Статті в журналах з теми "Internationale socialiste"
Щоб переглянути інші типи публікацій з цієї теми, перейдіть за посиланням: Internationale socialiste.
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся з топ-50 статей у журналах для дослідження на тему "Internationale socialiste".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Переглядайте статті в журналах для різних дисциплін та оформлюйте правильно вашу бібліографію.
1
Godard, Simon. "L’URSS au défi de la gouvernance économique internationale du bloc socialiste (1984-1990)." Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique N° 39, no. 4 (February 7, 2024): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parl2.039.0063.
Анотація:
Dans les années 1980, l’URSS est une entité politique multiscalaire, à la fois simple État et superpuissance de guerre froide. L’interaction entre ces deux espaces de projection (national et transnational) met en jeu la capacité des institutions – étatiques et partisanes – soviétiques à configurer la doctrine de l’internationalisme socialiste. Celle-ci, au sens foucaldien du terme, fonctionne comme un double système de contrainte : elle lie l’URSS à un discours particulier, qui lui donne en retour un pouvoir sur les membres du bloc socialiste qui le reçoivent. La réforme de la gouvernance économique de l’URSS avec la Perestroïka doit donc être pensée dans l’impact qu’elle a sur les démocraties populaires autant que dans l’effet retour que cette évolution des principes économiques du socialisme à l’échelle du bloc a sur l’URSS. Cet article s’intéresse à la façon dont l’organisation de coopération économique multilatérale des États socialistes, le CAEM, devient un agent d’une production transnationale de la réforme économique du socialisme dans les années 1980, qui échappe en partie à l’URSS, tout en influençant politiquement et économiquement les marges de manœuvre de celle-ci dans ses propres réformes. L’impossible décorrélation entre principes de rationalité de la gouvernance soviétique à l’échelle de l’URSS et gouvernementalité socialiste de l’économie-monde, construite depuis 1949 à l’échelle du bloc de l’Est, éclaire alors la dimension transnationale des réformes soviétiques des années 1980, dont la mise en œuvre locale ne peut s’affranchir d’une compréhension de leur mise en débat à l’échelle internationale.
2
Consolim, Marcia, and Sébastien Mosbah-Natanson. "Entre sociologie et socialisme : la correspondance René Worms –Georges Renard." Les Études Sociales 177, no. 1 (July 11, 2023): 277–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etsoc.177.0277.
Анотація:
Cet article vise à introduire l’édition critique de la correspondance du socialiste Georges Renard et du sociologue René Worms et, par là, à éclairer les relations entre la sociologie naissante et l’idéologie socialiste dans les années 1890. L’étude de la collaboration de Georges Renard à la Revue internationale de sociologie , qui est relativement éphémère, permet ainsi d’entrer dans le fonctionnement de la première revue consacrée à la nouvelle discipline et d’analyser la formation de réseaux intellectuels. La rupture entre Worms et Renard à la fin de l’année 1895 est aussi l’occasion de souligner le travail de démarcation entre sociologie et socialisme à l’œuvre durant cette période.
3
Bouneau, Christine. "La jeunesse socialiste et l'action internationale durant l'entre-deux-guerres." Le Mouvement Social 223, no. 2 (2008): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lms.223.0041.
4
Prochasson, Christophe, and Marc Angenot. "L'utopie collectiviste. Le grand recit socialiste sous la Deuxieme Internationale." Le Mouvement social, no. 195 (April 2001): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780014.
5
Kuznecov, Sergej, and Patrick Sériot. "La langue internationale et la révolution mondiale." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 20 (April 9, 2022): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2005.1489.
