Дисертації: "Iraq War"

1

Workman, W. Thom. "The social origins of the Iran-Iraq war /." Boulder (Colo.) ; London : L. Rienner publ, 1994. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb374585518.

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2

Cass, Stephen John Robert. "The US takes sides : US policy towards Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386486.

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3

Brewer, Joshua J. "Iraq, Reconsidered." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/27.

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This paper sets itself upon analyzing the Iraq War of 2003 through the lens of modern Just War Theory. We will begin with a curt summary of Iraq’s history, focusing particularly on its determinedly odious leader, Saddam Hussein. Thereon, we will be analyzing a pro-war security argument, the aim of which is to assess the threat of Hussein’s weaponry ambitions and what that threat meant to the world. Next, we will be going over the tenets of Just War Theory itself, tracing its history from Rome to the modern doorstep, and applying the security argument to its dictum. Afterwards, we move into the anti-war segment and shall unpack the subject of Iraq's oil resources and whether or not the United States' actions disqualify the intervention from achieving Just War status. Then, our next section shall be addressing the same question of potential disqualification, only this time from the angle of the war’s questionable legality. Finally, we shall conclude on the ultimate query of this paper: was the U.S. decision to intervene in 2003’s Iraq compatible with the modern principles of Just War Theory?

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4

Romaya, Bassam. "Philosophizing War: Arguments in the War on Iraq." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/78961.

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Philosophy
Ph.D.
I set out to analyze four main philosophical arguments which have dominated the Iraq war debate. Each of these arguments has been used by philosophers to varying degrees to assess the circumstances surrounding the war. The discussions customarily focused on four key issues: just war theory, humanitarian intervention, democratization, and preventive war. In each case, I examine the argument's methods, shortcomings, and implications, to conclude that each fails to satisfactorily address, explain, or elucidate the highly controversial war. I argue that we simply cannot rely on a meager set of arguments to provide us with greater insight or genuine understanding of this war, as well as new or postmodern wars more generally. First, arguments that focus on the just war tradition overlook key events and underemphasize developments that have effectively eroded the tradition's defining concepts, such as the distinctions between combatant/noncombatant, states/non-states, victories/defeats, armies/non-state or non-nation actors. Second, theoretical analyses are routinely misappropriated or misapplied; this is especially evident in calls for humanitarian intervention, implemented for past harms committed, using backward-causing logic intended to make up for past inaction, rather than halting ongoing or imminent harm. Third, the focus on forcible democratization overlooks the high probability for failure in such pursuits and readily dismisses moral, legal, economic, educational, and cultural obstacles to democratic national building. Fourth, arguments which focus on preventive war suffer from similar problems encountered with the previous three, especially since it is unclear that the event could be characterized as a case of preventive war. The relationship between belligerent state and target state was not one in which the target state posed a future or distant threat to the belligerent state. Collectively, the arguments err in their uncritical acceptance of methodological analyses that have no genuine application to the matter at issue; that is, each misunderstands the nature of new or postmodern wars and clings to concepts relevant to modern wars, which do not factor in developments such as non-state actors, the spread of global capitalism, economic and cultural globalization, strategic objectives or military preeminence, imperialist aims or empire-building.
Temple University--Theses

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5

Nazemi, Nader. "War and state making in revolutionary Iran /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10766.

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6

El-Shazly, Nadia El-Sayed. "The tanker war : political objectives and military strategy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307311.

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7

Lemon, Michele. "The use of Islam as propaganda in the Iran-Iraq War /." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65960.

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8

Chandler, Jennifer Frances. "No Man's Land : representations of masculinities in Iran-Iraq war fiction." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/no-mans-land-representations-of-masculinities-in-iraniraq-war-fiction(dc41fbf5-07cf-40d6-9b26-398f06087011).html.

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This study offers an exploration of masculinity in both Iraqi and Iranian fiction which holds the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988) as its major theme. Representations of masculinities in Iran-Iraq War fiction present a deep, and at times, confounding paradox. Whilst this corpus of war fiction at times deeply challenges hegemony and completely reformulates its own definitions of normative codes of manliness, at other times it strictly conforms to chauvinistic and often profoundly oppressive patterns of male behaviour. By relating these works of fiction to their wider social and political context, the aim of this study is to recognise and nuance the relationship between representations of masculinities, and literary depictions of the nation at war. Theoretically grounded in reformulations of the concept of hegemonic masculinity, the study also reflects the work of Joseph Massad, as it attempts to contextualise a body of fiction which employs representations of masculinities as part of wider socio-political allegories. As such this study treats masculinity as a complex phenomenon fraught with ambivalence, operating within particular historical and political contexts, whose subjects are often empowered and oppressed in equal measure. By relating these representations to wider social and political contexts, this study seeks to recognise and nuance the relationship between representations of masculinities and the role which the nation plays in literature, in particularly, when war is the over-arching theme. It is within the context of war, when masculinity is often proposed to be at its most simple, that it is proven to be at its most complex as age, class and political affiliations become defining factors in the pursuit of hegemony and therefore what constitutes hegemonic masculinity. By comparing two national literatures participating in the same conflict, this study reveals the close socio-political dynamic which exists between gender, literature and the so-called constructed “reality” of nation which they purport to represent. Accordingly this study showcases a corpus of work which speaks to a larger literary canon systematically ignored in studies of Persian and Arabic literature. Through in-depth readings of eight works of fiction, published between 1982 and 2003, this study investigates representations of masculinity in both an Iranian and Iraqi context. This thesis is a riposte to common assumptions that literary canon which constitutes Iran-Iraq War is purely associated with state-sponsored narratives, and instead sheds light on a subtle body of fiction which offers a complex account of war and its effect on society.

