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Статті в журналах з теми "Islamic Daʿwa Party":
1
Alaaldin, Ranj. "The Islamic Da'wa Party and the Mobilization of Iraq's Shi'i Community, 1958 –1965." Middle East Journal 71, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/71.1.13.
2
Suryana, Cecep. "Politik sebagai Dakwah: Komunikasi Politik Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS)." Communicatus: Jurnal Ilmu komunikasi 5, no. 1 (June 11, 2021): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/cjik.v5i1.12646.
Анотація:
This paper describes the dynamics of political communication run by the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS), which has been identified as a da’wa party. By using the phenomenological method, this paper describes the knowledge and experience of political communication which is framed as an Islamic da’wa movement which is the character of the PKS struggle which is focused on the concept of PKS da’wa and how political communication activities are carried out. This study shows that the PKS da’wa concept is inspired by Hasan Al-Banna’s universalist thought and da’wa movement because da’wa must be a practical answer to all social problems for all mankind, not only for Muslims. Therefore, politics is nothing but a medium of da’wa. Meanwhile, the pattern of political communication carried out by PKS is categorized into two categories, namely; communication to cadres, generally through Islamic and political studies; and communication in the context of succession or facing regional elections which are usually carried out through social service activities, public recitations and door to door socialization. Tulisan ini menguraikan tentang dinamika komunikasi politik yang dijalankan oleh Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) yang diidentifikasi sebagai partai yang berorientasi dakwah. Menggunakan metode fenomenologi, tulisan ini menguraikan tentang pengetahuan dan pengalaman komunikasi politik yang dikerangka sebagai gerakan dakwah Islam yang menjadi karakter perjuangan PKS yang difokuskan pada konsep dakwah PKS dan bagaimana aktivitas komunikasi politik yang dijalankan. Kajian ini menunjukkan bahwa konsep dakwah PKS banyak mendapat inspirasi dari gerakan dan pemikiran dakwah Hasan Al-Banna yang bersifat universalis dalam arti bahwa dakwah harus mampu menjadi jawaban praktis atas semua persoalan sosial-kemanusiaan, tidak hanya bagi umat Islam. Oleh karena itu, politik tidak lain merupakan salah satu medium dakwah. Sementara itu, pola komunikasi politik yang dijalankan oleh PKS dikategorikan pada dua kategori besar yakni; komunikasi terhadap kader yang pada umumnya melalui kajian-kajian Islam dan politik; dan komunikasi dalam konteks suksesi atau menghadapi perhelatan pilkada yang biasanya dilakukan melalui kegiatan bakti sosial, pengajian umum dan sosialisasi secara door to door.
3
Zainah Nasution, Ina. "Pelatihan Pengembangan Dakwah Secara Digital Pada Korps Mubalighat Pimpinan Wilayah Aisyiyah Sumatera Utara." Maslahah: Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat 3, no. 2 (June 19, 2022): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.56114/maslahah.v3i2.371.
Анотація:
The development of Islamic propagation or da’wa Islam is carried out over and over with the age. The great information technology today with its social media, making the da’wa have varied media alternatives. Similarly with Aisyiyah as a women organization, beginning to open up for the development of digital da’wa media technology. Recognizing the enormous digital needs of the Aisyiyah North Sumatra Stake, the Leaders of the Aisyiyah Northern Sumatra Council, through the Tabligh Management in patnership with Muhammadiyah North Sumatra University through the Muhammadiyah development partnership program, conducted the digital da’wa development training. The training was followed by 20 participants made up of the Aisyiyah North Sumatra Stake Leaders and the Aisyiyah stake leaders mubalighat as well as representatives of the Muhammadiyah youth generation. The specific focus of training was to train the ability of the Aaisyiyah North Sumatra regional leaders to make videos and the da’wa flyer. Participants seemed excited and enthusiastic about receiving material, asking questions and then practicing how to make flyers or videos through canva applications selected by the organizers. After the training was completed, the participants' progress in making the videos and flyer da’wa was shown. This is partly because the PKPM team has set up the whatsapp group as a means of continued discussion and a follow-up plan to practice the proficiency of the participants in making the flyer and the da’wa videos.
