Статті в журналах: "Iraq War, 2003"

1

Kaczmarek, Piotr. "WOJNA W IRAKU W ŚWIETLE DOKTRYNY BUSHA." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 13 (October 31, 2018): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2016.1.4.

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The article presents changes in American foreign policy after 11th 2001 and is concerned the George W. Bush’s Middle East policy. The goal of the text is presenting how the Bush doctrine leaded to war in Iraq. After the short introduction about US Middle East policy the text explains fundamental parts of doctrine and describes the most important G. W. Bush speeches and National Security Strategies from 2002 and 2006. This part is dedicated on war on terror, axis of evil and preventive war. The next part try to identify actual and the official and publically stated causes the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The article ends with the analysis the cost of Iraq war.

2

Ghani, ’Hana Khalief. "Mapping the Digital performance of Violence as a tool of Resistance in Iraqi Poetry ‘Militia of Culture’." لارك 1, no. 32 (November 28, 2018): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol1.iss32.1253.

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I.Poetry, Politics, and Technology: The poetic scene in Iraq underwent significant changes following the collapse of the ruling regime and the invasion of the country by the International Coalition headed by the United States of America in 2003. These changes mainly took place on two levels: political and technological. In post-2003, normal existence became impossible for the Iraqi people as their country plunged into an unprecedented and wholesale waves of destruction and violence. In “As Iraqis See It,” Messing concisely described the situation of Iraqis ‘expressing anger and gloom, exasperation and despair.’ He says: The overwhelming sense is that of a society undergoing a catastrophic breakdown from the never-ending waves of violence, criminality, and brutality inflicted on it by insurgents, militias, jihadis, terrorists, soldiers, policemen, bodyguards, mercenaries, armed gangs, warlords, kidnappers and everyday thugs. ‘Inside Iraq’ … suggests how the relentless and cumulative effects of these various vicious crimes have degraded virtually every aspect of the nation’s social, economic, professional, and personal life. (qtd in Adelman, 2008, p.184) What happened in 2003 onward, however, is not strange or unexpected. It is a culmination of a long history of blood shedding, politically-motivated murders, several coups d’états, a wearing war with Iran(1980-1988), thirteen years of tiring and exhausting economic sanctions imposed by the United Nation after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait(1991-2003), and a ruthless totalitarian system that makes Iraq “suitable for nothing,” in the words of the Iraqi poet Adnan Al-Sayegh(2004, p.209). (For more information about the modern history of Iraq, see Al-Athari,2008 and Anderson and Stanfield, 2004)

3

Halverscheid, Susanne, and Erich H. Witte. "Justification of War and Terrorism." Social Psychology 39, no. 1 (January 2008): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335.39.1.26.

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Abstract. In this study, examples of war and terrorism from both Western and Arab countries were examined with respect to the underlying ethical positions of justifications that have been publicized. In a rating process, we analyzed speeches and explanations of (1) the American government justifying the military strikes in Afghanistan (2001-) and the war in Iraq (2003-), (2) the Red Army Faction justifying terrorist attacks they perpetrated in Germany (1972-1984), (3) the former President of Iraq justifying the war against Iran (1980-1988), and (4) members of Al Qaeda justifying terrorist acts (2001-2004). The ethical justification patterns are presented, compared, and discussed with respect to the influences of culture and type of political violence. The results reveal significant differences between the kinds of aggression as well as between Western and Arab countries, with the cultural factor proving to be more essential.

4

Palmer-Fernandez, Gabriel. "The Iraq War of 2003." Teaching Ethics 5, no. 1 (2004): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tej20045117.

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5

Lichtenberg, Judith. "The Iraq War of 2003." Teaching Ethics 5, no. 1 (2004): 73–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tej20045118.

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6

Pojman, Louis P. "The Iraq War of 2003." Teaching Ethics 5, no. 1 (2004): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tej20045120.

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7

Blankemeyer, Maureen, Kathleen Walker, and Erika Svitak. "The 2003 War in Iraq." Childhood 16, no. 2 (May 2009): 229–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0907568209104403.

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8

Betz, Joseph. "Proportionality, Just War Theory, and America’s 2003–2004 War Against Iraq." Social Philosophy Today 21 (2005): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday20052118.

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9

Safdar, Aasima, Samia Manzoor, and Aqsa Iram Shahzadi. "Pakistani English Press during War on Terror: A Media Conformity Approach." Global Political Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).03.

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The present research focused on how much Pakistani English press tracked the foreign policy stance of the Pakistani government in the presentation of incidents related to the war on terror. Pakistani authorities reinforced war on terror and Afghanistan war but did not support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. For the present analysis, the editorials of Dawn and the Nation were selected from 12 September 2001 to 11 September 2003. Thematic analysis of the editorial coverage through NVIVO 10 was conducted. It was found that, during the war against Afghanistan that took place in 2001, Pakistani English press did not support the Pakistani governments stance. Many critical themes were noted from the data. However, during Iraq war that happened in 2003, Pakistani English press toed the Pakistani governments policy during and stressed the government to take more proactive stance against Iraq war. Overall, it could be stated that the Pakistani English press partially conformed the foreign policy stance of Pakistani government.