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9

Mooney, Michael J. "Live from the battlefield : an examination of embedded war correspondents' reporting during Operation Iraqi Freedom (21 March-14 April 2003) /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMooney.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Leadership and Human Resource Development)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Alice Crawford, Gail Fann Thomas. Includes bibliographical references (p. 159-170). Also available online.

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10

Kadhum, Oula. "Diasporic interventions : state-building in Iraq following the 2003 Iraq war." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/93250/.

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This study addresses how the UK and the Swedish Iraqi diaspora mobilised towards state-building in Iraq following the 2003 US led intervention. It explores why some diaspora mobilised towards state-building processes through institution-building and governance while others through civil society. While the literature has explored diasporic development and peace-building, it has not systematically addressed diaspora mobilisation for state-building. Neither has it paid sufficient attention to the factors that shape diasporic political choices in intervention and conflict settings. My thesis contributes to this body of literature and argues that an overlooked dimension of state-building, is that of civil society. State-building involves top-down approaches of institution-building but also bottom-up approaches of participatory politics that encourage democratic practices. I thus develop a new two-category operationalization of state-building to capture the interventions and transnational fields of different diaspora groups and individuals. My findings show that during different time periods, three factors have shaped the mobilisation of the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora towards state-building; diaspora profiles, hostland foreign policies towards the homeland and links to homeland political parties in Iraq. Theoretically these findings demonstrate that diaspora's socio-economic profiles and networks are key to understanding the type of politics that diaspora can engage in. Meanwhile, hostland foreign policies can shape diasporic interventions by creating different relationships with homelands and thus different opportunities for engagement. Furthermore, in divided societies, diaspora connected to homeland political parties, or represented by them, are more likely to be involved in the apparatus of the state, where as those excluded are more likely to engage outside the structures of power through civil society. Finally, my study demonstrates that temporal vii dimensions are crucial for understanding, which factors mattered, when and why. Empirically, this thesis also contributes original knowledge about the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora. It sheds new light into the myriad ways that diaspora in these two countries have been attempting to rebuild the country after the 2003 intervention by illustrating their efforts and experiences, and how it has informed their current relationship to Iraq.

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11

Al=Ameri, Maan Hameed Ibrahim. "Effectiveness of a psychosocial rehabilitation programme for Iraqi repatriated prisoners of the Iran-Iraq War, 1980-1988." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.582875.

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The literature related to war captivity has reported that most former prisoners of war are still distressed by memories of traumatic experiences of their capture and captivity decades after repatriation. In addition, the earliest investigations of the effects of this traumatic experience on those repatriates have revealed that they are still suffering from numerous psychological and physical disturbances which are directly related to the traumatic experiences of their captivity. The present study has tested the effectiveness of a psychosocial rehabilitation programme on Iraqi former prisoners of the Iran-Iraq war, 1980-1988. Ninety two participants participated in this study and were randomly divided in two groups; intervention group and control group. The intervention group underwent a 12-week intervention, for an hour a week and completed a questionnaire on 4 occasions; before starting the intervention; half-way through the intervention (6 weeks); at the end of the intervention (12 weeks); and finally, 9 months after completion of the programme. The results ofthis study indicate that the majority of IRPOWs have some level of: PTSD (78.3%); anxiety (62.0%); and depression (63.0%). 85.9% of IRPOWs have a degree of satisfaction ranging from 2-5; and 80.5% of them have a good number of support persons (3-6), and 95.5% of them have medium to good levels of coping. These results reveal that many IRPOWs are still displaying problematical symptoms despite good levels of social support. I The study found no differences at pre-intervention between the Control group and Intervention group for demographic characteristics (current age, age at capture, duration of captivity, time since release, and monthly income, level of education, and rank), PTSD, anxiety, or depression. This gives the researcher confidence that the sampling was effective in eliminating selection bias between the control and intervention group and that change in PTSD and other conditions are likely to be related to the intervention. The study did not find any strong associations between demographic characteristics and outcome variables (PTSD, anxiety, and depression), suggesting that there was no effect of the age of IRPOWs at the time of capture or at the time of the study, duration of captivity, the period since release, rank, level of education, and monthly income on the severity of the symptoms of anxiety and depression or on the level of PTSD. The main finding of the study was that there were changes in levels of PTSD, anxiety and depression over time and following the intervention; with significant differences between the control group and Intervention group (For PTSD: the main time effect: F= 18.39, P= 0.01; between groups effect: F= 16.93, P= 0.01; and groups interaction overtime: F= 28.64, P= 0.01, for Anxiety: the main time effect: F= 6.41, P= 0.01; between groups effect: F= 4.20, P= 0.05; and groups interaction overtime: F= 30.93, P= 0.01, and for Depression: the main time effect was NS: F= 1.94, P= 0.16; between groups effect: F= 6.33, P= 0.01; and groups interaction overtime: F= 8.62, P= 0.01). It suggests the intervention was successful in reducing PTSD symptoms but there was a lack of any differences for anxiety and depression. This might have been due to the difficult security situation which made the increased travel that the intervention group had to undertake very stressful. The study recommends that improved mental health services should be provided in primary care and confidential counselling provided through employee-assistance programmes for IRPOWs; construct further psychosocial rehabilitation programmes for IRPOWs in other Iraqi provinces; and set plan to identify and evaluate the psychological conditions for other IRPOWs groups, including those living in other towns and rural areas and to set follow-up studies to explore their progress. IV

