the paper is to examine foreign policy security options for Japan in the foreseeable future. While providing a comprehensive overview of the Japanese foreign and security policy at the present stage, the article employs the case study methodological framework to analyze Japan’s foreign policy objectives in case of Tokyo’s relations with the most critical partners in the Asia-Pacific Region - namely, the United States, China, Russia, ASEAN, and Taiwan. Examining the origin and further development of the QUAD, the authors highlight the absence of ASEAN members and India’s hesitation to institutionalize the grouping, while analyzing the Russia-Japan relations they focus on common interests in security cooperation, as well on its limitations. As a result, in the short term, the expansion of the Japan-US alliance to the Indo-Pacific region is the most plausible option. However, without involving the ASEAN countries, the Free and Open IndoPacific (FOIP) strategy can only add Australia and India to the existing Japan-US alliance. In the midterm, an alliance with Russia may be, with some serious limitations, geographically a natural option. In the long term, Japan might need to find a proper place in a China-centered order in East Asia. Therefore, the authors conclude that the relative decline of US influence in East Asia is unavoidable in the coming decades, Japan must adjust or even reconsider its security policy.

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7

Garin, Artyom, and Sophia Pale. "The Place of the Solomon Islands and Kiribati in China's Geopolitical Thinking." South East Asia Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (52) (2021): 234–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-3-3-52-234-253.

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Анотація:

China’s growing influence has affected the South Pacific, where the small developing island states of Oceania re-directed their foreign policies due to Beijing in order to diversify their external relations. It has caused concerns of Australia, the United States, Japan and New Zealand. In 2019 the leaders of Solomon Islands and Kiribati cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favor of China, and this raised Beijing's regional influence to a new level and negatively affected Australia's position in its traditional sphere of influence.

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8

Putri, Ardila, Silvia Dian Anggraeni, and Radika Ayu A. "Keberhasilan Bantuan Luar Negeri di Asia Timur Laut: Sebuah Pembelajaran Bagi Negara Berkembang." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 9, no. 1 (May 30, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.9.1.1-15.2020.

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After the second world war, Northeast Asian countries such as Japan, South Korea, China and Taiwan, were recipient countries of foreign aid. Then, the countries changed its status from the recipient countries to the donor countries. This paper aims to explain the factors that led to the success of Northeast Asian countries to change their status from foreign aid recipient to foreign aid providers. This research departs from the tradition of empiricism and is a qualitative research using descriptive-analytical methods. This research shows that good governance, the close relations between donor countries and recipient countries, as well as huge investments in infrastructure and human resources are the key to the success of foreign aid in Northeast Asian countries. This study concludes that the country's enormous role (ownership) in the management of foreign aid is the most influencing factor.

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9

Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (February 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.

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The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.

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10

Doumenge, François. "Les relations extérieures de l’halieutique japonaise." Études internationales 18, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 153–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702131ar.

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Japan's distant seafishing industry provides opportunities for supergains, y et it still remains dependent on the internal market. Its activities which are directed by the State, and implemented by the large industrial and commercial enterprises, are part of the whole evolution of the traditional corporations of the Kumiai. A study of the political, technical, and economical conjuncture and balance of power at the international level show three important periods. 1904-1941 : The imperialistic policy of the military-industrial complex supports the operations of the large enterprises. Between 1933 and 1940, Japan has several hundreds of fishing plants along the coasts of the Russian Far East; factory vessels are used for the canning of salmon and crabs in the Sea of Okhostk and the Behring Sea, and for whaling in the Antarctic and North Pacific ; industrial trawling is carried on along the coasts of the Asian continent while numerous enterprises are set up in Indo-Malaysia for coastal tuna fishing. 1948-1973 : Within the framework of the reconstruction of its economy, Japan at first resumes the same campaigns as those of the pre-War period; to these are added drifting long line fishing of tuna in the intertropical grounds and a powerful industrial trawling in North Pacific. By 1960, these activities are curtailed due to regulations imposed by USSR, USA, and the International Whaling Commission for stock protection. And then there are new competitors (Taiwan, South Korea). A general fail off after 1965 is partly compensated by the industrial trawling in the Behring Sea. 1974-1986: Significant geopolitical and economic changes force Japan to define and to redeploy its foreign fisheries. Pressured by waterside States, Japan gradually withdraws from traditional fishing grounds and endeavours to find new resources in waters which have remained international so as to maintain a balance with its internal market (tuna drifting long lines and seiners, squid fishery). New technology and profits from the internal market allow the industrial armaments to keep their competitive edge. The State strongly supports this sector through its diplomacy and the provision of funds for research and redeployment and by planning the integration of the distant fishing industry within the economical and social development of the traditional fishing cells of the Archipelago.