Анотація:
La position de la théorie marriste en URSS était déterminée par la situation politique et la politique linguistique du pouvoir. La politique linguistique de l’Union Soviétique à l'époque de Staline peut être décrite comme un système de trois paradigmes successifs : au moment de la création de l'URSS un paradigme exocentrique, avec une motivation de politique extérieure : l'idée de la révolution mondiale imminente ; dans le seconde moitié des années 30 il est remplacé par un paradigme endocentrique, avec une motivation de politique intérieure : la construction du socialisme dans un seul pays ; après la discussion linguistique de 1950, c'est un paradigme exocentrique qui revient sur le devant, avec une nouvelle motivation de politique extérieure : l'idée d'intégration linguistique des pays du camp socialiste grâce à une langue zonale. Le marrisme s'est avéré compatible avec les deux premiers paradigmes et incompatible avec le troisième, ce qui explique la discussion de 1950. Dans le cadre du premier paradigme, le marrisme s'appuyait sur la cosmoglottique (science de la langue internationale), qui était inspirée par l'idée de la révolution mondiale. L’idée de révolution mondiale et la cosmoglottique qui lui était liée ont été anéanties au cours des purges de 1937-38. Le marrisme fut liquidé à l'étape suivante, mais moins pour redresser les torts théoriques anti-marxistes de Marr que pour des raisons d’ordre pragmatique : la mise en place du troisième paradigme.
6
Bony-Cisternes, Romain. "L’état de droit dans le Vietnam contemporain : un système en tension entre héritage socialiste et ouverture capitaliste." Revue internationale de droit comparé 71, no. 3 (2019): 807–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ridc.2019.21123.
Анотація:
Plus de trente ans après le Đổi mới, le Vietnam est désormais pleinement intégré à l’économie mondiale (avec ou sans le TPP) et ouvert au capitalisme. L’ouverture grandissante du pays révèle des tensions entre, d’une part, l’intégration des principes du capitalisme de marché et, d’autre part, les postulats fondamentaux du régime vietnamien tels que la légalité socialiste. Ces tensions proviennent principalement d’une opposition de nature entre la conception socialiste de la règle de droit et le développement économique accompagné de son pendant, l’émergence de la société civile. Pragmatique, le gouvernement vietnamien a progressivement réformé le cadre juridique de la conduite des affaires. Néanmoins, ces réformes demeurent insuffisantes et l’aboutissement de l’État de droit ne peut être correctement réalisé. La poursuite de l’intégration économique internationale continue de questionner la pertinence de la légalité socialiste et, de manière plus générale, l’ensemble des principes sur lesquels elle repose.
7
Mendras, Marie. "L'urss et son Autre." European Journal of Sociology 29, no. 2 (November 1988): 229–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600005683.
Анотація:
L'union soviétique a vécu son immersion dans la vie internationale d'une façon bien particulière. Elle a fait place sans difficulté, dans son idéologie et sa stratégie internationale, au phénomène de mondialisation de la politique depuis la deuxième guerre. Elle en a même tiré les plus grands bénéfices puisqu'elle a créé un camp socialiste de pays alliés-soumis et étendu son influence au-delà de l'Europe. La Russie a réussi à devenir une puissance mondiale, et même l'une des deux plus grandes puissances, plus facilement qu'elle ne s'était imposée comme puissance européenne sous les tsars.
8
Rivé, Marie-Orange, and Florence Galmiche. "L’évolution des relations intercoréennes : statu quo ante bellum ?" Questions internationales N° 123, no. 7 (February 16, 2024): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/quin.123.0085.
Анотація:
Soixante-dix ans après la guerre de Corée, les deux Corées sont toujours techniquement en guerre et ne se reconnaissent pas l’une et l’autre comme des États légitimes. Un régime autoritaire socialiste sur la défensive au Nord a poursuivi sa militarisation et son programme nucléaire, alors que le Sud a fondé sa stratégie sur le développement économique et l’ouverture internationale. Les tentatives de rapprochement ont fluctué au gré des changements internationaux ou des alternances politiques sud-coréennes et américaines. Si la réunification de la péninsule reste officiellement à l’ordre du jour au Nord comme au Sud, sa réalisation est loin d’être acquise .
9
Losser, Alphonse. "La politique monétaire internationale en économie socialiste : le cas de la RDA." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 19, no. 4 (1987): 427–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.1987.2911.