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12

Muir, Michael John. "Baghdad's quest for strategic surprise : an analysis of the Iraq-Iran War." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28441.

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The Iranian Revolution, along with the regional designs pursued by the Iraqi governing elite, combined to determine the course of Iraqi-Iranian relations in the period from January of 1979 to September of 1980 which, although at the outset was marked by reciprocal pronouncements of cordiality and benevolent intentions, gradually deteriorated into a mutually acrimonious path that gave rise to what has become the bloodiest and longest-running war between two Third World states. The dual, interconnected aims of this thesis are to account for the decision of the Baath regime of Iraq to attempt to strategically surprise Iran—thereby realizing its war goals in a brief and decisive campaign—and, additionally, to outline the factors and conditions that contributed to Iran's vulnerability to a sudden invasion. As a systemic theory, the theory dealing with the factors that can engender a ruling elite's impetus for seeking strategic surprise, as well as the conditions that contribute to the established target nation's exposure to such an action, belongs to the grouping of macro-theories that address the forces which influence international relations. Common to all systemic international relations theories is the assumption that the conduct of one nation toward another is, more often than not, shaped by assorted, diverse variables. And, since the course of interstate relations varies on the basis of a nearly innumerable list of determinants, it follows that decisions for war—the least pleasant, albeit far from uncommon, mode of interaction among nations—also emanate from numerous causal factors. Proceeding from such reasoning, it is not empirically or methodologically unsound to posit that typically no single, overriding determinant actuates a decision to wage an effort to attain strategic surprise. The testing of this hypothesis is a major objective of this present study. It is maintained that the Iraqi decision-maker's conclusion that war with Iran was necessary was shaped by a complex of factors. Chief among these, and one which is therefore given a central position in the thesis, is that which emphasizes the destabilizing effects of the Islamic revolutionary upheaval in Iran. More precisely, it is argued that a defensive desire to maintain the political status quo in Iraq, which was grounded on a rigid secularism, played a significant role in fostering pressure for Baghdad to resort to the use of an overt military confrontation. In line with this argument, two major beliefs espoused by the Iraqi Baathists which, by and large, are attributes of the nature of the Iraqi polity, are cited: First, that the political dominance of Sunni Muslims, who constitute a minority of the Iraqi populace— the majority of which consists of Shia Muslims—must be preserved at all costs; second, that a reinvigoration of ethnic Kurdish aspirations for increased regional autonomy, due to the extreme economic importance of the region of Iraq they inhabit (the oil-rich north), must be forestalled. It is demonstrated that the Iranian Revolution portended a heightening of Shi'ite activism and Kurdish nationalism within Iraq. Beyond strictly defensive inducements, it is maintained that Baghdad was also motivated by several enterprising goals. By and large, these ambitions were predicated upon the desire to gain control of long-coveted, economically important portions of Iranian territory, and, overall, were in consonance with the grand strategical , imperative of establishing Iraqi hegemony over the Gulf region. An analysis of the perceptions of opportunity underpinning the Baathists1 search for strategic surprise constitutes another major aspect of this undertaking. In short, it is herein argued that Baghdad was moved by perceived economic and military weakness hampering the Islamic Republic, as well as by the high degree of political friction that was spawned by the revolution. The overall accuracy of these perceptions is gauged. An in-depth examination of the economic posture of revolutionary Iran, as well as the state of its defense forces and the nature of the political ambient holding sway there, constitutes another key topic. This discussion is conducted in the context of explaining Iran's inability to obtain strategic warning of Iraq's aggressive plans, and, to immediately blunt the inroad once it had been initiated. Efforts are also made to present an overview of the international relations of Iraq and Iran, how this factor influenced Baghdad's motivations and opportunities and, equally importantly, Teheran's vulnerability to aggression from the west.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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13

Carvalho, Marilia Bastos de. "How the war was sold: A critical discourse analysis of Time magazine articles on the war on Iraq prior to the occupation." OpenSIUC, 2011. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/547.