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11

Jung, YeonJoo, YouJin Kim, Hikyoung Lee, Robin Cathey, Julie Carver, and Stephen Skalicky. "Learner perception of multimodal synchronous computer-mediated communication in foreign language classrooms." Language Teaching Research 23, no. 3 (November 1, 2017): 287–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362168817731910.

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Recently, second language (L2) instruction has benefitted from the development of instructional technology such as synchronous computer-mediated communication (SCMC). The present study was conducted to investigate learner perception of the effectiveness of SCMC interactions for L2 learning and building intercultural competence. Students ( n = 55) from three different universities in Korea, Japan, and Taiwan participated in a joint online class for one semester. The purpose of the class was to facilitate students’ development of linguistic and intercultural competence by interacting with peers from different cultures online. This study set out to examine the relation between learner perception and interactional features during group discussions. A range of data collection instruments were employed, including a questionnaire to track change in learner perception over time, interviews, and transcripts of interactions during each chat session. Results from linear mixed effect models suggest that among various interactional features, the following two variables were found to be significant predictors of positive attitudes towards SCMC: the amount of students’ attention to language and cultural issues during online discussion. Findings are discussed in light of developing effective SCMC-based language courses.

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12

Brouwer, Gordon de. "Financial Markets, Institutions, and Integration in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 2, no. 1 (January 2003): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535103322022896.

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East Asia has enormous scope to upgrade and integrate its financial markets, covering the spectrum of equity, bond, foreign-exchange, and derivatives markets. Financial markets and institutions in East Asia tend to be narrow and undeveloped, although there are important exceptions. Japan dominates the top tier of the region's markets by virtue of its size, but its markets are not advanced, and many of its private institutions are weak. Although the markets in Australia, Hong Kong SAR, and Singapore are smaller than those of Japan, they are more innovative, market-oriented, and technologically advanced. Markets in Malaysia, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand have made substantial progress to varying degrees; but China, Indonesia, and the Philippines have a considerable way to go in developing the information and governance infrastructure that financial markets need to function well. For all these countries, there is a clear role for regional cooperation among policymakers in building capacity in, and links between, financial markets in East Asia, as well as in encouraging stable speculation and the participation of nonresident and institutional investors in domestic financial markets. ASEAN+3 is an important and welcome advance in regional cooperation, but its membership does not span the depth of experience in financial markets and institutions that exists in East Asia.

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13

Wan, Jok-Tong, Evan Lau, and Rayenda Khresna Brahmana. "CONTAGIOUS EFFECTS OF OIL PRICES ON ASIAN STOCK MARKETS’ BEHAVIOUR." Journal of Indonesian Economy and Business 31, no. 1 (October 15, 2016): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jieb.15275.

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The main objective of this study is to examine the stock markets’ shock due to the effect of the price of oil in the East Asia Region. Particularly, this study examines if there is stock market interdependence during global oil price shocks (sudden changes) for a sample of five total oil importers (the Philippines, Hong Kong SAR, Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan), four net oil importers (Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand, and China), and one net oil exporter (Malaysia) between 1999 and 2014. From the result, an oil price change is collectively found to have a small but significant positive impact on the stock markets, in particular where a sudden decrease in oil prices tends to cause a stock market downturn and volatility. The world economy’s spending, financial investments in oil futures and foreign investment by oil rich nations are some underlying motives for inducing this oil-stock positive relation. The same direction of time-varying conditional correlations is found across East Asian stock markets during negative oil price shocks. The integration among East Asian stock markets is inducing the oil shock contagion to be transmitted from direct oil-affected countries (South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore) to non-direct oil affected countries’ (Japan and Taiwan) stock markets. In spite of a long practiced ASEAN+3 macroeconomics surveillance process and Early Warning System (EWS) which can be customized for stock markets to prevent or detect the oil risk, hedging against initial oil-affected stock markets and a stronger influence by the East Asian countries in the global world of oil and capital investment are strongly suggested.Keywords: oil price; capital market integration; stock market behaviour