10
Favreau, Louis, and Lucie Fréchette. "Développement local, économie solidaire et coopération internationale aujourd’hui : l’expérience latino-américaine." Le dossier : La solidarité internationale 15, no. 1 (May 11, 2004): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008260ar.
Анотація:
Résumé Dans de nombreux pays d’Amérique latine, les années 70 avaient vu la montée d’un solide mouvement urbain-populaire, ouvrier et paysan, les trois souvent unis autour d’un projet socialiste commun. La conjoncture des années 80 a plutôt provoqué une fragmentation de ces mouvements et leur repli. Mais la décennie 90 a par contre introduit de nouveaux acteurs sociaux, notamment les organisations de femmes et celles des jeunes, et de nouvelles stratégies de développement. Cette décennie a ainsi vu naître, en partie grâce à une coopération internationale décentralisée, de nouvelles démarches de collaboration entre des mouvements sociaux locaux, des ONG et des municipalités.
11
Cœuré, Sophie. "Le siècle soviétique des archives." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 74, no. 3-4 (September 2019): 657–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ahss.2020.55.
Анотація:
RésumésCet article interroge l’existence d’un paradigme soviétique des archives à travers l’analyse des institutions, des acteurs et de l’archivistique, entendue à la fois comme théorie et pratique, dans le cadre du projet politique communiste marxiste-léniniste mis en œuvre en Russie soviétique après 1917. En étudiant les processus de collecte, de tri, de catégorisation, de conservation, de destruction et de communication des archives, il s’agit de montrer l’absence de neutralité de celles-ci, de comprendre les spécificités du projet d’archivistique socialiste et de replacer sa réception et ses usages internationaux dans l’évolution globale de la relation entre archives et pouvoirs au xxe siècle. L’étude définit tout d’abord les héritages et les bases du projet révolutionnaire bolchévique pour les archives, puis retrace l’évolution générale des administrations et de la profession, ce qui permet de comprendre les trois clés du circuit documentaire des archives soviétiques au xxe siècle – l’idéologisation, la violence et le secret –, et de réfléchir sur la spécificité des fonds personnels et des ego-archives dans l’État et la société socialistes. Enfin, l’article se place à l’échelle de la longue guerre froide internationale et transnationale, qui mobilisa la diplomatie des archives, les spoliations et les transferts, et vit naître des contre-archives.
12
Diamant, Betinio. "Dreptul tratatelor internationale (Law of international treaties). By Marian C. Molea. Bucharest: Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste Romania, 1988. Pp. 285." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 3 (July 1989): 642. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203331.
13
Geuna, Andrea. "La première preuve de solidarité internationale. La guerre italo-turque, le parti socialiste italien et l’Internationale." Cahiers Jaurès N°237, no. 3 (2020): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/cj.237.0093.
14
Guibert-Yèche, Hélène. "« Heimat DDR » : le discours de la Heimat en RDA entre politique de démarcation et quête identitaire." Chroniques allemandes 13, no. 1 (2009): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chral.2009.916.
Анотація:
La fonction principale du discours de la Heimat, élaboré entre 1949 et 1989 en RDA par les autorités politiques de l’Allemagne socialiste, fut d’ancrer la légitimité de la nouvelle nation au plus profond de l’âme citoyenne. L’utilisation réitérée de slogans mettant en jeu la notion de Heimat dans les années 1950 en RDA («die neue Heimat», «unsere Heimat DDR» ou plus tard «unsere sozialistische Heimat» …) a conduit à l’instrumentalisation politique collective d’un concept individuel. Contraint de lutter contre un terme perverti par le régime nazi, le socialisme s’est emparé du thème de la « petite patrie » pour en faire un tremplin naturel vers la constitution et la légitimation de la grande patrie. À la fois vecteur et reflet de la politique intérieure de consolidation du régime et de la politique interallemande et étrangère de la RDA en quête de reconnaissance internationale, la notion de Heimat ne tarde pas à se confondre avec celle de Vaterland. Dans ces conditions, il est aisé de comprendre qu’une véritable « crise de la Heimat » ait saisi les citoyens des nouveaux Länder au lendemain de la chute du Mur de Berlin, la réunification imposant de fait un nouveau changement de paradigme, restaurant en partie la notion de Heimat dans sa dimension individuelle et privée.