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The power to control Discourse is the power to maintain distinct discursive practices with particular ideological agendas prevailing others, including oppositional practices (Fairclough,1995a). Media discourse thus is a powerful tool in the creation and maintenance of the hegemony of a preferred Discourse. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) aspires to disclose discursive practices that involve unequal relations of power and aim to contribute to social change by creating more equal power relations (Jorgensen & Phillips, 2002). The present study, by using CDA, aims to understand the role of the media in the selling of the war on Iraq by looking at Time magazine articles prior to the war in contrast with President George W. Bush speeches during the same period. The major themes found were patriotism, the Discourse of fear, glorification of the army, polarization of us vs. them, the "if" Discourse and trivialization of war. The findings suggest that there is an influence from the presidential Discourse reflected in the Discourse presented by the magazine as well as some themes that are only present in the magazine and also serve to the same end of shaping the public support for the war.

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14

Gibson, Bryan. "Covert relationship: American foreign policy, intelligence, and the Iran-Iraq War, 1980--1988." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27848.

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Following the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Iraq invaded Iran resulting in a costly war from 1980 to 1988, which threatened American interests in the Persian Gulf. From the outset, the stated official American policy was strict neutrality, but this was not the case. The war had provided the United States with an opportunity to improve relations with Iraq, particularly alter Iran reversed the Iraqi invasion in the summer of 1982. Because the Reagan administration could not let Iraq collapse, the United States tilted heavily towards Iraq in defiance of its stated policy. Interestingly, the tilt towards Iraq did not stop the Reagan administration from secretly dealing with Iran in 1985. Consequently, the disclosure of these dealings resulted in the buildup of American naval forces in the region to protect the shipment of oil, and eventually the use of force to end the conflict in 1988.

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15

Mohammed, Pshtiwan Faraj. "The representation of the Iraq War in selected Anglo-American and Iraqi novels." Thesis, Brunel University, 2015. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/13584.

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This thesis explores representation of the Iraq War in selected Anglo-American and Iraqi novels, examining how several authors have employed this theme in their narratives. The featured novelists are chosen from many writers who focus their efforts and their writing on this conflict. Criterion for selection included offering a critique of the diverse perspectives from which the conflict was perceived, the texts‘ engagement with the political conundrums underpinning war and its approach, how such fiction engages with a contemporary audience and what perspective are deployed to do so. Their public visibility provides the basis of one interpretative strand of the thesis. This study also explores and conceptualises how this conflict has entered the cultural consciousness and to what degree the novels fictionalise the conflict as their main subject, and assesses through which thematic emphases. The texts chosen and to be analysed are pivotal to our understanding of contemporary Iraq and its recent history. It will be argued that the thematic content of these texts contextualise modern war‘s multiple effects within not only the fictional textual world, but as well as their imaginative characters these representations become part of the experience at least vicariously of the audiences who read them. The texts discussed in subsequent chapters are either originally written in, or translated into English (for publication), and therefore all available in English, one major criterion of textual selection. It is interesting to examine the theme of the Iraq War and the historical and pragmatic vein and cultural point of reference from which authors write and has come to dominate the discourse of some contemporary novelists. The goal is to critically explore how the war has become a focal point and the framework of their narratives. The thesis will attempt to analyse how such novels depict the effects of political violence and why they are drawn to powerfully articulate the gruelling reality and experience of those fictionally engaged by and/or affected by it. It will be proposed that novels of and about this conflict are essential to study, understand, and engage with because of the content and the message they attempt to convey which is so crucial to understanding contemporary faultiness in socio-cultural histories, and the critical themes they utilize in writing and the dynamics through which they fictionalize their stories. Such fictional representations of this war serve an important societal, cultural, aesthetic and symbolic function. Thus the study encapsulates how novels of and about the Iraq War reveal and recapture the physical, psychological, and interpersonal losses that are felt by the civilians and military alike.

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16

Gray, Chase W. "Petrocapitalism in Iraqi Kurdistan: Leveraging Oil and Gas Firms in Post-War Iraq." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/337.

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In the absence of a continued military presence in Iraq, the United States must use alternative means to achieve its foreign policy goals. Stated goals include maintaining influence, increasing stability in Iraq, Iran, and the Arabian Peninsula, and ensuring Iraq's territorial integrity. This paper suggests leveraging the power of American oil and gas firms operating in Iraqi Kurdistan given the relative ineffectiveness of the embassy in Baghdad and the hostility many Iraqis exhibit toward American diplomats. It first outlines American policy toward Iraqi Kurdistan from the end of the Gulf War to the present. Next it provides a brief overview of the current state of affairs in Iraqi politics and Iraq's oil and gas industry. Then the paper describes four specific ways in which supporting American oil and gas firms in Iraqi Kurdistan can help the United States achieve its foreign policy goals. First, it can check undue Shi'a centralization of power and keep Iraq from drifting too far into the Iranian sphere. Second, it can strengthen the Kurdish bargaining position with Baghdad and push Iraq toward resolving the status of Kirkuk and enacting a comprehensive hydrocarbons law. Third, oil and gas extraction through profit sharing contracts (PSCs) rather than technical services agreements (TSAs) would promote foreign direct investment and spur economic growth. Finally, private sector oil and gas companies could be a critical component in maintaining American influence with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the Government of Iraq (GOI) through their strong local ties. The last chapter is devoted to policy prescriptions for achieving the aforementioned goals.