10

Harper, Stephen. "‘Terrible things happen’: Peter Bowker's Occupation and the Representation of the Iraq War in British Television Drama." Journal of British Cinema and Television 10, no. 1 (January 2013): 206–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2013.0130.

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Peter Bowker and Laurie Borg's three-part television drama Occupation (2009) chronicles the experiences of three British soldiers involved in the 2003 invasion of Iraq. By means of an historically situated textual analysis, this article assesses how far the drama succeeds in presenting a progressive critique of the British military involvement in Iraq. It is argued that although Occupation devotes some narrative space to subaltern perspectives on Britain's military involvement in Iraq, the production – in contrast to some other British television dramas about the Iraq war – tends to privilege pro-war perspectives, elide Iraqi experiences of suffering, and, through the discursive strategy of ‘de-agentification’, obfuscate the extent of Western responsibility for the damage the war inflicted on Iraq and its population. Appearing six years after the beginning of a war whose prosecution provoked widespread public dissent, Occupation's political silences perhaps illustrate the BBC's difficulty in creating contestatory drama in what some have argued to be the conservative moment of post-Hutton public service broadcasting.

11

Al-Marashi, Ibrahim. "The “Dodgy Dossier:” The Academic Implications of the British Government's Plagiarism Incident." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 40, no. 1 (June 2006): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400049385.

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In September 2002, an article I had authored, “Iraq's Security and Intelligence Network: A Guide and Analysis,” was published in the September 2002 issue of the journal, Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA). On February 6, 2003 a UK news report revealed that entire sections of a British government dossier entitled “Iraq-Its Infrastructure of Concealment, Deception and Intimidation” were copied from three published sources, with the bulk of the plagiarized material coming from the article I had written. I was a twenty-nine year old doctoral student when the media frenzy that surrounded this incident erupted, six weeks prior to the 2003 Iraq War. I, as an Iraqi-American, had to watch as both sides opposite my hyphen waged a war against each other that I had an indirect role in justifying.

12

Davidson, Jason W. "In and out of Iraq: A vote-seeking explanation of Berlusconi's Iraq policy." Modern Italy 13, no. 1 (February 2008): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701765924.

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This article seeks to explain the Iraq policy of Silvio Berlusconi's second government. Why did Berlusconi's Government declare ‘non-belligerency’ when the American-led war with Iraq began in March 2003? Why did the Government send a mission of 3,000 Italian troops to Iraq in April 2003? Why did Berlusconi announce the progressive withdrawal of that contingent in March 2005? This article recognises the Berlusconi Government's ideologically-rooted pro-American tendencies, but draws on liberal international relations theory to stress the importance of the electoral motive to explain the timing and nature of the Government's decisions. As the Italian public was highly critical of the Iraq war, the Berlusconi Government could not actively participate in the war; it had to frame the deployment as a peace mission and had to begin withdrawing Italian troops before Iraq was stable and secure.

13

Baysal, Basar. "Coercion by fear: Securitization of Iraq prior to the 2003 war." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 3 (September 2019): 363–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019875967.

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The Iraq War was one of the most prominent events of the early 2000s. The prelude to the war halted the sense of optimism that captivated International Relations as a discipline after the end of the Cold War. The United States initiated this war following a lengthy securitization process. This study focuses on analyzing the securitization process in Iraq prior to the 2003 war. To that end, the article investigates the securitization process by asking, “How, within what context, and when did the securitization of Iraq take place?” For the study, 85 speeches made by President Bush are analyzed to examine how the president presented Iraq as an existential threat. The study also examines the kinds of arguments used by the Bush administration in securitizing Iraq. This study contributes to the literature on the 2003 Iraq War and security studies by applying Securitization Theory to the Iraq case by incorporating two essential contributions to the securitization analysis: context and audience(s).

14

Roberts, Ron. "British psychology’s response to the Iraq War 2003-4." Clinical Psychology Forum 1, no. 157 (January 2006): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpscpf.2006.1.157.24.

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The official response of the British psychological community to the Iraq war is examined by surveying material published inThe Psychologist. Evidence suggests a failure to engage with the substantive issues raised by the war in Iraq.

15

Chin, Warren. "British Defense Policy and the War in Iraq 2003–2009." Defense & Security Analysis 27, no. 1 (March 2011): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14751798.2011.557216.

