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Статті в журналах з теми "James I Stuart"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 11 березня 2023

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1

Corp, Edward. "STUART AND STUARDO: JAMES III AND HIS NEAPOLITAN COUSIN." Papers of the British School at Rome 83 (September 16, 2015): 221–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246215000094.

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King Charles II's first illegitimate son, the little-known Jacques de La Cloche, married a lady in Naples and had a posthumous son, born in 1669 and known as Don Giacomo Stuardo. Although his father was illegitimate and he himself a Catholic, Stuardo hoped that he might one day become King of England. The Glorious Revolution resulted in opposition between supporters of the Protestant Succession to the British thrones and supporters of the exiled Catholic Stuarts, James II and then his son James III. When the Protestant Queen Anne was succeeded by the unpopular Hanoverian George I in 1714, James III was still unmarried and had no children, so Stuardo hoped that James might recognize him as the Jacobite heir. When James married and had two sons, Stuardo hoped that his cousin would at least receive him as a Stuart prince. All his attempts to meet James III and secure recognition were unsuccessful, and he died disappointed and in poverty in about 1752. In the tercentenary of the Hanoverian Succession, enough archival information finally has emerged to provide a study of the life of this alternative claimant to the British thrones.

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2

Wright, John. "Ndukwana kaMbengwana as an Interlocutor on the History of the Zulu Kingdom, 1897–1903." History in Africa 38 (2011): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2011.0018.

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In the six years from October 1897 to October 1903, Ndukwana kaMbengwana engaged in scores of conversations in numerous different locations with magistrate James Stuart about the history and culture of the nineteenth-century Zulu kingdom. In the 1880s Ndukwana had been a lowranking official in the native administration of Zululand; at an unknown date before late 1900 he seems to have become Stuart's personalindunaor “headman,” to give a common English translation. Stuart's handwritten notes of these conversations, as archived in the James Stuart Collection, come to a total of 65,000 to 70,000 words. As rendered in volume 4 of theJames Stuart Archive, published in 1986, these notes fill 120 printed pages, far more than the testimonies of any other of Stuart's interlocutors except Socwatsha kaPhaphu. From 1900, Ndukwana was also present during many of Stuart's conversations with other individuals.In the editors' preface to volume 4 of theJames Stuart Archive, after drawing attention to the length of Ndukwana's testimony, Colin Webb and I wrote as follows:Since these were the early years of Stuart's collecting career, it is probable that Ndukwana exercised a considerable influence on the presuppositions about Zulu society and history which Stuart took with him into his interviews. No less likely, however, is the reverse possibility that Ndukwana in turn became a repository of much of the testimony he heard while working with Stuart, and that, increasingly over the years, the information which he supplied would have been a fusion of data and traditions from a variety of sources.

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3

Kanemura, Rei. "Kingship by Descent or Kingship by Election? The Contested Title of James VI and I." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 2 (April 2013): 317–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.55.

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AbstractThroughout the reign of Elizabeth I, a steady stream of tracts appeared in English print to vindicate the succession of the most prominent contenders, Mary and James Stuart of Scotland. This article offers a comprehensive account of the polemical battle between the supporters and opponents of the Stuarts, and further identifies various theories of English kingship, most notably the theory of corporate kingship, developed by the Stuart polemicists to defend the Scottish succession. James's accession to the English throne in March 1603 marked the protracted end of the debate over the succession. The article concludes by suggesting that, while powerfully renouncing the opposition to his succession, over the course of his attempt to unify his two kingdoms, James and his supporters ultimately departed from the polemic of corporate kingship, for a more assertive language of kingship by natural and divine law.

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4

Wright, John. "Making the James Stuart Archive." History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171947.

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Анотація:

Since the first of its volumes appeared in 1976, the James Stuart Archive of Recorded Oral Evidence Relating to the History of the Zulu and Neighbouring Peoples has become well known to students of the precolonial history of southern Africa generally, and of the Natal-Zululand region in particular. The four volumes, edited by Colin Webb and myself, which were published by the University of Natal Press between 1976 and 1986, have become a major source of evidence for students of the history of African communities in the region from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth centuries.Although the various volumes have been reviewed in a number of international academic journals, the Stuart Archive is still, I suspect, little known outside the ranks of historians of southern Africa. The hiatus that has occurred in the process of publication since volume 4 came out has not helped in drawing the series to the attention of a wider circle of scholars. In writing this paper, one of my aims is to bring the existence of the Stuart Archive to the attention of Africanists at a time when work on the projected three volumes which still remain to be published is about to resume.Another and more specific aim is to outline the nature of the processes by which the Stuart Archive was brought into existence, in order to underscore for users and potential users the need to use it critically as a source of evidence.

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5

Silva, Evander Ruthieri da. "narradores africanos de James Stuart." Afro-Ásia, no. 66 (February 3, 2023): 273–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/aa.v0i66.48637.