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14

Kobayashi, Shigeru. "The gradual reinforcement of Japanese mapping in pre-colonial Taiwan and Korea." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-180-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> In East Asia, the modern hydrographical survey was promoted during the Opium War (1840&ndash;1842) and the Arrow War (1856&ndash;1860) by Western countries, which demanded the establishment of modern trade relations with this area. However, the application of modern mapping such as triangulation to its inlands was limited even at the end of the nineteenth century, because it required stable and innovative governments for implementation. Keeping this uneven extension of modern cartography in East Asia in mind, we should pay attentions also to various map makings, which had been carried out in most of the inlands, in order to unravel the process of transition from early modern to modern cartography. In this presentation, I would like to follow up Japanese mappings in Taiwan and Korea to scrutinize their role for the preparation of modern survey.</p><p>Japan had little geographical information of neighbouring countries except China at the start of the Meiji Government, because of the long national seclusion during the Tokugawa Era, Accordingly, it depended heavily on foreign source in this period. Concerning Korea, Japanese army printed a large map titled “A complete map of Korea” (Fig. 1), compiling Western charts, native maps of Korea, and maps of China, which were affiliated with the Qing Imperial Atlas of the 18th century. As for Taiwan, various materials including Western charts, maps prepared by an American former consul at Amoy and a Chinese administrative map copied secretly at the residence of a high official of Taiwan were gathered and translated into Japanese for the use of military expedition in 1874.</p><p>However, a stark contrast is found concerning subsequent map making in these two areas. After the treaty of Kanghwa (1876), Japanese navy promoted hydrographical survey of coasts of Korea, which had not been surveyed yet by Western ships under the pretext of the search of new treaty port. In addition, army officers were dispatched to Japanese diplomatic offices in Korea for land survey after the Imo Military Rebellion (1882). Traversing with compass and pacing was commonly conducted by them. Up to the start of the Sino-Japanese War (1894), Japanese army prepared 64 sheets of 1&thinsp;:&thinsp;200,000 maps to cover most of the territory of Korea compiling geographical information accumulated mainly during 1880s. In contrast, only one sheet of 1&thinsp;:&thinsp;200,000 and one sheet of 1&thinsp;:&thinsp;500,000 maps were printed till the end of 1894 for Taiwan, which had been unexpected to be battlefield (Fig.2).</p><p>However, Japanese army concentrated surveyors to Taiwan for plane table surveying after the conclusion of the peace treaty of Shimonoseki (1895), in which the cession of Taiwan was specified. Until 1903, 147 sheets of 1&thinsp;:&thinsp;50,000 and 1&thinsp;:&thinsp;20,000 maps, which covered coastal areas, were completed. Although the same kind of military survey was started in Korea, it took longer time to cover the whole area than that in Taiwan, mainly because of the native people’s resistance movements against it.</p><p>Subsequent cadastral and topographical surveys including triangulation in colonial Taiwan and Korea were carried out on the basis of these preceding mappings. In addition to geographical knowledge summarized in these transitional maps, surveyors who had mastered specialized skills during the wartime mapping played important roles in these colonial projects. It should be also noted native youth were trained and hired for these surveys.</p>

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15

Robinson, Thomas W. "America in Taiwan' Post Cold-War Foreign Relations." China Quarterly 148 (December 1996): 1340–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000050657.

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Since losing the mainland to Communist conquest in 1949 (more accurately, since the North Korean invasion of the South in June 1950), Taiwan has become a continuous foreign policy protectorate of the United States. Had it not been for American security protection, Taiwan would long since have come under Beijing's rule. Several causative agents, separately, in combination or sequentially, kept Taiwan out of mainland Chinese hands. These included, initially, the American Seventh Fleet, then generalized American military might in concert with the American-Taiwan Defence Treaty of 1954, thence the three American- Chinese communiques forming the basis of post-1971 relations between the two countries, concomitantly the American Congress's Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 and the accompanying (and subsequent) legislative history, and, throughout, China's inability to overcome, with a high probability of success, active Taiwan military resistance and probable American military support. While the economic and, more recently, political transformation of Taiwan materially strengthened that entity such that its defensibility against attack rose greatly, to say nothing of its overall attractiveness, from the onset of the People's Republic of China it was the American connection that was the sine qua non of Taiwan's quasi-independent existence.

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16

Peng-Er, Lam. "Japan-Taiwan Relations: Between Affinity and Reality." Asian Affairs: An American Review 30, no. 4 (January 2004): 249–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/aafs.30.4.249-267.