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16

Thach, Allen B., Anthony J. Johnson, Robert B. Carroll, Ava Huchun, Darryl J. Ainbinder, Richard D. Stutzman, Sean M. Blaydon, et al. "Severe Eye Injuries in the War in Iraq, 2003–2005." Ophthalmology 115, no. 2 (February 2008): 377–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ophtha.2007.04.032.

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17

Silingardi, Stefano. "THE UNITED KINGDOM’S INVOLVEMENT IN the 2003 IRAQI WAR: JUS AD BELLUM AND JUS IN BELLO ISSUES BEFORE THE IRAQ (CHILCOT) INQUIRY." Italian Yearbook of International Law Online 26, no. 1 (October 11, 2017): 347–259. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116133-90000169a.

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The Report of the Iraq (Chilcot) Inquiry was published on 6 July 2016. The Inquiry was a very vast and complex undertaking both in scope (it aimed to scrutinize UK policy decisions linked to the 2003 Iraq war adopted in the period 2001-2009) and in size (the Report comprises 12 volumes which ran to over 2.6 million words). By way of contrast, the aim of this short comment is very limited as it examines only a few sections of the Report, namely those concerning the decision to go to war (sections 5, 6.5, 9.1, 9.2 and 9.8) and the period of belligerent occupation (sections 10.1 and 10.3).

18

Mhamdi, Chaker. "Framing “the Other” in Times of Conflicts: CNN’s Coverage of the 2003 Iraq War." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n2p147.

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Abstract This study is explored by a qualitative analysis of visual media practices in times of international conflicts. The analysis focuses on one of the leading sources of television news in the world, namely CNN, during its coverage of the 2003 Iraq War. Due to its national and international character and its popularity in coverage of war and international conflicts, CNN is thought of as a world leader in covering global conflicts. Accordingly, this research is directed toward the ways public perceptions were formed about particular ideas through CNN’s coverage. In order to develop an accurate sense of the programming that aired during the period under study, a qualitative content analysis was conducted in which a selected sample was selected and analyzed. This sample consisted of 20 CNN news stories during the first two months of the 2003 Iraq War. Relying on transcripts and videotapes of the key events of the first two months of the 2003 Iraq War CNN’ such as “Decapitation Strike”, “Shock and Awe”, Toppling of Saddam’s Statue and the bombing of Al Jazeera Office in Iraq, the qualitative analysis aims at discerning intonation, verbal and visual emphases and the subtle cues that are uniquely embedded in the visual medium. The analytical tool that is used to conduct the qualitative analysis of the selected sequences from CNN’s coverage of the 2003 Iraq War is grounded in framing analysis. The content and qualitative framing analysis of the selected sample of the CNN’s news stories about the 2003 Iraq War reveal that CNN echoed the American centered perspectives, aligning with the official war narrative supporting the war cause, and abiding by the U.S. military censorship measures.

19

Adhraa AbdulHussein Naser, Dr. "Iraq Wars: From A literary text to Social Context." لارك 3, no. 46 (June 30, 2022): 45–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol3.iss46.2548.

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This article investigates Iraq wars presentation in literature and media. The first section investigates the case of the returnees from the war and their experience, their trauma and final presentation of that experience. The article also investigates how trauma and fear is depicted to create an optimized image and state of fear that could in turn show Iraqi society as a traumatized society. Critics such as Suzie Grogan believes that the concept of trauma could expand to influence societies rather than one individual after exposure to trauma of being involved in wars and different major conflicts. This is reflected in Iraq as a country that was subjected to six comprehensive conflicts in its recent history, i.e. less than half a century; these are the Iraq-Iran war, the first Gulf war, the economic sanctions, the second Gulf war 2003, the civil war, and the wars of liberation against ISIS. The second section investigates Franco Moretti's theory of the Dialectic of Fear and the implication of this hypothesis of stereotyping on the Iraq war and its transformation from an anomaly expressed issue in the media and creative texts to a social reality that is measured by presenting what is not acceptable as an acceptable pattern in the case of war and shock between Iraq and the wars that took place in the west, and the extent of its impact on the protraction of the state of social trauma suffered by Iraqis, who are still suffering under the effects of prolonged political conflicts even after the end of military field conflicts. The research sheds the light on studies such as the Dialectic of Fear by Franco Moretti, Risk Society by Ulrich Beck and Oh My God: Diaries of American Soldiers in Mesopotamia edited and translated by Buthaina Al-Nasiri. Key words: Iraqi war, trauma, risk society, social context, stereotyping.

20

Banta, B. R. "Just War Theory and the 2003 Iraq War Forced Displacement." Journal of Refugee Studies 21, no. 3 (September 1, 2008): 261–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fen027.

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21

Zweig, Michael. "Iraqi Unions and Their American Labor Allies." International Labor and Working-Class History 78, no. 1 (2010): 132–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547910000207.