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O artigo trata dos testemunhos de Socwatsha kaPhaphu e Baleka kaMpitikazi registrados pelo administrador colonial James Stuart, na Colônia de Natal e na Zululândia (atualmente partes da África do Sul) entre as décadas de 1890 e 1920, com ênfase nas memórias referentes à consolidação do centro de poder zulu, no início do século XIX. A documentação analisada pode ser considerada a partir da noção de “zonas de contato” (expressão de Mary Louise Pratt) para demarcar as dimensões interativas dos encontros coloniais, mesmo em discursos construídos com o fito de reforçar distinções entre “colonizadores” e “colonizados”. A despeito do enquadramento da memória promovido por Stuart, comprometido com os meandros da elaboração de políticas coloniais de tratamento à população “nativa”, os testemunhos evidenciam a reelaboração do passado a partir da memória e da oralidade, em especial, os diferentes alinhamentos de poder e estratégias políticas empreendidas por suas comunidades no contexto de expansão do poder zulu.

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6

Thompson, Paul S. "A Critical Analysis of James Stuart’s A History of the Zulu Rebellion 1906." History in Africa 41 (February 26, 2014): 195–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2014.3.

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AbstractJames Stuart was employed by the Natal government to make a “compilation” describing British military operations against a Zulu insurrection in 1906, but he took so long to complete the work that it was published in 1913 with private funds and included a discussion of the event’s aftermath. In this critical analysis of Stuart’s work, emphasis is placed on the long process of its compilation and writing as well as Stuart’s use of sources, and the internal coherence of his argument.

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7

Ripoli, Mariangela. "The Return of James Mill." Utilitas 10, no. 1 (March 1998): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820800006026.

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This paper argues that James Mill is worthy of greater study than he now receives. It outlines the course of scholarship on James Mill, and considers various hypotheses to explain the decline of interest in his writings. Two examples, in education and penal theory, are presented of cases in which James Mill's views differed significantly from Bentham's, and anticipated those of John Stuart Mill.

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8

Bristol, Kerry. "A Newly-Discovered Drawing by James Stuart." Architectural History 44 (2001): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1568732.

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9

Jenkyns, R. "James "Athenian" Stuart: The Rediscovery of Antiquity." Common Knowledge 14, no. 3 (October 1, 2008): 501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-2008-027.

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10

Spencer, S. "James "Athenian" Stuart and the Greek Revival." Eighteenth-Century Life 33, no. 3 (August 4, 2009): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-2009-006.

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11

Corp, Edward T. "The Exiled Court of James II and James III: A Centre of Italian Music in France, 1689–1712." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 120, no. 2 (1995): 216–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrma/120.2.216.

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Following the Glorious Revolution of 1688–9, James II and the Stuart royal family lived in exile as the guests of Louis XIV at the Château de St-Germain-en-Laye, near Paris. James II died in 1701 and was succeeded as king-in-exile by his son, James III. The court of these two kings remained at St-Germain-en-Laye for well over 20 years, until James III was expelled from France at the demand of the British government.

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12

Markuszewska, Aneta. "In the Shadow of the Lost Crown. ‘Oppressed Innocence’ in the Operas Dedicated to Maria Clementina Sobieska in Rome (1720–1730)." Musicology Today 17, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/muso-2020-0001.

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Abstract As a result of the Glorious Revolution of 1688, James II Stuart lost the throne of England, Scotland, and Ireland. He spent the last years of his life in France, in residence offered to his family and court by Louis XIV. Following his death in 1701, the title and claim to the throne of the three kingdoms was inherited by his son James III Stuart, who in 1719 married Maria Clementina Sobieska (1702–1735). James and his wife extended their patronage over one of Rome's major opera houses, the Teatro d’Alibert, at which 16 operas were dedicated to that couple in 1720–1730. Of those 8 that honoured Maria Clementina, 4 (half of them) deal with the topic of ‘oppressed innocence’, previously passed over by scholars studying the couple's patronage. These are: Eumene, (lib. A. Zeno, mus. N. Porpora, 1721), Adelaide, (lib. A. Salvi, mus. N. Porpora, 1723), Siroe, re di Persia, (lib. Metastasio, mus. N. Porpora, 1727), and Artaserse, (lib. Metastasio, mus. L. Vinci, 1730). This paper analyses the said operatic theme and attempts to explain why it is the dominant subject in operas dedicated to Sobieska. It also studies the political and propagandist potential which that theme could have for the Stuart cause.

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13

Bevian, Elsa Cristine. "RACHELS, James & RACHELS, Stuart. Os elementos da filosofia moral." Revista Internacional Interdisciplinar INTERthesis 13, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1807-1384.2016v13n3p239.