4
Halim, Wahyuddin. "The Mass Production of Religious Authority: A Study on a Ma‘had Aly Program in South Sulawesi, Indonesia." Islamic Studies Review 1, no. 2 (December 29, 2022): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.56529/isr.v1i2.83.
Анотація:
The rise of new Muslim organizations in Indonesia after the reform movement in 1998 has produced a new type of religious authority, particularly through the emergence of popular preachers. Television and social media platforms are among the key factors in helping these new sources of religious authority gain instant popularity in the Muslim community. Many of those fitting this new type of preacher are relatively junior, starting their career by delivering religious speeches to diverse Islamic study groups in urban areas before appearing on television and various social media platforms. Their popularity has influenced the way the Muslim communities in Indonesia view and respect the status and role of traditional Islamic authority (ulama). For a long time, the traditional type of ulama has functioned as the most authoritative source of religious knowledge and learning for the Muslim community. This paper describes the important role of the graduates of a tertiary Islamic education program for producing junior ulama, the Ma’had ‘Aly As‘adiyah, in the field of Islamic education and da‘wa (Islamic preaching) and how it has adapted its teaching methodology to suit current developments in those fields. This research finds that while maintaining traditional da‘wa methods for local communities, some Ma‘had Aly graduates have also taken advantage of various new digital media platforms to reach more diverse and wider audiences. This research argues that Ma’had ‘Aly As‘adiyah has consistently trained and produced new ulama with high competence in various disciplines of Islamic knowledge and an ability to respond and adapt to contemporary socio-religious changes partly generated by the disruptive development of new media.
5
Muridan, Muridan. "Gagasan Pemikiran dan Gerakan Dakwah M. Natsir di Indonesia." KOMUNIKA 3, no. 1 (March 2, 2015): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/kom.v3i1.2009.pp63-74.
Анотація:
M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman. His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kyai or ulama. To make ada’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.
6
Elsässer, Sebastian. "Between Ideology and Pragmatism: Fathī Yakan's Theory of Islamic Activism." Die Welt des Islams 47, no. 3 (2007): 376–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006007783237437.
Анотація:
AbstractFathi Yakan is the pre-eminent figure of the Sunni Islamist movement in Lebanon. His theory of Islamic activism provides an example of how Islamists try to reconcile radical ideological thought with a pragmatic approach to social and political activism. After tracing Yakan's theory of activism along the concepts of education, mission or da'wa, and community, the article points out some of the tensions inherent in Yakan's thought. It explores the problem of ideological and practical boundary-setting by analysing Yakan's use of the concepts of umma, jahiliyya, and community (jamī'a). Then it highlights Yakan's ambiguous attitude towards the Lebanese polity and his political record as a deputy in the Lebanese parliament between 1992 and 1996. The article concludes with the assessment that Yakan manages to integrate both radicalism and pragmatism into a single theory of activism by shifting between different levels of thought and discourse. The intellectual ambiguity that characterises this approach seems to be partly motivated by the need to preserve the largest possible measure of practical flexibility in a complex and shifting political environment.
7
Chakim, Sulkhan. "STRATEGI DAKWAH DAN KEMAJEMUKAN MASYARAKAT." KOMUNIKA: Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunikasi 1, no. 1 (November 18, 2016): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/komunika.v1i1.785.