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17

Zausmer, Stephanie. "A Just War Framework: Analyzing the 1991 Persian Gulf War and the 2003 Iraq War." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2004. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/735.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

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18

Page, Phillip Jermaine. "The monster I have become : an analysis of media representations of torture allegations against U.S. soldiers in Iraq from April 2004 to October 2005 /." Connect to resource online, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1256139570.

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19

McClelland, Mark Jonathan Lamdin. "The unbridling of virtue : neoconservatism between the Cold War and the Iraq War." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3615/.

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During the years between the Cold War and the Iraq War, neoconservatism underwent an important shift from a position sympathetic to realist thought to a position much closer to a particularly conservative form of liberal internationalism. This change has largely been ignored in the literature, and when discussed, simply attributed to new, more radical neoconservative actors replacing a more cautious cadre. This thesis utilises a ‘history of ideas’ approach to examine the evolution of neoconservative thought from an emphasis on stability and normality to one of ambitious transformation abroad and wide-ranging democracy promotion. It argues that this modification can be attributed to several material and ideational drivers. In material terms, the end of the Cold War and the ensuing decline of bipolarity in the international system in combination with the 9/11 terrorist attacks of 2001 were pivotal events in neoconservatism’s evolution. The former removed the primary constraint on the use of American power overseas, while the latter demonstrated, as far as neoconservatives were concerned, the cost to the US of inaction and restraint abroad. Ideationally, the advent of Francis Fukuyama’s ‘End of History’ thesis, an embrace of liberal democratic peace theory, and a religious ‘turn’ in neoconservative thought, all contributed to the development of a neoconservative foreign policy much more sympathetic to ideas of democracy promotion and humanitarian intervention.

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20

Hawa, Houda Georges. "Changes in inter-arab relations 1945 - 1989 : the Middle Eastern subsystem perspective." Thesis, University of Essex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265271.

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21

Astuti, Ade. "Islam vs. the West : a war in and outside the battlefield /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p1422909.

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22

Walters, Claire M. "Spinning a War." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/487.

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Thesis advisor: John J. Michalczyk
This thesis explores public relations tactics employed by the United States government during the second Iraq war. It discusses the similarity between public relations and propaganda, giving an in-depth exploration of the strategies used by the government before, during, and after the war to garner support for the effort
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Fine Arts
Discipline: College Honors Program

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23

Fallaize, James. "Supreme Threat: The Just War Tradition and the Invasion of Iraq." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-09012006-130923/.

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Thesis (honors)--Georgia State University, 2006.
Title from title screen. Robert D. Sattelmeyer, committee chair. Electronic text (61 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed May 7, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-61).

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24

Ganey, Terry. "Saigon to Baghdad comparing combat correspondents' experiences in Vietnam and Iraq /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5794.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on September 2, 2008) Includes bibliographical references.

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25

Steliga, Mark A. "Why they hate us : disaggregating the Iraqi insurgency." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FSteliga.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Anne Marie Baylouny, James Russell. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-86). Also available online.

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26

Mooney, Michael J. "Live from the battlefield an examination of embedded war correspondents' reporting during Operation Iraqi Freedom (21 March-14April 2003) /." access online version, LEAD access online version, NPS access online version, DTIC, 2004. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA424638.

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27

Tait, Terry Thomas. "ENDURING FAILURES:A BORDERLANDS HISTORY OF THE IRAQ WAR AND ITS AFTERMATH." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1556810289076362.

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28

Lauck-Dunlop, Penny L. Crystal Jill. "Marketing war a case study comparison of wars between the United States and Iraq /." Auburn, Ala, 2008. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/EtdRoot/2008/SPRING/Political_Science/Dissertation/PENNY_LAUCK_002.pdf.

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29

Spiers, Scott A. "The cost and economic corruption of the Iraq war." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FSpiers.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Looney, Robert. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 18, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-76). Also available in print.

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30

Lockhart, Paul G. "Geopolitics, Borders, and Federalism: Challenges for Post-War Iraq." TopSCHOLAR®, 2014. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1443.