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http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1807-1384.2016v13n3p239RACHELS, James & RACHELS, Stuart. Os elementos da filosofia moral. Trad. portuguesa e revisão técnica: Delamar J. V. Dutra. 7.ed. Porto Alegre: AMGH, 2013.

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14

Pérez Jáuregui, Mª Jesús. "Henry Constable’s Sonnets to Arbella Stuart." Sederi, no. 19 (2009): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.34136/sederi.2009.9.

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Анотація:

Although the Elizabethan poet and courtier Henry Constable is best known for his sonnet-sequence Diana (1592), he also wrote a series of sonnets addressed to noble personages that appear only in one manuscript (Victoria and Albert Museum, MS Dyce 44). Three of these lyrics are dedicated to Lady Arbella Stuart – cousin-german to James VI of Scotland–, who was considered a candidate to Elizabeth’s succession for a long time. Two of the sonnets were probably written on the occasion of Constable and Arbella’s meeting at court in 1588, and praise the thirteen-year old lady for her numerous virtues; the other one seems to have been written later on, as a conclusion to the whole book, implying that Constable at a certain moment presented it to Arbella in search for patronage and political protection. At a time when the succession seemed imminent, Constable’s allegiance to the Earl of Essex, who befriended Arbella and yet sent messages to James to assure him of his circle’s support, raises the question of the true motivation of these sonnets. This paper will analyze these particular works in a political context rife with courtly intrigue.

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15

Questier, Michael Corrie. "The Reputation of James VI and I Revisited." Journal of British Studies 61, no. 4 (October 2022): 949–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2022.116.

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AbstractThe (in)capacity of the House of Stuart to provide competent royal government, in both Scotland and England, has been a staple topic in the historiography of the British Isles. Despite the increasing volume and sophistication of recent research in this area, the long shadow of past analytical habits of mind still colors modern approaches to the subject. This has been the case with King James VI and I, as with other Stuart sovereigns. Scholarly accounts of the Jacobean period have been affected by a persistent Anglocentricity in this field. Such attitudes have done little for the broader topic of post-Reformation politics and threaten to close several available avenues of research and interpretation. Here it is argued that accounts of Jacobean politics need to be located in their appropriate contexts in order to avoid presentist distortion in future research and publication on this topic and related issues of the period.

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16

Ryan, Alan. "John Stuart Mill." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 20 (March 1986): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x00004107.

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John Stuart Mill (1806–1873) was born in London, son of the Scottish historian of India and philosopher, James Mill, by whom he was educated in, among other things, the principles of British empiricism and Benthamite utilitarianism. Like his father, he worked for the East India Company, being in charge of the Company's relations with the native states 1836–1856, and head of the examiner's office from 1856 until the powers of the Company were transferred in 1858. The book which established Mill as a philosopher was his System of Logic (1843), described in its full title as ‘a connected view of the principles of evidence and the methods of scientific investigation’. Book 6 of the System of Logic was ‘On the logic of the moral sciences’, and at the end of it Mill declared, without trying to justify it, his opinion that there is a ‘general principle to which all rules of practice ought to conform’; namely that of ‘conduciveness to the happiness of mankind, or rather, of all sentient beings’. For example, we should keep our promises not because we can see intuitively the truth of the precept, but because it passes the utilitarian test. Mill's justification for this opinion was in his Utilitarianism (1863). Mill's version of utilitarianism differed from Bentham's in that he recognized not only quantitative but also qualitative differences between pleasures.

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17

King, Stephen. "“Your Best and Maist Faithfull Subjects”: Andrew and James Melville as James VI and I's “Loyal Opposition”." Renaissance and Reformation 36, no. 3 (January 1, 2000): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v36i3.8633.

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Bien que moins connue des chercheurs que celle de 1604, la conférence qui eut lieu en 1606 à Hampton Court entre le roi James et ses ecclésiastiques anglais et écossais proéminents produisit néanmoins un effet immédiat sur la pratique monarchique de James Stuart en Angleterre. À la conférence de 1606, et pendant les six mois suivants, James puisa dans son éducation précédente et son expérience comme roi d'Écosse pour s'engager activement dans des débats avec les pasteurs presbytériens Andrew et James Melville. Au moyen de cet engagement soutenu avec son «opposition loyale», il se définit pour ses sujets anglais en tant qu'un monarque puissant mais résolument voué au dialogue, à la tolérance et à la recherche du moyen terme.

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18

Young, Michael B. "Charles I and the Erosion of Trust, 1625–1628." Albion 22, no. 2 (1990): 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049598.