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Since the start of the Iraq war in 2003, images of suicide bombings, religious violence, and general chaos have come to mind when most Americans have thought about Iraq. Counterposed are thoughts of US military efforts to separate the combatants and restore order. Whether one has supported or opposed the US actions in Iraq, the actual Iraqi people, almost all of them ordinary working people, remain remote and unknown.

22

Ashwarya, Sujata. "Post-2003 Iran–Iraq Cooperation in the Oil and Gas Sector: Initiatives, Challenges, and Future Scenarios." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 1 (March 2017): 84–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798916681349.

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Iran–Iraq cooperation in the oil and gas sector took shape after the 2003 war as relations between the two countries improved with the assumption of power by a Shia-led government in Baghdad. The two Persian Gulf neighbors recognize the importance of joint or unitized development of cross-border oil fields and have taken preliminary initiatives to that end. Inter-state pipelines for energy export and import are binding them into a tight economic embrace, and combined backing for high oil prices as well as mutual support for raising production quota in the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) speak of their similar imperatives for high revenue. However, Iran and Iraq continue to face challenges to their collaborative ventures, which stem from their historical rivalry over oil production and sales, persisting Iraqi suspicion of Iranian domination, absence of a hydrocarbon law in Iraq, and Iraq’s energy agreements with Iran that add to regional tensions with Baghdad’s Sunni neighbors. The road ahead is likely to see dynamic cooperation in areas that are less contentious, such as building of oil and gas pipelines, whereas the prickly issue of unitization of shared fields would take a backseat.

23

McQueen, K. A. Kelly, Frederick M. Burkle, Eaman T. Al-Gobory, and Christopher C. Anderson. "Maintaining Baseline, Corrective Surgical Care during Asymmetrical Warfare: A Case Study of a Humanitarian Mission in the Safe Zone of a Neighboring Country." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 22, no. 1 (February 2007): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00004258.

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AbstractThe current insurgency warfare in Iraq is of an unconventional or asymmetrical nature. The deteriorating security has resulted in problems recovering and maintaining essential health services. Before the 2003 war, Iraq was considered a developed country with the capacity to routinely perform baseline medical and surgical care. These procedures now are performed irregularly, if at all. Due to the unconventional warfare, traditional Military Medical Civilian Assistance Programs (MEDCAPs) and civilian humanitarian missions, which routinely are mobilized post-conflict, are unable to function. In December 2005, an international medical mission conducted by the Operation Smile International Chapter in neighboring Jordan employed civilian physicians and nurses to provide surgery and post-operative care for Iraqi children with newly diagnosed cleft lip and palates and the complications that had occurred from previous surgical repair. Seventy-one children, their families, and a team of Iraqi physicians were safely transported to Jordan and returned to Iraq across the Iraqi western province war zone. Although complications may occur during transport, treatment within a safe zone is a solution for providing services in an insecure environment.

24

Roberts, Adam. "The End of Occupation: Iraq 2004." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 54, no. 1 (January 2005): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/54.1.27.

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Can a military occupation-and all the responsibilities of an occupying power as laid down in the laws of war—end at a single moment in time, and without the actual departure of the foreign military forces involved? This is the core question posed by the planned twin events of 28 June 2004 in Iraq: (1) the assumption of full authority by the sovereign Interim Government of Iraq, and(2) the proclaimed end of the US-led occupation of Iraq that had begun during the war of March-April 2003.

25

Al-Jaberi, Prof Dr Sattar Jabbar. "Iraqi-British Relations After 2003." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 223, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 265–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v223i1.328.

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The British knew the importance of Iraq strategy since the beginning of the seventeenth century, so they planned to control it, and it became a big influence them there until 1914, when British forces occupied Iraq. Although Iraq's entry into the League of Nations and declared an independent state in 1932, but it remained under British influence until the 1958 revolution.Relations between the two countries had not stabilized after 1958, and in 1991 Britain participated Gulf War against Iraq and the severance of diplomatic relations. In 2003, Britain entered into an alliance with the United States to occupy Iraq, and after this date restored diplomatic relations between the two countries. And developed relations politically, economically and culturally after 2003.

26

Safdar, Aasima, Samia Manzoor, and Ayesha Qamar. "British Public Perception towards Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq." Global Regional Review III, no. I (December 30, 2018): 503–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2018(iii-i).37.

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This article seeks to explore the perception of the British informants regarding the Afghanistan war 2001 and Iraq war 2003. Heavy users of British media were interviewed. The present article adopts the qualitative approach and ten in-depth interviews were conducted by the British informants. It was found that the British informants considered the 9/11 attacks as a tragic incident and Al Qaeda was held responsible for this. They supported their governments policies to curb terrorism but they highly condemned human causalities during the Afghanistan and Iraq wars. Particularly, they condemned their governments policy about Iraq war 2003. Regarding, the British media coverage of these wars, there was mixed opinion. Some of them considered that British media gave biased coverage to the wars however; few thought that media adopted a balanced approach. Overall, they stressed that the government should take responsible action against terrorism and human causalities should be avoided.