Анотація:
Da ’wa is one of the essential parts of religiosity. According to Islam, every believer has the duty to preach Islamic teachings according to his capability. In the real life, this duty is actualized individually or in group. Da’wa includes inviting people to apply religious values and it is not merely done by Muslims. Followers of other religions also have such activity so that they should hcrve the same chance too. However, we should also realize that there are some contradictory doctrines such as tauhid, prophecy, and humanity.Every religion has an important role in human life which has dijferent culture. In spite of the true reasons, cultural diversity, including tribe, religion, and race, is often used to raise conflicts among people. Many conflicts in Indonesia, which seem to be religious conflicts, need to be viewed in relation to politics, economy, and socio- culture of the people. If religious conflicts really exist, it is necessary to build the spirit of togetherness based on the values of justice, freedom, and human rights. It is expected that the deeper the religious spirit, the deeper the sense of justice and humanity. As a result, in developing harmonious society, universal value-oriented da’wa is needed to create the spirit of togetherness and social solidarity.
8
Zulkifli, Z. "The Education of Indonesian Shi‘i Leaders." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 47, no. 2 (December 20, 2009): 231–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2009.472.231-267.
Анотація:
Amidst the Sunni majority in Indonesia, there exist a small number of Shi`i adherents that have increased quantitatively and qualitatively since the Iranian revolution of 1978-1979. To see the Shi`i community as a monolithic entity is misleading. In fact, this community is comprised of several groups that may not be united under a recognised single leader. Leadership in a community results partly from education, although the degree and extent of its influence remain questionable. In this regard, this article aims at analysing the education of Shi`i leaders in Indonesia. What types of education did they experience? In terms of education backgrounds, Shi`i leaders may be classified into the ustadhs and intellectuals. The ustadhs are those educated in institutions of Islamic learning and the majority are alumni of hawza ‘ilmiyya (colleges of Islamic learning) in Qum, Iran. Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979, the number of Indonesian students studying in Qum has increased significantly and the hawza ‘ilmiyya of Qum have been very important in producing the Shi`i ustadh in Indonesia. On the other hand, the intellectuals are those who have graduated from secular universities but received religious instruction in non-formal education institutions. Although education is an important factor contributing to leadership, other factors have to be considered such as scholarship in religious sciences, involvement in da‘wa and education activities, leadership experience in education and socio-religious institutions, as the case of Jalaluddin Rakhmat has shown.
9
Fuad, Ai Fatimah Nur. "Kajian Literatur tentang Perkembangan Historis dan Transformasi Dakwah Gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia." Jurnal Lektur Keagamaan 17, no. 2 (February 20, 2020): 349–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31291/jlk.v17i2.744.
Анотація:
This research analyses the historical development of the Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia. Specifically, it analyses on how and to what extent the da’wa of the Tarbiyah movement has been transformed due its changing of religious, social and political dynamics of Indonesia since 1970s until now. Based on this written document-based research, I argue that the gradual transition of the Tarbiyah movement from a politically repressed network of religious purists in the 1970-80s into a fully-fledged dakwah political party (the Prosperous Justice Party /PKS) was the outcome of new ‘political opportunities’ which emerged during a period of democratisation. The political situation during the time of the Tarbiyah movement’s emergence in the early 1980s saw state repression