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In contrast to their predecessors, who emphasized constitutional conflict and opposition in the parliaments of early Stuart England, revisionists emphasized harmony and cooperation. There was a problem with this new, anti-Whig orthodoxy from the outset, however, and that was the problem of trust. Defying the revisionist model of harmonious relations between Crown and Parliament, the M.P.s of early Stuart England perversely refused to trust James I and Charles I. Revisionists adopted two strategies to deal with this problem of trust. Conrad Russell exemplified the one strategy: he acknowledged the existence of distrust but treated it as a deep mystery requiring ingenious explanations. Surveying the reign of James I, Russell discovered “profound distrust, but it is hard to show how this distrust was implanted.” Perplexed by this enigma, Russell observed, “One of the most crucial, and one of the most difficult, questions of the early Stuart period is why this distrust developed.” For Russell, then, it was not natural for M.P.s to distrust the king. It was, instead, an unnatural attitude that had to be “implanted” or “developed.” In time, of course, Russell solved the mystery of distrust by providing a series of explanations: distrust resulted from the pressures of war, friction between the localities and the center, the functional breakdown of an inadequately financed government, court factionalism, and the growth of Arminianism. In Russell's view, the underlying problems that gave rise to distrust had more to do with circumstances and structures than with people, least of all James I and Charles I. A second strategy for dealing with the problem of trust is best exemplified by Kevin Sharpe: he solves the problem neatly by denying its existence. Steadfastly adhering to the revisionist model of harmony and cooperation, Sharpe claims that M.P.s did in fact behave the way that model predicts they should have. “In the early Stuart period,” writes Sharpe, “compromises between king and parliaments…were common because fundamental beliefs were shared and there was an atmosphere of trust.” Sharpe admits that there was an “erosion of trust” in the latter part of Charles's reign. “But,” he insists, “there is little evidence that it unfolds in the parliaments of early Stuart England.”

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19

Withington, Phil. "Remaking the Drunkard in Early Stuart England." English Language Notes 60, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 16–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00138282-9560199.

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Abstract This article traces the changing semantics of drunkard in English during the first half of the seventeenth century. Combining methods of “distant reading” (made possible by the Early English Books Online–Text Creation Partnership) and the “close reading” of didactic printed materials, it shows how this venerable Middle English word became unusually prevalent and ideologically charged in the six decades after the ascension of James VI and I to the English throne. Key to these developments was the new monarch’s Counterblaste to Tobacco (1604), in which James I at once delineated a capacious concept of drunkard as someone who simply liked drinking, rather than became demonstrably drunk, and confirmed the consumption of tobacco and alcohol as an appropriate subject for the burgeoning printed “public sphere.” The article suggests that the separation of drunkard from drunkenness proved very useful for ministers and moralists concerned with the moral and economic consequences of unnecessary and “superfluous” consumption for individuals, households, and communities. Resorting to populist and didactic genres like pamphlets, sermons, dialogues, and treatises, writers ranging from the Calvinist John Downame to the regicide John Cook deployed the category of the drunkard to critique not only English drinking habits but also social and economic practices more generally. In pushing the concept so hard, however, reformers inevitably rubbed against more conventional notions of “civil society” and the sociable practices constituting it.

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20

Stankov, Kirill. "Military reforms of the English king James II Stuart." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2010): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2010.1.12.

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Stankov, Kirill. "King James II Stuart, Irish Elites and Patriot Parliament." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (September 29, 2014): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2014.3.5.

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22

Palmer, Peter. "Schoeck's ‘Penthesilea’." Tempo 60, no. 237 (June 22, 2006): 62–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298206000222.

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SCHOECK: Penthesilea, op. 39. Yvonne Naef (mezzosop), Renate Behle (sop), Susanne Reinhard (sop), Ute Trekel-Burkhardt (con), James Johnson (bar), Stuart Kale (ten), Cheyne Davidson (bar), Imke Büchel (speaker). Czech Philharmonic Choir Brno, Basle Symphony Orchestra c. Mario Venzago. Musiques Suisses MGB CD 6232 (2-CD set).

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23

BJERK, PAUL K. "THEY POURED THEMSELVES INTO THE MILK: ZULU POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY UNDER SHAKA." Journal of African History 47, no. 1 (March 2006): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705001659.

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This article synthesizes metaphors and practices surrounding human and bovine milk and semen appearing in the James Stuart Archive of Zulu oral history. The King's control of the flow of milk in society was the source of his power and the mechanism by which he controlled the state. A fluent understanding of this Zulu political philosophy in the Stuart Archive opens up a rich and underutilized source of historical information for Zulu history that adds significantly to prior studies. Parallels to these images in the Great Lakes region suggest a ‘milk complex’ rather than the common perception of a ‘cattle complex’.

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24

Basista, Jakub. "Jakub VI (I) Stuart w angielskiej przestrzeni religijnej." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 18 (December 15, 2018): 385–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2018.18.22.