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17

Sun, Jing. "Japan-Taiwan Relations: Unofficial in Name Only." Asian Survey 47, no. 5 (September 2007): 790–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.5.790.

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As a result of normalization of Sino-Japanese relations in 1972, Japan cut off its diplomatic ties with the Republic of China (Taiwan). What followed was nearly two decades of diplomatic tepidity between Tokyo and Taipei. Since the 1990s, however, Japan and Taiwan have been rapidly approaching each other again. This commingling process, which has elevated their relations to an ““unofficial-in-name-only”” status, is the result of three mutually reinforcing factors: re-imagination of colonial ties, sharing of a democratic identity, and the permeating of popular culture.

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18

Johnson, Kavita. "Reorienting Foreign Policy: Caribbean-Japan Relations." Oasis, no. 36 (December 5, 2022): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.18601/16577558.n37.10.

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Desde principios de la década de 2000, los Estados del Caribe han experimentado varios desafíos frente al crecimiento económico y el desarrollo como la pérdida del acceso preferencial al mercado y la reducción de la ayuda estadounidense. Como resultado, han intentado reposicionarse en la cambiante esfera de las relaciones internacionales reorientando sus estrategias de política exterior. Este artículo argumenta que los Estados del Caribe han puesto más énfasis en diversificar sus relaciones con potencias no occidentales, como Japón, como una estrategia de ajuste económico. En particular, el artículo examina cómo los Estados caribeños han seguido políticas exteriores “poco ortodoxas” debido a su limitada base de recursos y, como resultado, han estado usando creativamente sus recursos basados en valores, tales como votos y participación de calidad en foros internacionales, a cambio de ayuda económica de Japón. En el contexto de los pequeños Estados en el sistema internacional, el artículo argumenta que habiendo reconocido sus vulnerabilidades debido a su pequeño tamaño, los Estados caribeños han demostrado resiliencia e ingenio en la elaboración de estas estrategias, mientras buscan reposicionarse.

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19

Kanjanapan, Wilawan. "White-Collar Foreign Workers in Taiwan." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 1, no. 3-4 (September 1992): 569–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689200100308.

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This paper discusses capital-assisted and non-capital-assisted migration to Taiwan. Despite a yearly average of US$915 million in direct foreign investment (DFI) in Taiwan in the 1980s, the number of professional transient migrants in Taiwan is not large, totaling only 960 persons in 1988. As sources of both DFI and capital-assisted migration, Japan ranked highest, followed by the United States and Europe. Foreign professionals sent by transnational corporations are likely to be found in capital and technology intensive industries, as well as trade and the services. Among non-capital-assisted migrants, American English teachers are highlighted with results of a case study on their characteristics, work experience and adjustment.

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20

Heungho Moon. "Sino-US Relations and the Taiwan Problem: US Foreign Policy toward Taiwan." 중소연구 32, no. 1 (May 2008): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21196/aprc.32.1.200805.001.

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21

Wilkins, Thomas S. "Taiwan-Japan Relations in an Era of Uncertainty." Asia Policy 13, no. 1 (2012): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2012.0005.

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22

Kawashima, Shin. "The Formation of the New Government in Taiwan and Japan-Taiwan Relations." Asia-Pacific Review 23, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2016.1200320.

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23

Jung, Dae-Sung. "An Empirical Study on Return Spillovers among Asian foreign exchange markets." Korea International Trade Research Institute 18, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 345–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.16980/jitc.18.5.202210.345.

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Анотація:

Purpose - This paper analyzes the connectivity of Asian foreign exchange markets using the volatility spillover index of Diebold and Yilmaz (2009/2012). Design/Methodology/Approach - The paper used exchange rate data for 11 Asian countries (Korea, Japan, Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, China, Thailand, Indonesia, Taiwan, the Philippines, and Vietnam) and Australia. The data period is from January 2, 2015, to October 4, 2022. Analysis used the volatility spillover index model of Diebold and Yilmaz (2012). Findings - As a result, it was found that there were return spillovers in the Asian foreign exchange market, and the total volatility transfer is 59.5%. Singapore, Taiwan, Australia, Korea, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, China, the Philippines, Japan, Vietnam, and Hong Kong have the highest outflow transfer effect in the Asian foreign exchange market, in that order. Singapore, Korea, Australia, Malaysia, Taiwan, Thailand, Indonesia, China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Japan, and Hong Kong have the highest inflow transfer effect, in that order. Singapore, Taiwan, Australia, Korea, Malaysia, and Thailand are the leading markets in the Asian foreign exchange market, while Vietnam, Japan, Hong Kong, China, the Philippines, and Indonesia are dependent markets in the Asian foreign exchange market. As a result of analyzing through a sample moving average analysis, it was found that the outbreak of COVID-19 and the WHO pandemic declaration had the strongest effect on the linkage of the foreign exchange market. Research Implications - This study empirically demonstrates the importance of linkages between markets for investors and policy makers in the foreign exchange market.