of Islamic movements and this constraint on political opportunity structures was one of the main factors causing the Liqo to be informally organised. Only in the post-New Order period (begun in 1998) did the movement start to generate its formal organizational structure in the shape of a political party named the PK(S). The move towards formality aimed to take advantage of the ‘political opportunity’ provided by a more democratic government, while the less formal and the informal aspects of their organisation supports the party in recruiting new members and mobilizing its sympathisers.Keywords: Da’wa, Tarbiyah movement, PKS, Politics, Indonesia.Penelitian ini mengkaji perkembangan historis gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia. Secara khusus, penelitian ini mengkaji mengenai bagaimana dan sejauhmana dakwah gerakan Tarbiyah ini telah mengalami transformasi disebabkan oleh perubahan dinamika keagamaan, sosial, dan politik Indonesia sejak tahun 1970-an sampai saat ini. Berdasarkan penelitian berbasis analisa dokumen tertulis untuk ini, saya berpendapat bahwa transisi bertahap gerakan Tarbiyah dari jaringan agama puritan yang ditekan secara politis pada tahun 1970-1980-an menjadi sebuah partai politik dakwah pada akhir 1990-an adalah hasil dari peluang politik atau ‘political opportunity' yang muncul selama periode demokratisasi. Situasi politik selama masa kemunculan gerakan Tarbiyah pada awal 1980-an menyebabkan represi negara atas gerakan Islam dan kendala pada struktur kesempatan politik ini adalah salah satu faktor utama yang menyebabkan liqo diorganisir secara informal. Pada periode pasca-Orde Baru (dimulai pada tahun 1998) gerakan ini mulai menghasilkan struktur organisasi formal dalam bentuk partai politik bernama PKS. Langkah perubahan menuju formalitas bertujuan untuk mengambil keuntungan dari 'peluang politik' yang dibuka oleh pemerintah yang lebih demokratis, sementara aspek yang kurang formal dan informal dari organisasi /gerakan mereka tetap bisa mendukung partai dalam merekrut anggota baru dan memobilisasi simpatisannya.Kata Kunci: Dakwah, Gerakan Tarbiyah, PKS, Politik, Indonesia.
10
Bruckmayr, Philipp. "Salafī Challenge and Māturīdī Response: Contemporary Disputes over the Legitimacy of Māturīdī kalām." Die Welt des Islams 60, no. 2-3 (May 27, 2020): 293–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-06023p06.
Анотація:
Abstract Salafī refutations of Sunnī kalām have long been focused almost exclusively on the Ashʿariyya. In recent decades, however, Salafī authors and activists have also turned their attention towards the Māturīdī current, which has been historically predominant in those parts of the Muslim world dominated by the Ḥanafī madhhab. In the present article, the characteristics of the Salafī challenge to the Māturīdiyya are presented and the main factors behind its emergence and dissemination are traced. It is shown that the recent growing awareness of the Māturīdiyya as a theological other among adherents of Salafī Islam owes much to the efforts of the Pakistani scholar Shams al-Dīn al‑Salafī al‑Afghānī, a graduate of the Islamic University of Medina. It is argued that his work, which was influenced both by his specific South Asian background and by his exposure to established forms of Salafī education and daʿwa in Medina, was instrumental in raising the spectre of a “modern Māturīdiyya” as a serious doctrinal challenger and impediment to Salafī expansion in South Asia and elsewhere. Hereby it was specifically the late Ottoman scholar Muḥammad Zāhid al-Kawtharī and his followers, as well as the South Asian Deobandī and Barelvī (i.e., Ahl-i Sunnat) masālik, which were identified as prime representatives of the contemporary Māturīdiyya. Finally, it is shown that the Salafī assault on the Māturīdiyya seems to have resulted in a revival of theological madhhab‑consciousness, as well as in growing cooperation between Ḥanafī scholars in different parts of the Muslim world.
Дисертації з теми "Islamic Daʿwa Party":
1
Laval, Thibaud. "L'appel de la révolution : origines, formation et expansion du Parti al-Daʿwa al-islāmiyya en Iraq (1948-1981)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023EHES0156.