15
Misiorowska, Mariola. "Le mouvement des femmes en Pologne postcommuniste et les acteurs internationaux." Articles 17, no. 2 (April 7, 2006): 43–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/012400ar.
Анотація:
Résumé Le mouvement des femmes, né en Pologne postcommuniste, constitue une réponse des militantes polonaises aux problèmes qui ont surgi au lendemain des récents changements systémiques ou qui sont un héritage de la période socialiste. Formé à l’heure d’une forte internationalisation de la Pologne due aux programmes de coopération internationale, au progrès de la mondialisation dans la région, puis au processus d’adhésion à l’Union européenne, ce mouvement maintient des liens financiers et idéologiques avec des acteurs occidentaux. L’absence de soutien national à la mobilisation des femmes, une forte opposition des forces conservatrices à la modernisation du contrat de genre ainsi qu’un faible milantisme au sein de la société civile renforcent encore cette tendance.
16
Favreau, Louis. "Mouvement citoyen international et développement social." Perspectives communautaires 17, no. 2 (September 7, 2005): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011230ar.
Анотація:
La mondialisation de la dernière décennie et donc l’interdépendance accrue entre les nations de la planète tout entière font de la période actuelle une période de profondes mutations qui représentent des menaces, mais aussi des opportunités. Malgré la déroute des projets de grande envergure (socialiste et tiers-mondiste) et même si la mondialisation néolibérale représente indiscutablement une tendance forte et durable, le rapport des forces en présence n’est pas à sens unique pour autant. La conjoncture internationale est en effet incertaine et instable. Les mouvements sociaux peuvent tirer parti d’une situation moins polarisée et cristallisée qu’à l’époque de la guerre froide. Comme en témoignent la mobilisation des organisations non gouvernementales internationales (ONGI) lors des nombreux sommets et conférences organisés par l’ONU (Rio, Beijing, Copenhague…) ou la forte participation lors des forums sociaux mondiaux, la société civile se fait à nouveau entendre aujourd’hui sur la scène mondiale. Cet article cherche à dégager les lignes de force de cette nouvelle situation dans laquelle des mouvements sociaux ont aujourd’hui une part active après avoir été longtemps sur la défensive.
17
MULHOLLAND, MARC. "‘MARXISTS OF STRICT OBSERVANCE’? THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL, NATIONAL DEFENCE, AND THE QUESTION OF WAR." Historical Journal 58, no. 2 (May 11, 2015): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000454.
Анотація:
AbstractIn August 1914, as war broke out, socialist parties across Europe offered support to their own governments. The Socialist International was shattered. This rush to defencism has traditionally been seen as a volte face in which the International's frequent protestations in favour of peace and international working-class solidarity were suddenly abandoned. The collapse has been variously ascribed to socialist helplessness, betrayal, or ideological incoherence. This article examines the International's attitudes to war and peace as developed and espoused in the decades before 1914, and finds that the decisions of the constituent socialist parties in 1914 were understandable within this context. Socialists were not abandoning past ideals, but attempting to put them into practice. The circumstances of modern war, however, made traditional distinctions – between aggressor and defensive belligerents, and between ‘progressive’ and ‘reactionary’ nations – difficult to maintain. For some socialists, this meant that socialists of every country had a certain justification in rallying to their nation's defence. For Lenin and the Bolsheviks, however, if no capitalist country could be considered innocent, then all must be guilty.
18
Plouviez, Mélanie. "Société européenne et Europe sociale." Durkheimian Studies 27, no. 1 (December 1, 2023): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ds.2023.270104.