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24

ZHENG, Liang-An. "Graduate Schools and Foreign Students in Taiwan, U.S.A. and Japan." Journal of the Society of Mechanical Engineers 94, no. 875 (1991): 866. http://dx.doi.org/10.1299/jsmemag.94.875_866.

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25

Chen, Henry. "Japan–Taiwan Relations in the Twenty-First Century from the Perspective of Tuna Disputes in the Atlantic Ocean." European Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 2 (2011): 255–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805811x616147.

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AbstractOver the last decade bilateral relations between Japan and Taiwan have been strained over the issue of tuna fishery management. In 2005, when Taiwan was still under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) administration, Japan proposed punitive measures against Taiwan's tuna industries in an international fisheries management body for the Atlantic Ocean. The DPP government took a pragmatic approach, solving the tuna crisis without harming Japan–Taiwan relations, as evidenced by the fact that during the tuna disputes visa-free privilege was granted to Taiwan nationals and the Japanese government openly stated that Taiwan has been a main security objective for Japan and the US. In this paper the Japan-led tuna sanction in 2005 is used as a case study to gauge overall bilateral relations thus far in the twenty-first century.

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Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya. "The Two Faces of Russia Foreign Policy toward China and Taiwan." Global Focus 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.01.5.

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Russia, as one of the key actors in international politics, faces problematic issues in Chinese-Taiwan Relations. As a significant player, Russia reserves a close and stable relationship with China. However, Russia could not avoid Taiwan's significant role in Northeast Asia, especially its role in allying with the West. Taiwan undoubtedly offers a promising prospect for the Russian economy, but political relations with Taiwan could not significantly contribute to Russian FP. In this paper, Russian foreign policy will be examined on both sides, Russian foreign policy toward China and Russian foreign policy toward Taiwan. The purposes of this paper are trying to analyze the Russian foreign policy dilemma toward China-Taiwan relation. The analysis of this paper will focus on President Vladimir Putin as the decision-maker and explore all circumstances that will influence the decision-making process. The level of analysis implemented in this paper is domestic politics that significantly contribute to Russian foreign policy decision-making. This paper will gather secondary data from the news, journal, and book as the primary sources. The paper's outcome is analyzing Russian foreign policy's dilemma and exploring how Russian foreign policy toward current dynamics of China-Taiwan Relations.

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Usman, Sahibzada Muhammad, and Yamama Khalid. "Japan's priorities in Taiwan: Its impacts on Japanese relations with America and China." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 5, no. 2 (November 3, 2021): 222–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.2.15.

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America-Japan partnership is now at the core of the America-led defence system in the East Asia. The unresolved state of Taiwan is already one of the worst security conditions in the region in the terms of this partnership. It may contribute to a big confrontation of one or both countries with China. The broader Taiwan-Japan-China-America ties usually regard Taiwan and Japan as the least influential combination imaginable. Despite this fact, the depth of engagement, hard to categorize and with great potential to affect stability and security in the field, is reversed from this tertiary regional connection. Therefore, Japan's major goal to balance the power with Taiwan is to preserve and develop constructive de-facto state-to-state ties between the liberal and democratic powers of similar consciousness, both of which are scared of the Chinese control. This paper discusses the specific ties between Japan and Taiwan in conjunction with Japanese domestic priorities and analyses the repercussions for America-Japan cooperation in the future. Especially about Japan, the American and Taiwanese governments should identify areas of difference early on and resolve emerging issues within the alliance's auspices.

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Pajtinka, Erik. "Between Diplomacy and Paradiplomacy: Taiwan's Foreign Relations in Current Practice." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 11, no. 1 (July 31, 2017): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0003.