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The paper is concerned with the religious issues in England at the time when James VI Stuart, King of Scotland, ascended to the throne. The reign of the land dominated by the Anglican confession, with the king as the supreme head of the Church, going into the hands of a ruler who had grown up in a Presbyterian environment posed number of questions and challenges before the monarch and his subjects as well.

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25

Carton, Benedict. "Fount of Deep Culture: Legacies of theJames Stuart Archivein South African Historiography." History in Africa 30 (2003): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003156.

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The 2001 launch of the fifth volume of theJames Stuart Archivereinforces this publication's reputation as a mother lode of primary evidence. TheArchive'sexistence is largely due to the efforts of two editors, Colin De B. Webb and John Wright, who transformed a tangle of notes into lucid text. They deciphered the interviews that Natal colonist James Stuart conducted with a range of informants, many of them elderly isiZulu-speaking men. Transcribed by Stuart between the 1890s and 1920s, these discussions often explored in vivid detail the customs, lore, and lineages of southern Africa. Although references to theArchiveabound in revisionist histories of southern Africa, few scholars have assessed how testimonies recorded by Stuart have critically influenced such pioneering research. Fewer still have incorporated the compelling views of early twentieth-century cultural change that Stuart's informants bring to a post-apartheid understanding of South Africa's past.Well before the University of Natal Press published volume 5, the evidence presented in theArchivehad already led scholars of South African history into fertile, unmarked terrain. One example of groundbreaking data can be found in the statements of volume 4's master interpreter of Zulu power, Ndukwana kaMbengwana. His observations of the past anchor recent studies that debunk myths surrounding the early-nineteenth-century expansion of Shaka's kingdom. Ever timely, the endnotes in volume 5 discuss these reappraisals of historical interpretation and methodology. Editor John Wright elaborates in his preface: “By the time we picked up work on volume 5, we were starting to take note … that oral histories should be seen less as stories containing a more or less fixed ‘core’ of facts than as fluid narratives whose content could vary widely.”

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26

STACK, DAVID. "THE DEATH OF JOHN STUART MILL." Historical Journal 54, no. 1 (January 31, 2011): 167–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000610.

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ABSTRACTThis article surveys the fiercely contested posthumous assessments of John Stuart Mill in the newspaper and periodical press, in the months following his death in May 1873, and elicits the broader intellectual context. Judgements made in the immediate wake of Mill's death influence biographers and historians to this day and provide an illuminating aperture into the politics and shifting ideological forces of the period. The article considers how Mill's failure to control his posthumous reputation demonstrates both the inextricable intertwining of politics and character in the 1870s, and the difficulties his allies faced. In particular, it shows the sharp division between Mill's middle and working class admirers; the use of James Mill's name as a rebuke to his son; the redefinition of Malthusianism in the 1870s; and how publication of Mill's Autobiography damaged his reputation. Finally, the article considers the relative absence of both theological and Darwinian critiques of Mill.

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27

Santos, Gabriela Aparecida dos. "Tempos passados em James Stuart Archive: recontando histórias, entrelaçando narrativas." Topoi (Rio de Janeiro) 17, no. 33 (December 2016): 648–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2237-101x017033015.

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28

Stankov, Kirill. "Policy of king James II Stuart in Ireland, 1686–1688." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (November 2013): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2013.2.9.

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29

Hamilton, Carolyn. "Backstory, Biography, and the Life of the James Stuart Archive." History in Africa 38 (2011): 319–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2011.0015.

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Why explore the life of an archive, and what might it mean to study its “life” as opposed to writing its history? The proposition of an archive having a life is, on the face of it, counter-intuitive. Once safely cloistered in the archive, we imagine that a record, an object or a collection is preserved relatively unchanged for posterity. Under those conditions does it even have an ongoing history worth investigating, let alone a life?The efficacy of archives in affording researchers a view of a past, our awareness of the incompleteness of the glimpse offered, our gratitude for the historical accident or deliberate act that preserved the fragments on which we depend, and our understanding that particular records reflect the biases and interests of their writers, all of these recognitions concentrate our attention on the status, possibilities and limitations of records as sources. The historical disciplines have a range of sophisticated methods for mining these sources, of attending to their biases, reading them against the grain, and filling in the gaps. As historians, we acknowledge our debts to the archives, or archival configurations which house these sources, thanking fulsomely the skilled professionals who facilitate our enquiries. We rue failing institutional contexts when the conditions of preservation and care deteriorate, and where we can, we organize interventions to support archives. Much of the disciplinary practice of history depends on ideas about archives as neutral, professional storehouses, committed to holding deposited records as far as is possible unchanged over time. Indeed, this is the understanding of archives that underpins the professional practice of the archivists. Thankfully, professional archivists mostly do an outstanding job in ensuring conditions of preservation.

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30

Loizides, Antis. "Taking Their Cue from Plato: James and John Stuart Mill." History of European Ideas 39, no. 1 (February 6, 2012): 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2011.632255.