27

Zavada, Ya, and O. Tsebenko. "IRAN-IRAQ RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF REGIONAL SECURITY." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(53) (July 8, 2022): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.1(53).261111.

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The article analyzes Iran-Iraq relations in the context of regional security. It has been studied that the eight-year Iran-Iraq war became the most bloody and destructive armed conflict of the second half of the XX century. It is worth noting that the beginning of the war caused rivalry: ethnic and religious, political and economic, ideological and personal. Also, the struggle for leadership in the region played a special role. It is established that the USA intervention in Iraq in 2003 changed the geopolitical conditions not only in this country, but in the region as a whole. Although the IRI did not support the USA military operation and condemned it, the invasion of Iraq was in Iran’s interests. After all, the overthrow of Hussein’s regime eliminated one of the main threats to Iran’s national security and, as a result, contributed to the development of bilateral relations. Iran has close relations with the Shiite government in Iraq. Tehran’s foreign policy strategy in the neighboring state is to unite Iraqi Shiite parties to strengthen Shiite rule in Baghdad. It was found that the Iraqi authorities have not formed a unified position on the development of Iran’s nuclear program, because society is divided into supporters of Iran and its opponents. Typically, Shiites who actively support Tehran want to cooperate with it and, accordingly, support the development of Iran’s nuclear program, the signing of the JCPOA, and thus criticize the change in USА policy toward Tehran and the withdrawal from the nuclear deal. At the present stage, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Iraq are actively developing bilateral cooperation and cooperating in many areas, primarily security, economic and political.

28

Bassil, Youssef. "The 2003 Iraq War: Operations, Causes, and Consequences." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 4, no. 5 (2012): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-0452947.

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29

Rawaf, Salman. "The 2003 Iraq War and Avoidable Death Toll." PLoS Medicine 10, no. 10 (October 15, 2013): e1001532. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pmed.1001532.

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30

Ayriyan, Radmila S., and Arseniy V. Lepkov. "The US Congress and the Issue of Beginning the Iraq War: the Kurdish Factor in 2002-2003." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (214) (June 30, 2022): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2022-2-20-27.

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The political discussions in the US Congress on the start of the war in Iraq and the fate of the Kurdish minority in this country are being explored. The arguments of supporters and opponents of the war in Iraq are analyzed through the prism of the Kurdish factor based on the transcripts of the US Congress, as well as materials from hearings in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. It emphasizes the insignificance of the Kurdish issue in the initial period of discussion (the discussion on giving the US President the right to start military operations in Iraq), and the growing interest of legislators in the fate of the Kurdish population in January-March 2003. It is concluded that for the supporters of the invasion the Kurdish factor became the main one and the stake was placed on the need to overthrow Saddam Hussein because of his cruel attitude towards his own people, and in the camp of the opponents of the war the stake is placed on the thesis that the fate of the Kurds was known in 1980s but no one then decided to provide them with military support. The problem of double standards in American foreign policy towards both the Kurds, US allies in the region, and Saddam Hussein was first identified by the US Congress in 2003.

31

Al-Dahmoshi, Hussein OM, Noor SK Al-Khafaji, and Mohammed H. Al-Allak. "Iraqi tuberculosis (2003-2017): an silent hindrance infection." Journal of Bacteriology & Mycology: Open Access 7, no. 4 (2019): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/jbmoa.2019.07.00252.

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Tuberculosis (TB) is a common infection and public health problem attacking developing countries or those whose undergo food and drug depleting crisis. Tuberculosis regard important killer among top ten infectious agents and the mortality compile 10% of new registered cases among Asia and Africa. The socio-environmental factors play a vivid role in mass transfer of TB includes: low-ventilation, darkness, wetness and crowdedness. Tuberculosis is a public health priority in Iraq. Iraq regard one of the region of high burden of TB, and accounts for 3% of the total number of cases. There are a predictable 20 000 TB patients in Iraq with death rate of 20% annually. Iraq is one of the six countries (Egypt, Indonesia, Yemen , Netherland and UK) whose compile 9% of total incidence of TB worldwide. The results show high incidence, prevalence and mortality of TB-infected patients in years 2003 and 2004 and this can be interpreted due to bad and high shortage of health service in Iraq directly after 2003 invasion war by US army while years after 2004 (2005-2017) show decrease in incidence, prevalence and mortality. Concern the age groups of patients with TB, it seem the 25-34 years and 15-24 years were most common for male and female respectively. The current review conclude that, decreasing in incidence, prevalence and mortality for last 7 years due to application of national and international health polices of TB in Iraq.

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Kachachi, Inaam. "The American Granddaughter." Arab World English Journal For Translation and Literary Studies 6, no. 2 (May 24, 2022): 233–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24093/awejtls/vol6no2.17.