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AbstractThe study deals with Taiwan’s engagement in international relations from the viewpoint of practical performance of its foreign activities. It is stressed that Taiwan’s foreign activities may be divided by their nature into two basic groups: the official diplomatic activities that Taiwan carries out in relation to those foreign states with which it has established diplomatic relations, and unofficial quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities that Taiwan carries out in relation to the states with which it does not have diplomatic relations. In the study, the diplomatic and quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities of Taiwan are compared, especially with emphasis on their institutional backgrounds, legal regulations, and other conditions for their practical performance. It is concluded that the differences between the diplomatic and paradiplomatic dimensions of Taiwan’s foreign activities are rooted mainly in their formal and protocolar aspects, whereas from the viewpoint of their organization and practical performance, these differences are minimal.

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29

Liff, Adam P. "The U.S.-Japan Alliance and Taiwan." Asia Policy 29, no. 3 (July 2022): 125–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2022.0038.

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30

Biedermann, Reinhard. "Reimagining Taiwan? The EUs Foreign Policy and Strategy in Asia." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Issue 3 (October 1, 2018): 305–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018028.

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The European Union’s (EU’s) Taiwan policies have been dominated by trade and economic concerns due to the absence of a security profile and China’s insistence on Taiwan belonging to China. This neglect of a political role of the EU in East Asia is often regarded as a central strategic weakness of the EU. With a new government in office in Taiwan since 2016, Cross-Strait relations have worsened; this challenges EU’s ambitions to become a strategic actor in the region. Apart from security and economy, other political aspects of bilateral relations have remained almost unnoticed in the literature. This article addresses EU’s Taiwan policies from a different perspective. Instead of a hierarchic foreign policy exploration with security issues predominating, here, a multidimensional mosaic of EU’s Taiwan relations is analysed breadthways. From this standpoint, one can see that EU’s profile in Taiwan has increased considerably in recent years. These broadened bilateral relations may also support the EU’s wider political and strategic interests in the region altogether. The EU could help Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy align with EU’s Association of Southeast Asian Nations strategy, and thus support a rule-based strategy in the Far East.

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31

Huang (黃俊淩), Jun-ling. "Private Trade from Fujian to Taiwan in Taiwan’s Early Colonial Era: A Study Based on Private Trade Letters of the Shi Family in Yongning, Quanzhou." Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives 9, no. 1 (December 21, 2015): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522015-00900004.

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During the years when Japan colonized Taiwan, Japan laid out the economic policy that set up obstacles to hinder the trade across the Taiwan Strait. In spite of these constraints, private trade between Taiwan and Fujian continued to operate. At the end of Qing dynasty, the Shi family traded with Taiwan from Fujian. The Shi family exported different kinds of groceries including some daily necessities to Taiwan. Although the colonial authority raised tariffs and changed the foreign exchange rates to discourage trading activities across the Taiwan Straits, which challenge the trade of the Shi family, the family strove to sustain the business under these circumstances. (This article is in Chinese.)

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32

Shaikh, Khalil ur Rehman. "FOREIGN POLICY OF JAPAN." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2333.

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In post war era, Japan emerged as a pacifist country. The constitution of Japan restrained from developing armed forces for offensive but permitted only for defensive purpose. Thus, Japan raised Self Defense Force. This posture greatly contributed in its emergence as world economic power. In post-cold war period, Japan appeared with advanced step in its foreign policy and sent its forces abroad as a part of UN Peace Keeping Force abroad. It little questioned the objective of creating SDF. 9/11 incidents changed the global politics. Japanese citizens also fall prey to it. Japan joined coalition on War on Terror and helped to fight against terrorism. In post 9/11, Japan has improved its relations with China despite territorial dispute. However, it plays its role in global political, economic, cultural and strategic areas.

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33

TONO, Haruyuki. "Opening Address: History and Foreign Relations of Japan." Transactions of the Japan Academy 72, Special_Issue (April 11, 2018): 87–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2183/tja.72.special_issue_87.

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34

Kastrati, Bilbil. "Taiwan strait dispute." SEEU Review 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2015-0029.