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31

Yamamoto-Wilson, John R. "Mabbe's Maybes: A Stuart Hispanist in Context." Translation and Literature 21, no. 3 (November 2012): 319–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2012.0086.

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James Mabbe (c.1571–c.1642) remains a somewhat enigmatic figure. While the paucity of detail about his personal life once led to speculation that he might have been working secretly for the English government, more recent evidence has emerged that he spent time in prison as a Catholic spy. Valuable insights can be gained from a study of his choice and treatment of texts for translation in the context of his diverse network of friends, patrons, and dedicatees, and from considering his corpus as a whole (including his less well known translations), which seems to suggest a sociopolitical agenda. Ultimately, though, he continues to fascinate precisely because of the ambiguities that surround him; Mabbe's work has a mysterious quality, a différance that defies stable reconstruction.

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32

Calvert, Ian. "Trojan Pretenders: Dryden's The Last Parting of Hector and Andromache, Jacobitism, and Translatio Imperii." Translation and Literature 26, no. 1 (March 2017): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2017.0273.

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Dryden's account of the infant Astyanax in his translation of the Hector and Andromache episode from Book 6 of the Iliad incorporates references to Virgil's Ascanius designed to celebrate the status of James Francis Edward Stuart (who was to become ‘the Old Pretender’) as the descendant of the two main branches of the Trojan royal family featured in Homeric and Virgilian epic. Dryden also celebrates James’ matrilineal descent from Astyanax: James’ mother, Mary of Modena, was a member of a royal house which claimed Astyanax as its founder. Dryden's translation draws on traditions concerning the post-Trojan fates of Ascanius and Astyanax to celebrate the birth of a royal heir whilst acknowledging the precariousness of that heir's future, which makes the poem available for Jacobite interpretations.

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Skrzypietz, Aleksandra. "Utworzenie dworu Marii Klementyny Sobieskiej w Rzymie i spory o jego finansowanie." Perspektywy Kultury 39, no. 4 (December 27, 2022): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2022.3904.12.

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Maria Klementyna Sobieska po poważnych perturbacjach i ucieczce z cesarskiego więzienia poślubiła Jakuba Stuarta i zamieszkała w Rzymie. Natychmiast dostała się w wir walk toczących się w zajadle rywalizującym środowisku jakobitów. Główne fakcje tworzyli faworyci królewscy James Murray i John Hay oraz ich wróg John Erskine, diuk Mar. Maria Klementyna – zapewne za namową faworytów – została pozbawiona dam do towarzystwa, którymi powinny być małżonki arystokratów, niechętnie postrzegane przez Stuarta. Tymczasem Sobieska bez entuzjazmu powitała w swoim apartamencie Marjorie Hay. Wkrótce stało się jasne, że królowa współpracuje z gronem niechętnym faworytom, domagając się uwagi małżonka, a może nawet dostępu do jego politycznej korespondencji i kontaktów z jakobitami. Gdy Stuart powierzył opiekę nad starszym synem Jamesowi Murrayowi, pozbawiając królową jedynego poważnego obowiązku i ograniczając jej kontakty z synem, Maria Klementyna opuściła pałac i schroniła się w klasztorze. Wskutek pośrednictwa i nacisku dworów europejskich powróciła do męża, którego otoczenie opuścili John i Marjorie Hayowie. Królowa zdołała wywalczyć niezależność, a mąż stworzył dla niej odrębny dwór. Nieporozumienia dotyczyły także finansowania otoczenia Sobieskiej, a kilka zachowanych rachunków pozwala wskazać, na co ona sama przeznaczała swoje pieniądze.

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34

Roberts, Alasdair. "Ague and the Chevalier: Another Royal Affliction." Scottish Historical Review 97, no. 1 (April 2018): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2018.0352.

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James Francis Edward the son of James II and VII has been overshadowed as a Jacobite claimant to the British crown by his son Charles Edward Stuart, the Young Chevalier. As the Old Chevalier of the 1715 Rising, James was unable to provide leadership which might have saved the campaign. This has been attributed to fever or ague. In fact he was suffering from a long-term anal fistula which was successfully operated upon at Avignon, the papal enclave where James and his followers gathered. Parallels are drawn with the much better known Grand opération for the same condition undergone by James's patron Louis XIV. This helped to maintain the French king's position at home and abroad and raised the professional status of surgeons. Lack of attention to the Chevalier's condition and cure since it came to notice through Scottish writers at the start of last century is discussed.

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35

van Parijs, Philippe. "Reciprocity and the Justification of an Unconditional Basic Income. Reply to Stuart White." Political Studies 45, no. 2 (June 1997): 327–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00084.