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The American Granddaughter is a novel about the war-torn country, Iraq, following the horrific aftermaths caused by the American invasion of it in 2003. The story is told mainly by the young American-Iraqi woman, Zeina, who represents the third Iraqi generation. Zeiena’s mother, Betoul, who represents the second Iraqi generation, and Zeina’s grandmother, Rahma, who represents the first generation, were present too. Although it is very short, chapter one says a lot about Zeina , now back home in America, after a unique experience as an American Arabic-speaking translator recruited by an American contractor that extended over five years (2003-2008). The first chapter beautifully sets the scene for what will come next in the following chapters.

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Corlett, Angelo. "Reparations for U.S. war crimes against Iraq." Filozofija i drustvo 23, no. 4 (2012): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1204193c.

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Given the basic tenets of just war theory and those of United States law regarding compensatory justice, it is argued that the U.S. invasion of Iraq from 2003-present is morally unjust and that the U.S. owes substantial reparations to Iraq.

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Boduszyński, Mieczysław P., Christopher K. Lamont, and Philip Streich. "The Limited Role of the Japanese Military: The 2003 Iraq War and the War on the Islamic State." International Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijeas.vol10no2.1.

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What determines Japan's willingness to flex its limited military muscle abroad? While analysts and scholars closely watched Japanese "militarization" under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (2012-2020), Japan had already deployed its military overseas over a decade ago in support of U.S. operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. By contrast, in 2014, Japan was unwilling to support U.S.-led operations against the Islamic State (ISIL) in Iraq and Syria. This presents a puzzle, as the fight against ISIL offered the kind of international legitimacy that the 2003 Iraq invasion lacked, and Japan traditionally seeks. Moreover, ISIL had killed Japanese citizens. This paper explains Japan's varying policies in Iraq in 2003 and 2014, thereby shedding light on the determinants of Japanese national security policy more generally. Our argument focuses on domestic political factors (especially the pluralist foreign policymaking) and strategic thinking rooted in realism. We argue that Japanese policies are driven by domestic politics, profound suspicions about the utility of military force and fears of becoming entangled in a seemingly never-ending conflict. While Koizumi may have had more room to manoeuvre despite long-standing public opposition to overseas military deployments when he dispatched the SDF to Iraq in 2003, it is precisely such deeply-entrenched popular anathema that many blame for the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) historic and devastating loss in the 2009 election. Abe was unwilling to repeat such a risky venture in 2014. We also highlight the role of realist calculations on both Japanese elites and the public, who by 2014 had come to see China rather than state or non-state actors in the Middle East as a primary security threat. We thus confirm Midford's finding that "defensive realism" tends to drive Japanese foreign policy thinking. Japanese citizens are not pacifists, as conventional wisdom might hold. Instead, Japanese public opinion supports the use of minimum military force when and if Japan is attacked to defend Japan's national sovereignty and territory but is much more suspicious of such power when it comes to deployments and the pursuit of other foreign policy goals.

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Grady, Kate. "War and order: rethinking criminal accountability for the Iraq War." London Review of International Law 9, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 245–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lril/lrab010.

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Abstract Public calls for the criminal accountability of UK and US politicians for the 2003 Iraq war are part of the war’s legal legacies. This article questions whether criminal sanction can be a corrective to war by considering whether the relationship between the two might be understood as symbiotic.

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Bolemanová, Kristína, and Rastislav Kazanský. "The Consequences of the Iraq War – Lesson Learned?" Security Dimensions 26, no. 26 (June 29, 2018): 188–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7250.

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In his first address to the United Nations in September 2017, the American President Donald Trump blamed North Korea and Iran for developing missiles and nuclear weapons program, suppressing human rights and sponsoring terrorism. He also called Iran a “rogue state” what relived the memories from 2003, when President Bush used similar term of “axis of evil” to describe the regime of Saddam Hussein. Soon after, the US intervened to Iraq to launch a war against terrorism and the Hussein´s undemocratic regime. This article seeks to analyse what impact had the Iraq war on the stability and security of the country and its region. The war in Iraq also teaches us a lesson of how dangerous and counterproductive it can be, when a world superpower labels other country a “rogue state” and decides to fight alleged threats by using military power. If the US President fulfils his promise of “destroying North Korea” if under threat and launching action against its government, it could result in a very similar situation as in Iraq. A creation of another failed state would not only bring more instability but also open new military threats for the US as well as the world economy.

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Marks, Thomas A., and Michael S. Bell. "The U.S. Army in the Iraq War: volume 1 (Invasion, Insurgency, Civil War 2003-2006)." Small Wars & Insurgencies 30, no. 3 (April 16, 2019): 703–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2019.1601873.