Анотація:
Fondé dans les villes saintes de l’Iraq suite au renversement de la monarchie hachémite en 1958, le parti al-Daʿwa al-islāmiyya fut l’une des premières organisations islamiques chiites à voir le jour au Moyen-Orient. Il se diffusa dans tout l’Iraq, recruta des chiites mais aussi des sunnites, et se fit le porte-drapeau d’une révolution radicale visant à créer une société islamique utopique. Cette thèse démontre que si le sayyid Muḥammad Bāqir al-Ṣadr (1935-1980) est considéré comme son fondateur et son idéologue, il joua un rôle marginal dans l’histoire de ce parti. Cette thèse démontre que Muḥammad Hādī al-Subaytī (1930-1988), un intellectuel révolutionnaire issu du Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, en fut le principal théoricien et dirigeant entre 1958 et 1981. Le parti al-Daʿwa al-islāmiyya fut une véritable version chiite du Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, dont il partage en grande partie l’idéologie et la grammaire d’action. Cette influence jugée sunnite fut contestée au sein de l’organisation par des militants souhaitant chiitiser son idéologie ; le parti fut ainsi traversé par de nombreuses rivalités idéologiques et doctrinalesFounded in the holy cities of Iraq following the overthrow of the Hashemite monarchy in 1958, the Islamic Daʿwa Party was one of the first Shīʿī Islamic organizations to emerge in the Middle East. It spread throughout Iraq, recruiting Shiites as well as Sunnis, and became the standard-bearer of a radical revolution aimed at creating a utopian Islamic society. This thesis demonstrates that while Sayyid Muḥammad Bāqir al-Ṣadr (1935–1988) is considered its founder and ideologue, he played a marginal role in the party’s history. This thesis demonstrates that Muḥammad Hādī al-Subaytī (1930–1988), a revolutionary intellectual from the Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, was its main theorist and leader between 1958 and 1981. Islamic Daʿwa Party was a true Shīʿī version of the Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, with which it largely shared its ideology and grammar of action. This influence, considered Sunni, was contested within the organization by militants wishing to Shiitize its ideology; the party was thus traversed by numerous ideological and doctrinal rivalries
Книги з теми "Islamic Daʿwa Party":
1
Moore, Kathleen M. Da‘wa in the United States. Edited by Jane I. Smith and Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199862634.013.006.
Анотація:
Da’wa (literally, "call") refers not only to missionary work (i.e., spreading the message of Islam to nonbelievers). It also means reinforcing greater piety on the part of Muslims, appealing to Muslims to renew their religious commitment. Influenced by Muslim scholar Isma’il al-Faruqi, contemporary da’wa activity in the American context has underscored that the role of the da’i (the one who calls) is to invite "reversion" to one's natural or innate state of being in relationship with the divine. Islam was readopted by many twentieth-century African Americans due to da’wa work of the Ahmadis, the Nation of Islam, and others. Digital da’wa, using new social media and the Internet, and visual da’wa (e.g., satellite television and YouTube videos) add innovative means to propagating the faith and increasing Islamic literacy.
Частини книг з теми "Islamic Daʿwa Party":
1
Merone, Fabio. "Post-Islamism Politics in Tunisia." In A Fledgling Democracy, 87–102. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197661635.003.0004.
Анотація:
Abstract This chapter analyzes the post-Islamist politics of the Tunisian Ennahda party and conceives of post-Islamism as post-ideological. Islamism in the twentieth century is a modern ideology of societal transformation, while post-Islamism is the "normalization" of such political praxis. In the Tunisian context, Ennahda succeeded in integrating state institutions and participating in building democracy after 2011. At the 2016 conference, the party declared to have overcome "Islamism" and adopted a new strategy of specialization, which led to the separation of daʿwa activities and politics. This change has transformed the party's conception of politics, whereby the priority becomes contesting elections and participating in governmental coalitions. This chapter analyzes this change from the point of view of the party's ideological transformation and its concrete political actions.
2
Kamali, Maryam. "The Formation of the ʿAbbāsid Caliphate." In Social Change in Medieval Iran 132–628 AH (750–1231 AD). Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463721981_ch01.
Анотація:
Social change in post-Islamic Iran was tied to the formation of the ʿAbbāsid Caliphate. The ʿAbbāsids took full advantage of their potential against the Umayyad Caliphate. Using tools such as daʿva, which takes up a long chapter in Islamic history, exploiting Shiʿite structural resources such as the imamate, and identifying Khorāsān as a suitable place to start daʿva, was part of the ʿAbbāsid plan to gain religious legitimacy among the people. In addition, the Iranians, who were to reproduce their pre-Islamic power structures and independence, came to the scene with all their strength. The presence of many of them as dāʿies, including Abu Salama Khallāl and commanders such as Abu Moslem-e Khorāsāni, eventually led to the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate.