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Abstract The end of the Cold War resulted in a diffusion of the level of threat worldwide and concluded the system of bipolarity in the world. Beside the European continent, where the rivalries were at the highest level, the consequences of the end of the Cold War were especially visible in North-East Asia. A decrease of military activities of Russia and China, and the retreat of the USA from the region, give way for improvement of political and economical relations between the countries of the region. The end of hostilities produced by the Cold War no doubt have relaxed relations between countries in the region and opened ways for a new more peaceful co-existence. However, this does not mean that the region is not vulnerable to some of the hot spots such as North Korea, Spratly Parcels and especially Taiwan Strait. The latter is considered to be the most dangerous potential Asian zone of crisis in the twenty-first century. The East Asian countries such as China, Japan and other Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries are the world’s most growing economies and, at the same time, leaders in military acquisition; therefore, the potential for conflict and crises is current and real. This article examines one of these hot spots, namely the Taiwan Strait dispute, and assesses the possibility of this issue leading to a war between China, the USA and Japan. In order to have a clear view of the dispute the author will reveal some data in the introduction and then will explore relations, conflicts and interests between China, the USA and Japan vis-à-vis Taiwan and assess the risk that these countries might be drawn in potential war over the Taiwan Strait.

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35

Kucherenko, Grigory N. "The Taiwan Factor in Cambodian-China Relations." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2(51) (2021): 220–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-2-2-51-220-231.

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Cambodia has been developing relations with China for decades, now both countries are perceived as stable partners, the kingdom supports Beijing on a number of international issues, including the status of Taiwan, but this state of affairs was not always the case. From its independence until 1997, Cambodia made several attempts to establish relations with Taipei in pursuit of its foreign policy goals. This article examines the specifics of relations between Cambodia and the PRC through the prism of interaction between Cambodia and Taiwan.

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36

Deans, Phil. "Taiwan in Japan's Foreign relations: Informal politics and virtual diplomacy." Journal of Strategic Studies 24, no. 4 (December 2001): 151–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390108437859.

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37

Deans, Phil. "Taiwan in Japan's foreign relations: informal politics and virtual diplomacy." Journal of Strategic Studies 24, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 151–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390412331302575.

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38

Qiu, Min, Ruigai Li, and MingSheng Chen. "Post WWII Japan-Taiwan Economic Relations Development and Future Direction." iBusiness 05, no. 01 (2013): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ib.2013.51b004.

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39

Ryzhanova, Alla, and Nanuli Potomkina. "FOREIGN EXPERIENCE IN THE PREVENTION OF YOUTH INTERNET DEPENDENCE." Academic Notes Series Pedagogical Science 1, no. 194 (June 2021): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2415-7988-2021-1-194-51-56.

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The article analysis the world experience of the negative impact of Internet on young people. Summarizing foreign experience of Internet dependence prevention, we note that the most dangerous impact of Internet dependence on the socialization of young people in the world are: deteriorating relationships with family and friends, mood swings, aimless cyber surfing, «toxic communication», virtual shopping and virtual shopping. In turn, the analysis and further systematization of foreign experience of preventive and corrective measures in different countries and regions of humanity that first entered the information society, gave grounds to identify such areas as: preparation of the social environment for preventive work (national preventive and educational approach (USA, Japan); creation of specialized centers for comprehensive prevention through professional information, counseling social institutions and establishments that are forced to participate in prevention (USA, Netherlands, Taiwan), preparation for prevention of the family, which is perceived as capable of overcoming or, accordingly, preventing Internet addiction in all its manifestations (Japan, Taiwan), preparation for prevention Teachers of schools (Russia) Direct prevention of Internet addiction of young people, which is realized through the general development of human personality, spiritual improvement, intellectual dynamics, psychological education for self-regulation of youth, diversification of leisure (Canada, Netherlands, Russia, Taiwan).

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40

Kalicki, Konrad. "Security Fears and Bureaucratic Rivalry: Admitting Foreign Labor in Japan and Taiwan." Comparative Politics 51, no. 4 (June 1, 2019): 603–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041519x15647434970018.

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41

Jia, Ma, Olga Vasilievna Ivlieva, Сhen Liu, and Sayora Uralovna Tadjieva. "SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATE OF CHINESE REGIONS AS A KEY FACTOR OF THE DYNAMICS OF INCOMING INTERNATIONAL TOURISM (periods of formation and development of the tourism market in China)." Scientific Reports of Bukhara State University 5, no. 5 (December 30, 2021): 182–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52297/2181-1466/2021/5/5/16.