Анотація:
Abstract This article examines the European extension that Émile Durkheim confers on the division of labour. It examines the surprising Durkheimian proposal that an increase in the division of labour is the morphological condition for the emergence of the European society. How understand this Durkheimian foundation of the European society on the question of labour and, more precisely, its division? A first possible interpretation might be that the performance by each European nation of specialised functions, complementary to those performed by the other European nations, would allow the spontaneous emergence of European society, with each nation becoming aware, through functional complementarity, of the European totality to which it contributes. The interpretation I defend in this article is not this functionalist one, but an institutionalist and socialist one. For Durkheim, the achievement of European society depends in the progress of a division of labour not between the different European states, but within each one, but if and only if this division consists of an institutional and socialist organisation of labour. Achieving Europe as a “European society” means advancing a European organisation of work. More precisely, with the Durkheimian project to reform the occupational groups, we can draw up a theoretical outline of what a social Europe could be. Résumé Cet article interroge l'extension internationale et, en premier lieu, européenne qu’Émile Durkheim confère à la division du travail. Y est étudiée cette proposition durkheimienne surprenante qui fait de l'accroissement de la division du travail la condition morphologique de l'advenue d'une véritable société européenne. Comment faut-il comprendre cette assise durkheimienne du projet de société européenne sur la question du travail et, plus précisément, sur celle de sa division? Une première interprétation possible pourrait être que l'accomplissement par chaque nation européenne des fonctions spécialisées, complémentaires de celles réalisées par les autres nations, permettrait l’émergence spontanée de la société européenne, chaque nation prenant conscience, par la complémentarité fonctionnelle, de la totalité européenne à laquelle elle contribue. L'interprétation défendue dans cet article n'est pas spontanéiste et fonctionnaliste, mais institutionnaliste et socialiste. La condition d'accomplissement de la société européenne ne réside pas dans les progrès d'une division du travail entre les différents États-nations européens, mais dans ceux de la division du travail au sein de chaque État-nation européen, mais ce, si et seulement si cette division consiste en une organisation institutionnelle et socialiste du travail. Poursuivre l'idéal de fraternité humaine, c'est ainsi, dans les conditions morphologiques qui sont les nôtres, accomplir l'Europe comme ‘société européenne’. Et accomplir l'Europe comme ‘société européenne’, c'est faire progresser une organisation européenne du travail. Plus exactement, à partir du projet durkheimien de réforme des groupements professionnels en charge de l'organisation moderne du travail, on peut dessiner une esquisse théorique de ce que pourrait être une Europe sociale.
19
Joyal, André. "ANGENOT, Marc. L'utopie collectiviste : le grand récit socialiste sous la Deuxième Internationale. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1993, 400 p." Études internationales 25, no. 3 (1994): 594. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703357ar.
20
Maravall, José Maria. "L'IDENTITÀ DELLA SINISTRA: LE POLITICHE SOCIALDEMOCRATICHE NELL'EUROPA DEL SUD." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 22, no. 3 (December 1992): 449–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200018888.
Анотація:
IntroduzioneQuesto articolo intende discutere i programmi e le politiche realizzate dai partiti socialisti dell'Europa del Sud giunti al potere negli anni ottanta. Vi sono considerati i partiti socialisti spagnolo (PSOE), greco (PASOK), portoghese (PSP), italiano (PSI) e francese (PS). Per i primi tre, la democrazia costituiva un'esperienza recente, esito delle transizioni dall'autoritarismo della metà degli anni settanta; negli altri due casi, era stata invece ristabilita al termine del secondo conflitto mondiale. Tre dei partiti socialisti considerati – PSOE, PS e PASOK – giungevano al potere forti di maggioranze assolute al Parlamento e dopo una lunga esclusione dal potere. Al contrario, i partiti socialisti portoghese e italiano facevano parte di coalizioni, con l'eccezione, in Portogallo, di un breve periodo di governo monopartitico socialista, dalle elezioni del 1976 fino alla fine del 1977. Il PSI, inoltre, figura al governo come partner minore, sebbene Craxi sia stato primo ministro dal 1983 al 1987. L'analisi comparata delle politiche sarà quindi agéométrie variable: poiché la presenza di coalizioni rende difficile assumere il bilancio dell'azione del governo come indicativo di specifiche politiche socialiste, il lavoro discuterà i casi di Spagna, Francia e Grecia con maggior dovizia.