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1 Earlier versions of this reply were incorporated in talks I gave at Nuffield College, Oxford (3 November 1995) and at the Political Thought Seminar, University of Cambridge (21 January 1996). Many thanks to Tony Atkinson, Jerry Cohen, John Dunn, Cécile Fabre, Sue James, David Miller, Adam Swift, Stuart White, Andrew Williams and others (whose names I have forgotten or never knew) for stimulating discussions on these two occasions.

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36

Tutino, Stefania. "‘Makynge Recusancy Deathe Outrighte’? Thomas Pounde, Andrew Willet and The Catholic Question in Early Jacobean England." Recusant History 27, no. 1 (May 2004): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200031162.

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With the accession of James VI of Scotland to England’s throne as James I, many English Catholics began hoping that the vexing question of religion would soon be resolved in a manner not unfavourable to their faith. James, after all, was the son of the Catholic Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, and it seemed not impossible that he would convert to the Catholic faith. The diplomatic contact with Spain that would eventually produce the Treaty of 1604 was already in process and religious toleration was one element in the discussion. But the more significant grounds for Catholics’ hope came most certainly from the position on the English religious question enunciated by the King himself. As his reign began, James seemed to be demonstrating a more favourable attitude towards Catholics than towards Puritans. His Basilikon Down declared the Church of Rome and the Church of England ‘agree in the grounds’, while his first speech to Parliament in March 1604 characterized Catholicism as ‘a religion, falsely called Catholik, but trewly Papist’, while defining the Puritans, as ‘a sect rather than a Religion’.

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37

Addison, Paul A. "St James and the Good Shepherd: windows on the landscape." Architectural History Aotearoa 18 (December 8, 2021): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/aha.v18i.7366.

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Two New Zealand churches completed in the 1930s, St James' Church at Franz Josef/Waiau (James Stuart Turnbull and Percy Watts Rule, 1931) and the Church of the Good Shepherd on the shores of Lake Tekapo (Richard Strachan De Renzy Harman, 1935), feature large plate glass windows behind the altar, affording expansive views of the natural landscape beyond. This represented a significant departure from prevailing ecclesiastical design ideas of the time, with the interior of the churches being intimately connected to the landscape outside, rather than the usual largely internalized atmosphere with any sense of the surroundings limited to light coming through strategically placed decorative or stained-glass windows. It is, however, a design aesthetic that has seldom been utilized in New Zealand since. This paper traverses the history and design of the two churches and their relationships with the landscapes in which they are situated, and concludes that St James' Church provides a heightened religious experience and is a more successful metaphor for the Christian journey.

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38

Kazez, Jean. "Persistent Anosmia." Philosophers' Magazine, no. 92 (2021): 108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm20219222.

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John Stuart Mill famously maintained that “animal pleasures” – like enjoying good smells and tastes – are lower quality than the pleasures tied to higher cognition, like the pleasure of enjoying an opera or understanding a mathematical proof. This downgrading is particularly common in the ethical literature about eating animals. Peter Singer, James Rachels, Gary Francione, Alastair Norcross and dozens of other ethicists make quick work of defending vegetarianism by presuming that “gustatory pleasure” is trivial. But is it?

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39

Empey, Mark. "Select documents: Sir James Ware's bibliographic lists." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 153 (May 2014): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003655.

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At first glance the low yield of books produced by the Dublin printing presses for circulation in early Stuart Ireland could lead to two hasty conclusions: first, that Irish society was unreceptive towards reading; and second, that the printing presses had to contend with a very small (literate) target audience. Yet nothing could be further from the truth. In recent years Raymond Gillespie has done much to dispel these suppositions. His appraisal of English port books, printing press accounts from the continent and library borrowing lists plainly demonstrates the appetite of an interested reading public in Ireland. The value of analysing book loaning lists was further underlined by William O'Sullivan when he partially revealed the borrowing records belonging to the historian and antiquarian, Sir James Ware. In so doing, he drew attention to the potential of a deeper exploration of Irish cultural and intellectual life.

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40

McKelvey, Chelsea. "Queen Anne's Body in Stuart Court Sermons." Ben Jonson Journal 28, no. 2 (November 2021): 237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.2021.0315.

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This article aligns the 1605, 1606, and 1609 court sermons of Lancelot Andrewes with Ben Jonson's Masque of Blackness and Masque of Beauty (performed in 1605 and 1608, respectively) in order to argue that both genres politicize James VI and I's domestic life by commenting on Queen Anne's political and domestic roles. Scholars have examined the ways in which Anne's performance in the court masques allowed her to claim a sense of authority and agency over her body. Recent research on sermons has demonstrated how they were another form of court entertainment, more akin to masques and plays than we might expect, and that the sermon genre often commented on ongoing political and domestic situations in the Stuart court. Yet, scholars have not considered how the masques prompted a response from another popular court genre, the sermon. In placing these two genres—sermon and masque—alongside one another, I argue that Andrewes's patriarchal downplaying of the woman's body in the Biblical Nativity narrative is actually a response to Jonson's masques, rather than the normative touchstone of early modern understandings of gender and maternity. Considering Andrewes's view of the female body as a contrast to Jonson's display and celebration of the female body reveals multiple models for understanding maternity in the early modern period.