3
Baker, Raymond William. "Grand Ayatollah Baqir al Sadr." In Justice in Islam, 152—C7.P78. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197624975.003.0007.
Анотація:
Abstract The arrest, torture, and murder of Baqir al Sadr in the spring of 1980 came as no surprise. The Shi‘i Ayatollah provided a model of the “caller” to Islam as both scholar and uncompromising activist. He did so in the face of the terrible tyranny of Saddam Hussein’s Iraq. Baqir was renowned for his encyclopedic scholarship that encompassed both secular and Islamic learning. He was from the first also a bold political actor under an Islamic banner. He sought to demonstrate how a value-based Islamic social order, with justice at its core, was both eminently viable and morally superior to the leading secular capitalist and socialist systems. Baqir provided intellectual inspiration and guidance to the Da‘wa Islamic Party that has persisted to this day in Iraq. Baqir understood the danger he faced. Martyrdom came to Baqir at an early age. The Lebanese Ayatollah Hussein Fadlallah decried his gruesome murder at the hands of Saddam’s security forces as “the crime of the century.”
4
Lacroix, Stéphane. "Religious Sectarianism and Political Pragmatism." In Beyond Sunni and Shia, 265–82. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876050.003.0012.
Анотація:
The Salafi movement in Egypt illustrates that the dynamics of sectarianism are fluid and sometimes contradictory. Over the last five years, the Salafi party, Hizb al-Nour, has taken a pragmatic, flexible approach to politics, but maintained its intransigent religious stances. While the party has made several political concessions and decisions that go against the Salafi doctrine, it considered them necessary to protect the “interest of the Da‘wa” and hold its position of influence among society—justifications that the Salafi Da‘wa, the religious organization behind Hizb al-Nour, has largely accepted despite some internal conflict. Arguably, in contrast to the Muslim Brotherhood, Hizb al-Nour does not behave like an Islamist party, at least in its current form; for Salafis, politics is just a means to an end. The party’s recent stances, especially during the military takeover in July 2013 and in its aftermath, can best be explained by analyzing Hizb al-Nour not as an Islamist party, but as the lobbying arm of a religious organization. The paradox of the party’s extreme political pragmatism and its rigidity and sectarianism at the doctrinal level seems sustainable and likely to remain.
5
Poston, Larry. "Da‘wah in the East: The Expansion of Islam from the First to the Twelfth Century,." In Islamic Da‘wah in the West, 26–47. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195072273.003.0003.
Анотація:
Abstract The territory brought under Islamic suzerainty during the first century following the inception of the religion stretched from the shores of the Atlantic in the West to the Indian subcontinent in the East-a remarkable achievement given the relatively small forces that accomplished it. Among the many questions that could be asked with regard to this phenomenon is one having to do with the initi ative that produced it: Was this expansion the intended result of tac tical and strategic planning on the part of the founder of Islam or was it rather an accident resulting from a chance combination of historical circumstances? Was it in Muhammad’s mind to produce a world religion or did his interests lie mainly within the confines of his homeland? Was he solely an Arabian nationalist-a political genius intent upon uniting the proliferation of tribal clans under the banner of a new religion-or was his vision a truly international one, encompassing a desire to produce a reformed humanity in the midst of a new world order? These questions are not without significance, for a number of the proponents of contemporary da’wah activity in the West trace their inspiration to the Prophet himself, claiming that he initiated a worldwide missionary program in which they are the most recent participants. Ahmad Sakr, the former director of the Muslim World League Office to the United Nations and North America and founder of the American Islamic College in Chicago, believes that “Allah commanded the Prophet Muhammad to start making Da’wa from the first day he was entrusted with the mission of Islam.