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The fall of the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I enabled the victorious Western powers to implement the Sykes-Picot Treaty and reshape the geopolitical structure of the Middle East. The imposition of arbitrary borders on the Middle East region, specifically the state of Iraq, would lead to significant conflicts over the course of the 20th century. In 2003, a US-led invasion would further compound the instability and sectarian conflict within Iraq by completely dismantling the state. In the years after the invasion, the United States has been directly involved unsuccessfully in trying to rebuild and stabilize the state of Iraq. The goal of this study is to propose and analyze four options for the future geopolitical structure of Iraq that, by design, could maintain the current geopolitical borders and possibly contribute to stability in the Middle East. A qualitative approach that examines the benefits of different models of government is used to identify themes that may apply to the state of Iraq, Because adoption of any of the proposed options depends on choices that must be made by the Iraqi government, this thesis presents only a theoretical argument about the country’s likely future. It is my contention that the most likely route to achieving long-term political stability within Iraq is implementation of a federalist model of government that resembles the Swiss model. The Swiss model provides a framework to create ethnic tolerance through specific power devolution, internal cooperation, and conflict resolution between the different tribal and ethnic groups within each region, and external cooperation and adjudication of issues between the regions and the central government. This study’s results show that the different options analyzed all have positive and negative characteristics. The three-region Swiss model provided an exceptional framework and addressed a number of Iraq’s problems, but elements of the other models could be implemented into the three-region model to create a more stable state. Further analysis is needed to determine the best model of government to stabilize Iraq.

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31

Siebenmann, John H. "Ideology and party in Congressional Iraq War voting patterns." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2009.

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32

Mustafa, M.-Khair S. A. "The Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC), the Iraq-Iran War and the doctrine of regionality." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.276850.

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33

Bilas, John E. "Developing the Iraqi Army the long fight in the long war /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490820.

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34

AL, Baldawi Wisam Qusay Majeed. "Translating Iraq: The “Unknown Soldiers” of the US Occupation of Iraq." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1308165447.

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35

Covington, LaKesha Nicole. "From 9/11 to Iraq: Analysis and critique of the rhetoric of the Bush Administration leading to the war in Iraq." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2916.

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The project investigated the events that led the United States from September 11, 2001 to the current war in Iraq. The specific time frame examined was the period beginning on September 11, 2001 and ending with the first pre-emptive attacks in Iraq on March 19, 2003.

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36

Al-Rajhi, Saleh Abdullah. "The Gulf Cooperation Council states : the manifold threats and the search for security and stability maintenance in the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula." Thesis, University of Reading, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262806.

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37

Kh, hussen Murad. "Developments In Northern Iraq And Turdish-iraqi Relations 1990-2005." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12606803/index.pdf.

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This study is a historical analysis of Turkish-Iraqi relations from the Gulf War of 1990 up to the Iraqi elections of 2005 and the end of Transitional Administration Law (TAL) and prior to the permanent constitution. This study attempted to explain how Turkish-Iraqi relations entered into a new phase with the Gulf War of 1990. In this year, Iraq invaded Kuwait. Following this invasion, Iraq was attacked by coalition forces and at the end of this war, Iraq was nearly divided when a safe haven was created for the Kurds in northern Iraq. In this regard, this thesis paid attention to three factors that had significant impact on the foreign policy of Turkey towards Iraq: a de facto Kurdish state in northern part of this country and apprehension about the possibility of an independent Kurdish state, the existance of PKK in northern Iraq as a result of a power vacuum there and concerns about the future fate of Turkomans in Iraq and attempts to protect their rights. This study has demonstrated how Kurdish question has influenced Turkey&rsquo
s policy towards Iraq and restricted its options.

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38

Rogers, Paul F. "Into the Long War." Pluto Press, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3702.

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No
This book provides a contemporary month-by-month analysis of events in Iraq since May 2005 and assesses how they impact on other countries including Afghanistan, Iran and the wider Middle East. The book charts a tumultuous period in the conflict, including a wider international perspective on the terrorist attacks in London and Sharm al Sheik, and an assessment of how US public opinion has changed as the war drags on. It brings together Paul Rogers' international security monthly briefings as published on the Oxford Research Group website between May 2005 - April 2006, and concludes with a commentary on the significance of the year's events, and an analysis of the current situation. This is the third ORG International Security Report. We have also published reports in 2004 and 2005.

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39

Largio, Devon M. "Uncovering the rationales for the war on Iraq : the words of the Bush administration, Congress, and the media from September 12, 2001 to October 11, 2002 /." [Urbana, Ill. : University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences], 2004. http://www.pol.uiuc.edu/news/largio.htm.

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Thesis (B.A.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2004.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 173-205). Also available via the World Wide Web. http://www.pol.uiuc.edu/news/largio%5Fthesis.pdf

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40

Major, Mary Elizabeth. "War's Visual Discourse| A Content Analysis of Iraq War Imagery." Thesis, Portland State University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1535957.

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This study reports the findings of a systematic visual content analysis of 356 randomly sampled images published about the Iraq War in Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News and World Report from 2003-2009. In comparison to a 1995 Gulf War study, published images in all three newsmagazines continued to be U.S.-centric, with the highest content frequencies reflected in the categories U.S. troops on combat patrol, Iraqi civilians, and U.S. political leaders respectively. These content categories do not resemble the results of the Gulf War study in which armaments garnered the largest share of the images with 23%.