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41

Campbell, Ian W. S. "Calvinist Absolutism: Archbishop James Ussher and Royal Power." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 3 (July 2014): 588–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.57.

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AbstractArchbishop James Ussher's manuscript notebooks allow us to observe the making of a Calvinist absolutist and to orientate the archbishop's beliefs about royal power within European Reformed thought as a whole. By 1643, Ussher was preaching a polished and complete theory of absolute royal power, and it is possible to track the development of this political theory forward from his undergraduate days in the 1590s. Throughout his life Ussher engaged anxiously with Reformed theologians abroad, who generally favored limited rather than absolute monarchy. Nevertheless, Ussher shared with these Reformed colleagues both an antipathy to aspects of Aristotelian politics and a commitment to the divine institution of royal power. Finally, despite Ussher's hostility to Laudian innovations in the Irish Church, his heartfelt political beliefs made him a firm supporter of Stuart absolutism throughout the Three Kingdoms.

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42

Schwarz, B. "Breaking bread with history: CLR James and The Black Jacobins Stuart Hall." History Workshop Journal 46, no. 1 (1998): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/1998.46.17.

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43

Mackay, James, and Stuart Comer. "James Mackay in conversation with Stuart Comer: Derek Jarman’s Super 8 films." Moving Image Review & Art Journal (MIRAJ) 3, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 224–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/miraj.3.2.224_7.

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44

Petit, Emmanuel. "John Stuart Mill et James Mill : un modèle d’éducation utilitariste dépourvu d’affects." Les Études Sociales 171-172, no. 1 (2020): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etsoc.171.0147.

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45

Conti, Greg. "James Fitzjames Stephen, John Stuart Mill, and the Victorian Theory of Toleration." History of European Ideas 42, no. 3 (February 5, 2016): 364–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2015.1133181.

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46

Burnyeat, M. F. "What was the ‘Common Arrangement’? An Inquiry into John Stuart Mill's Boyhood Reading of Plato." Utilitas 13, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820800002971.

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This article is detective work, not philosophy. J. S. Mill's Autobiography records that at the age of seven he read, in Greek, ‘the first six dialogues (in the common arrangement) of Plato, from the Euthyphron to the Theaetetus inclusive’. Which were the other dialogues? On the arrangement common today, it would be Crito, Apology, Phaedo, Cratylus. On the arrangement common then, Theages and Erastai replace Cratylus, which makes seven dialogues. I show that this must be the answer by the evidence of James Mill's commonplace books and his writings on Plato. These reveal which collected edition of Plato he owned and which he would want to own. Conditions for studying Plato in the original were much harder than we are used to. The inquiry highlights both the ideological purity of the education James Mill designed for his son, and the difficulties he faced in realizing his plan.

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Sadras, Victor O. "Agricultural technology is unavoidable, directional, combinatory, disruptive, unpredictable and has unintended consequences." Outlook on Agriculture 49, no. 4 (September 22, 2020): 293–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0030727020960493.

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Science historian James Burke, scientist turned writer Isaac Asimov and polymath Stuart Kauffman have all argued, from different angles, that technology is unavoidable, directional, combinatory, disruptive and unpredictable. They also highlight the unintended consequences of technology seeking to fix a problem and creating new problems and opportunities. Here I draw on their vision to outline these features of technology with a focus on sustainable agriculture and highlight their implications for investment in research and development, and connecting public policy and technological change.

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48

Blumrosen, Alfred W. "The Profound Influence in America of Lord Mansfield’s Decision in Somerset v. Stuart." Texas Wesleyan Law Review 13, no. 2 (March 2007): 645–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v13.i2.14.

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Lord Mansfield's influence on slavery in America began on June 22, 1772, when he decided the case that freed James Somerset and declared slavery "so odious" that it could not be enforced in Britain by sending a slave out of the country against his will. It continues into the present through work such as the University of Michigan's successful defense of affirmative action before our Supreme Court. My focus today is on six episodes showing the influence of Mansfield's decision in Somerset v. Stuart in America.

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49

Malanson, Jeffrey J. "A Companion to James Madison and James Monroe. Edited by Stuart Leibiger. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2013. 585 pp." Presidential Studies Quarterly 46, no. 2 (May 13, 2016): 489–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/psq.12286.

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50

Wärneryd, Karl-Erik. "Economics and psychology: Economic psychology according to James Mill and John Stuart Mill." Journal of Economic Psychology 29, no. 6 (December 2008): 777–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.joep.2008.03.001.

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