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Curtis, John, Qais Hussein Raheed, Hugo Clarke, Abdulamir M. Al Hamdani, Elizabeth Stone, Margarete van Ess, Paul Collins, and Mehsin Ali. "An assessment of archaeological sites in June 2008: An Iraqi-British project." Iraq 70 (2008): 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000966.

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The proposal to develop an Iraqi-British project to protect and promote cultural heritage in Southern Iraq was first mooted at a lunch in the British Museum on 24 September 2007, involving Major-General Barney White-Spunner, Charles Moore, former editor of the Daily Telegraph, Neil MacGregor, Director of the British Museum, and John Curtis, Keeper of the Department of the Middle East at the British Museum. The lunch had been arranged to provide Major-General White-Spunner with recent information about the state of the Iraqi cultural heritage, as he was due to be deployed to Iraq in February 2008 as Commander-in-Chief of British troops and General Officer Commanding the Multi-National Division South-East. At the lunch, it was suggested that the greatest need would be to arrange for the inspection of archaeological sites and, if necessary, to arrange for the protection of them, and also to consider facilitating the reopening of some provincial museums. It is known that archaeological sites particularly in Southern Iraq suffered grievously from looting, particularly after the Second Gulf War, and most provincial museums were sacked following the First Gulf War in 1991 and again in 2003. Major-General White-Spunner immediately recognised the importance of these proposals and appointed a project manager, Major Hugo Clarke, to work up a scheme with John Curtis. The project has been made possible by a generous grant from the Department of Culture, Media and Sport, that has covered all costs except those incurred in Iraq, which have been met by the British Army.

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Kuznetsov, A. A. "THE SUNNI-SHI'ITE RIVALRY AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE GEOPOLITICAL SITUATION OF THE MIDDLE EAST." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-146-155.

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The article "The Sunni-Shi'ite rivalry and its influence on the geopolitical situation of the Middle East" is dedicated to the sectarian conflicts in the Middle East region in last 30 years. Author considers the Islamic revolution of 1979 in Iran as the point of departure of this conflict. Author of the article makes a difference between the Shi'ite Islamic revolutionary doctrine of Khomeini and the Salafi Islamic fundamentalism of Saudi Arabia. Author realizes the analysis of the war between Iran and Iraq in 1980-1988. This analysis is emphasized on the regional geopolitical situation and positions of the outside actors (Saudi Arabia, USA, France, Germany). Then it is covered the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 and its geopolitical consequences. To the author's mind this aggression and further empowerment of the Shi'ite majority reduced to the civil war in Iraq and exacerbation of the sectarian conflict. Author of the article considers these events as a part of the geopolitical rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia to unfold in the areas of Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.

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Research Unit for Political Economy (RUPE). "Behind the War on Iraq." Monthly Review 55, no. 1 (May 3, 2003): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-055-01-2003-05_3.

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Kizer, Kenneth W. "War Surgery in Afghanistan and Iraq: A Series of Cases, 2003–2007." Wilderness & Environmental Medicine 20, no. 2 (June 2009): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1580/09-weme-bk-313.1.

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Scalea, Thomas M. "War Surgery in Afghanistan and Iraq: A Series of Cases, 2003-2007." JAMA 300, no. 17 (November 5, 2008): 2063. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.2008.541.

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Mattli, Karl, and Jörg Gasser. "A neutral, impartial and independent approach: key to ICRC's acceptance in Iraq." International Review of the Red Cross 90, no. 869 (March 2008): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383108000209.

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AbstractThe article describes the context of the ICRC's operations in Iraq, where the Iran–Iraq War in the 1980s, the Gulf War in 1990–1 and the effects of sanctions preceded the 2003 conflict and the spread of sectarian violence. The many serious attacks, including the bombing of the ICRC delegation in Baghdad in 2003 and continuing threats to the ICRC delegates, led to a low-visibility presence and required a new modus operandi in which a real presence on the ground was backed up by remote-control mechanisms for assistance activities in the most insecure areas. Projects to cover essential needs by ensuring water supplies and sewage disposal and supporting health facilities exemplify this new ICRC operational framework. Whereas remote control and support operations enabled programmes of increasing scope and size to be implemented, they could not replace a direct physical presence on the ground, and acceptance-building had to be reinforced through networking and communicational aspects. The authors argue, however, that there is still room for independent, neutral and impartial humanitarian action in Iraq – despite inherent security risks.

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Peebles, Stacey. "Lines of Sight: Watching War in Jarhead and My War: Killing Time in Iraq." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 5 (October 2009): 1662–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.5.1662.