This study concludes that embedding photojournalists, in addition to media economics, governance, and the media-organizational culture, restricted an accurate representation of the Iraq War and its consequences. Embedding allowed more access to both troops and civilians than the journalistic pool system of the Gulf War, which stationed the majority of journalists in Saudi Arabia and allowed only a few journalists into Iraq with the understanding they would share information. However, the perceived opportunity by journalists to more thoroughly cover the war through the policy of embedding was not realized to the extent they had hoped for. The embed protocols acted more as an indirect form of censorship.

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41

Gibson, Bryan R. "US foreign policy, Iraq, and the Cold War 1958-1975." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/720/.

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This thesis analyses the ways in which U.S. policy toward Iraq was dictated by its broader Cold War strategy between 1958 and 1975. While most historians have focused on ‘hot’ Cold War conflicts such as Cuba, Vietnam, and Afghanistan, few have recognized Iraq’s significance as a Cold War battleground. This thesis shows where Iraq fits into the broader historiography of the Cold War in the Middle East. It argues that U.S. decisions and actions were designed to deny the Soviet Union influence over Iraq and a strategic base in the oil-rich Gulf region. This was evident in the Eisenhower administration’s response to Iraq’s revolution in 1958, when it engaged in covert action to prevent communists from gaining control of the state; in the Kennedy administration’s efforts to bolster the first Ba’th regime during its war with the Kurds in 1963 because it perceived it as anti-communist; in the Johnson administration’s support for the anti-communist, Arab nationalist regimes during the mid-1960s; and in the Nixon administration’s decision to support the Kurdish rebels in 1972-75 after the second Ba’thist regime drew Iraq partially into the Soviet orbit. This suggests a clear pattern. Using newly available primary sources and interviews, this thesis reveals new details on America’s decision-making toward and actions against Iraq during a key part of the Cold War. Significantly, it raises questions about widely held notions, such as the CIA’s alleged involvement in the 1963 Ba’thist coup and the theory that the U.S. sold out the Kurds in 1975. Finally, it argues scholars have relied excessively and uncritically on a leaked congressional report, the Pike Report, which has had a distorting affect on the historiography of U.S.-Iraqi relations. This thesis seeks to redress these historiographical deficiencies and bring new details to light.

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42

Nichols, Todd Lawrence. "The Iraq War and the politicization of the U.S. military." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709114.

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43

Iversen, Amy. "The psychological health of veterans of the 2003 Iraq War." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2013. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-psychological-health-of-veterans-of-the-2003-iraq-war(fc68049c-dcff-46f0-a77a-40ce6e3d156b).html.

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This thesis describes a nested cross-sectional study of Iraq War veterans who deployed in the main war-fighting period of the war (TELIC 1) and those in the UK military during the Iraq War, but who did not deploy at that time. Participants were drawn from a large UK military cohort, stratified by deployment status and engagement type. Participants undertook a structured telephone interview including diagnostic instruments, measures of service utilisation, and barriers to care. The response rate was 76% (821 participants). The weighted prevalence of common mental health problems/PTSD symptoms was 27.2% and 4.8%. The most common diagnoses were alcohol abuse (18%) and neurotic disorders (13.5%). There was no health effect of deploying for regular personnel, but an increased risk of PTSD for reservists deployed to Iraq, and other recent deployments, compared to reservists who did not deploy. Less than a quarter of those with common mental health problems still serving in the military were receiving any form of medical professional help. Non-medical sources of help were widely used. The rates of help-seeking in this population were comparable with general population rates. The majority of those diagnosed were not receiving the best evidence based treatment. 44% of interviewees diagnosed on structured interview failed to recognise they were suffering from a mental health problem. The most common barriers to care reported related to the anticipated public stigma associated with consulting. In addition, participants reported barriers in the practicalities of consulting, e.g. scheduling an appointment. Stigma did not influence help-seeking, although negative attitudes | toward mental health care did. Those with mental health problems, such as PTSD, reported significantly more barriers to care than those without a diagnosis. Barriers to care appeared undiminished on leaving the services.

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44

Baltrusaitis, Daniel F. "Friends indeed? coalition burden sharing and the war in Iraq /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/436264265/viewonline.

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45

Duggan, Edward C. 1971. "The War Lobby: Iraq and the Pursuit of U.S. Primacy." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12100.