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Introduction. China is located in Central and East Asia. The vast territory of the state, covering the highest mountainous regions, vast deserts and coastal plains, determines the variety of natural conditions for tourism, as well as the border neighborhood with a large number of countries. China's seaside location is extremely advantageous in terms of tourism. At present, through the seas, China provides access to the countries of the Asia-Pacific region and the whole world. The sea and coastal areas are used to organize coastal tourism. Increasingly, China's maritime waters and ports are used for cruise tourism. China has an advantageous geographical position in relation to the segments of the world tourism market. It is surrounded by countries characterized by the active development of outbound tourism, which have a negative tourist balance - Japan, Taiwan, Republic of Korea. The article analyzes the differences in the development of inbound tourism in the cities of China, provides a theoretical basis for the development of inbound tourism in cities. The comparative method is used to analyze the current state of differences in the development of inbound tourism in the key tourist cities of China and a comparative study of the influence and role of regional and economic factors on the development of inbound tourism in cities of China. Methods. In the process of working on the article, first of all, such methods of scientific research as analysis and synthesis were used, which made it possible to determine the optimal balance of forces and means necessary for the development of international tourism in China. Through these methods, connections were established between individual events and facts. In addition, other general scientific methods were used: comparative analytical methods, methods of grouping and classification, general scientific methods of a systematic approach to the study of economic phenomena. Results and discussions. Provided statistics show that the current development of inbound tourism in China is very different, and the regional concentration is very noticeable. The cities with the best development of inbound tourism are mainly located in the eastern region, external economic factors have the greatest impact on the development of inbound tourism in cities, followed by tourism products and the influence of the location distance is less. Conclusion. Tourism development is not only a matter of the tourism sector. The development of inbound tourism is inextricably linked with external economic and trade factors, therefore, in the practice of developing inbound tourism in cities, it is necessary not only to focus on the development of tourism products, but also to develop foreign economic and trade activities and business tourism. An important factor is also the fact that actively developing tourism contributes to an increase in the number of jobs

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42

Sudo, Sueo. "Japan-ASEAN Relations: New Dimensions in Japanese Foreign Policy." Asian Survey 28, no. 5 (May 1, 1988): 509–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644640.

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43

Orr, Robert M. "Collaboration or Conflict? Foreign Aid and U.S.-Japan Relations." Pacific Affairs 62, no. 4 (1989): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759671.

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44

Sudo, Sueo. "Japan-ASEAN Relations: New Dimensions in Japanese Foreign Policy." Asian Survey 28, no. 5 (May 1988): 509–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1988.28.5.01p0162r.

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45

Hu, Shaohua. "Japan and the cross-Taiwan Strait conflict." Journal of Chinese Political Science 11, no. 2 (September 2006): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02881529.

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46

Lim, Haeran. "Trust and Economic Development: Comparison of Subcontracting Relations among Korea, Japan and Taiwan." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 15, no. 1 (April 30, 2000): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps15104.

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This study examines the link between trust and economic development by focusing on subcontracting relations and comparing institutional sources of trust among Korea, Japan and Taiwan. Korea and Japan show similarities that trust was based on institution, whereas trust may be a product of culture as well as that of institution in Taiwan. In contrast to Taiwan and Japan, the Korean subcontracting relations between the Les(Large Enterprises) and the SMEs(Sma1l And Medium Enterprises) have been exploitative and noncooperative ones without trust, and the Korean economy has the dual structure of strong LES and weak SMEs. The persistent weakness of the SMEs in Korea could be attributed to institutional defects, resulted from the political coalition between the government and the LES, excluding the SMEs. To increase the level of trust in subcontracting relations, institutional setting such as monitoring and sanctioning system needs to be established. Building effective institutions requires genuine understanding of the importance of the SMEs in the economy.

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47

Clulow, Adam. "Statecraft and Spectacle in East Asia: Studies in Taiwan–Japan Relations." Japanese Studies 30, no. 1 (May 2010): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10371391003664490.

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48

Zha, Daojiong. "The Taiwan problem in Japan-China relations: An irritant or destroyer?" East Asia 19, no. 1-2 (March 2001): 205–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12140-001-0007-z.

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49

Lee, Yao Hsien, Yi Hsien Wang, and Mei Yu Lee. "Big data analysis of foreign exchange rates among Japan, South Korea and Taiwan." International Journal of Computational Economics and Econometrics 7, no. 4 (2017): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijcee.2017.086885.

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50

Wang, Yi Hsien, Mei Yu Lee, and Yao Hsien Lee. "Big Data Analysis of Foreign Exchange Rates among Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan." International Journal of Computational Economics and Econometrics 7, no. 4 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijcee.2017.10003514.

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