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Jarhead, Anthony Swofford's 2003 memoir of the Persian Gulf War, and My War: Killing Time in Iraq, Colby Buzzell's 2005 memoir of the Iraq War, emphasize the authors' voyeuristic delight in watching war movies before and during their military service. What follows their enthusiastic consumption of “military pornography,” however, is a crisis of nonidentification and a lingering uncertainty about the significance of war in their own lives. Swofford and Buzzell find that the gaze they initially wielded is turned on them, and in response Swofford roils with sexually coded anger and frustration while Buzzell chooses to amplify his exposure by starting a blog. The two memoirs, then, provide a compelling account of the relation between changing technologies of representation and the experience of postmodern war. These lines of sight, all targeting the spectacle of combat, reveal the contemporary intersections among war, media, and agency.

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Grady, Kate. "Symposium Introduction: The 2003 Iraq War: history, legacy, resistance." London Review of International Law 9, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lril/lrab016.

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BENNETT, D. SCOTT, and ALLAN C. STAM. "Predicting the Length of the 2003 U.S.-Iraq War." Foreign Policy Analysis 2, no. 2 (April 2006): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-8594.2006.00022.x.

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Sirriyeh, Hussein. "Iraq and the Region Since the War of 2003." Civil Wars 9, no. 1 (March 2007): 106–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698240601159090.

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Esteve-Faubel, José María, Tania Josephine Martin, and Rosa Pilar Esteve-Faubel. "Investigating Press Coverage of Protest Songs During the 2003 Iraq War." SAGE Open 10, no. 4 (October 2020): 215824402096770. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244020967702.

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The 2003 Iraq War was a landmark for real-time news dissemination, with news broadcast by journalists embedded with U.S. troops. The literature indicates that mainstream media reflected the viewpoints of those in power, giving little coverage to anti-war sentiment. This study focuses on press coverage relating to a specific aspect of dissent—protest songs against the 2003 Iraq War. After analyzing the content of articles sourced from mainstream newspapers from both sides of the Atlantic, namely, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, and the Telegraph, the results indicate that from the beginning of this war, anti-war songs were perceived by journalists to be in decline for reasons that were reported to have been linked to the period’s sociopolitical and economic context. The conclusions of the study underscore the value of analyzing news type articles and opinion pieces from newspapers of record.

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Benešová, Michala. "Wojna w Iraku oczami polskich i czeskich reporterów na przykładzie tekstów Pawła Smoleńskiego, Mariusza Zawadzkiego, Michala Kubala, Františka Šulca i Barbory Šámalovej." Dziennikarstwo i Media 9 (April 17, 2019): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2082-8322.9.9.

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The war in Iraq through the eyes of Polish and Czech reporters: The example of texts by Paweł Smoleński, Mariusz Zawadzki, Michal Kubal, František Šulc and Barbora ŠámalováThis paper analyzes three reportage books focusing on the war in Iraq in 2003. Two reportages are Polish, the authors of the third book are Czech journalists. Paweł Smoleński focuses primarily on the knowledge of Iraqi culture and mentality in the face of building a new Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein. The armed conflict itself remains somewhat in the background of the reporter’s interest. Smoleński’s texts are closest to so-called literary coverage. Mariusz Zawadzki as an embedded correspondent — among other things — accompanied U.S. troops to cover combat operations. The texts of Czech reporters, some of which were in Iraq since the very beginning, are closer to the so-called “feature”. In addition, they are stylized as a reporter quasi-diary.

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Gong, Bo, Mohammed F. Mohammed, Savvas Nicolaou, Muazzam Nasrullah, Bruce B. Forster, and Faisal Khosa. "Diagnostic Imaging in Disasters: A Bibliometric Analysis." Disaster Medicine and Public Health Preparedness 12, no. 2 (August 1, 2017): 265–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/dmp.2017.52.

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AbstractObjectiveTo investigate the role of diagnostic imaging in the clinical diagnosis, treatment, and follow-up management of patients in response to disasters.MethodsA MEDLINE (OVID) search of original research articles identified 177 articles on this topic published since 2000. A bibliometric analysis was conducted on the top 100 articles ranked by average yearly citation.ResultsThe most frequently studied disaster categories were disease outbreak (55 articles), armed conflict (23 articles), terrorist incident (10 articles), and earthquake (7 articles). The most studied disasters were the H1N1 influenza outbreak in 2009 (28 articles), Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome outbreak in 2003 (24 articles), War in Afghanistan, 2001-2014 (8 articles), Iraq War, 2003-2011 (6 articles), and the Sichuan earthquake (China) in 2008 (6 articles). Among the first authors, 59 were primarily affiliated with Radiology. The United States of America produced the most articles (25 articles), followed by the People’s Republic of China (24 articles). Eighty-one studies were retrospective, with 19 studies being prospective. Computed tomography was the most investigated modality (52.8%), followed by conventional radiography (33.3%) and ultrasound (9.7%).ConclusionsOur study identifies intellectual milestones in the utility of diagnostic imaging in response to various disasters, and could help guide future research in developing disaster management plans. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2018;12:265–277)

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