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xiv, 162 p.
In my dissertation I argue that the invasion of Iraq was a part of a larger project by Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to reestablish the unconstrained use of U.S. military power after the defeat of Vietnam. The study presents the best evidence against the alternative explanations that the invasion of Iraq was the result of an overreaction to 9/11, the threat of Weapons of Mass Destruction, a plan to spread democracy in the Middle East, a desire to protect Israel or a plan to profit from Iraqi oil. The study also challenges the leading explanation among academics that emphasizes the role of the neoconservatives in the decision to invade. These academics argue that neoconservatives, such as Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Perle, successfully persuaded the American President, George W. Bush, and his Vice President, Dick Cheney, of the necessity to eliminate Saddam Hussein by winning an internal policy battle over realists, such as Secretary of State Colin Powell. With their narrow focus on neoconservatives and realists, scholars have largely overlooked a third group of hawkish policy makers, the primacists. This latter group, centered on Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and Vice President Cheney, had a long standing goal of strengthening the U.S. military and presidential powers in order to pursue U.S. primacy. This goal manifests itself in the invasion of Iraq, a country in the heart of the geopolitically important, oil-rich region of the Persian Gulf. I demonstrate that it was the primacists, not the neoconservatives, who persuaded the President to go to war with Iraq. Through historical process tracing, especially through a close look at the careers of the major policy actors involved and their public statements as well as declassified documents, I provide strong evidence that these leaders wanted to pursue regime change in Iraq upon taking office. The invasion of Iraq would extend the War on Terror, providing an opportunity to pursue their long-held policy of strengthening the power of the presidency and transforming the military into a high-tech and well-funded force.
Committee in charge: Jane Kellet Cramer, Chairperson/Advisor; Lars S. Skålnes, Member; Daniel J. Tichenor, Member; Val Burris, Outside Member

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46

Mark, Cheryl Ann. "The Effects of Self-Disclosure Among U.S. Iraq War Veterans." ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2217.

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Previous researchers have indicated that military deployments have challenged married couples and contributed to relational strain. It has also been found that veterans in marriages lacking intimacy are at risk of psychological problems and suicide. The purpose of this quantitative correlational study was to fill a gap in existing research by determining if attachment style, likelihood of disclosure, and demographic variables (age, length of marriage, education, race/ethnicity) predicted marital intimacy for heterosexual married male Iraq War veterans. Attachment theory provided a framework for the study, measuring anxiety and avoidance in veterans, which contributed to secure or insecure styles of relating in marriage. Data were collected using an online survey, compiled from the Experiences in Close Relationships-Relationships Structures, the Likelihood of Disclosure Scale, the Personal Assessment of Intimacy in Relationships, and individual demographic questions. Participants included 353 male heterosexual veterans belonging to military social media networking sites. Results of a stepwise multiple regression analysis demonstrated that self-disclosure and attachment style were the 2 statistically significant predictors of marital intimacy for Iraq veterans. Further, secure and preoccupied attachment style and high levels of self-disclosure explained 38% of the variance of marital intimacy. Demographic variables did not predict marital intimacy in the current study. Social change implications include identifying veterans at risk of low marital intimacy, providing protection through strengthening couples' intimacy before and after deployment, leading to a potential reduction in veteran suicide.

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47

Slagle, Mark. "Now to war a textual analysis of embedded print reporters in the second Iraq war /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4543.

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Thesis (M.A.) University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (June 27, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.

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48

Poyraz, Hasan Ertan. "Neglected issues and possible strategies for the Iraqi economy after the 2003 invasion." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FPoyraz.pdf.

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Анотація:

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Looney, Robert. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-90). Also available in print.

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49

Miller, Patrick G. "Building a better legacy contrasting the British and American experiences in Iraq." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FMiller.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Baylouny, Anne M. ; Kadhim, Abbas K. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-61). Also available in print.

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50

Young, Robert Vernon Joseph. "The history of the Iraq Levies, 1915-1932." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1997. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28511/.

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This thesis is concerned with the origins and developments of a British-initiated force, known as "The Iraq Levies", which was raised during the Mesopotamian campaign of the First World War. This is a subject which had previously received very little rigorous historical study. The Force began with some forty mounted Arab scouts, recruited from Zubair in southern Mesopotamia by the Field Intelligence unit of the Imperial Expeditionary Force (I.E.F. 'D') in July 1915. By May 1922, the Force had expanded to approximately 6,000 officers and men, as against a planned 7,500 at the Cairo Conference. A survey of the performance and military background of several British officers who served with the Levies, was considered worthy of study. Mostly they came from the Indian Army, and thus were experienced in what may be described as "political soldiering" - an invaluable qualification for their service in Iraq. It was felt important that the different ethnic backgrounds and political aspirations, as well as religious loyalties represented in the ranks of the Levies required investigation to assist in an understanding of their motivation and service. Without a detailed review of these factors, it would be difficult to comprehend how a force which could be considered to owe its allegiance to its pay-masters, could undertake the task of internal security in so volatile a region as that of Iraq, especially during and after the First World War. When its political problems, both internal and external, had to be resolved by the British government which became the mandatory power. This thesis ends with the achievement of Iraq's independence in 1932. The Levies, however, were not finally disbanded until May 1955. That final section of their history was not to be without drama and incident; but it awaits the attention of another student who is interested in the nature and evolution of British Imperial Forces in the Middle East. Their day has now ended, but this thesis hopes to illuminate a little of their history and significance.

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