21
Costa, Ettore. "From East-West Balancing to Militant Anti-Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 2 (2022): 95–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01044.
Анотація:
Abstract The journal known as Socialist World—the short-lived publication of the Committee of the International Socialist Conference—is instructive for what it reveals about European Social Democracy at the beginning of the Cold War and about the problems of internationalism among Socialists. At first, the journal served to mediate between West European anti-Communist Socialists and the Communists in Eastern Europe. The Socialists tried to reach a common understanding of world affairs through a dialogue across borders, but divergent ideas and the impact of international events tore this cohabitation apart. After the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia in February 1948, Socialist World became an instrument of anti-Communist propaganda. The articles in the journal also reveal the interests, concerns, and opinions of Socialists during the early Cold War regarding bipolar confrontation, planning, European integration, and colonialism. The journal was too public to allow frank discussion and too overburdened with rules to focus on topics of greater interest. Socialist parties that aspired to gain election in their countries wanted to protect their respectability—a concern made more urgent by the Cold War.
22
Muñoz Sánchez, Antonio. "La socialdemocracia alemana y el movimiento sindical ibérico durante las transiciones a la democracia (1974-1979) = The German Social Democracy and the Iberian Trade Union Movement during the Transition to Democracy (1974-1979)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 32 (June 23, 2020): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.32.2020.26052.
Анотація:
El texto trata de la dimensión internacional de la transición sindical en Portugal y España. En concreto, analiza la contribución de la socialdemocracia alemana a la reconstrucción del movimiento sindical socialista, muy débil en ambos países al iniciarse el proceso de transición. Muestra cómo el temor a que el predominio comunista en las dos grandes centrales ibéricas, Intersindical y Comisiones Obreras, significase un factor de inestabilidad permanente en las nacientes democracias, movió a la DGB y la Fundación Ebert a implicarse masivamente en apoyo de las modestas organizaciones socialistas. El texto explora las líneas maestras de la colaboración con los cuadros sindicales del Partido Socialista portugués y con la española Unión General de Trabajadores. El autor defiende la tesis, que podrá refrendarse o refutarse cuando se permita el acceso a algunas fuentes relevantes en Madrid y Lisboa, que el apoyo alemán fue crucial para el meteórico ascenso del histórico sindicato socialista español y para la creación de homónima central portuguesa União Geral de Trabalhadores. AbstractThis paper deals with the international dimension of the trade union transition in Portugal and Spain in the 1970s. It analyzes the contribution of German social democracy to the reconstruction of the socialist labor movement, which were extremely weak in both countries at the beginning of the transitions. It shows how the fear that the communist dominance in the two great Iberian unions, Intersindical and Comisiones Obreras, meant a permanent instability factor in the nascent democracies, moved the DGB and the Ebert Foundation to massively support the modest socialist labor movement. The text explores the main lines of the cooperation with the trade union cadres of the Portuguese Socialist Party and with the Spanish Unión General de Trabajadores. The author holds the thesis, which can be endorsed or refuted when access to some relevant sources in Madrid and Lisbon is allowed, that German support was crucial for the meteoric rise of the historic Spanish socialist union and for the creation of the homonym Portuguese União Geral de Trabalhadores.
23
Callahan, Kevin. "“Performing Inter-Nationalism” in Stuttgart in 1907: French and German Socialist Nationalism and the Political Culture of an International Socialist Congress." International Review of Social History 45, no. 1 (April 2000): 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000000031.
Анотація:
The emphasis on ritual, political symbolism and public display at international socialist congresses highlights important cultural dimensions of the Second International that historians have, until now, left unexplored. From 1904 until the International Socialist Congress of Stuttgart in 1907, French and German socialists articulated – in both symbolic and discursive forms – a socialist nationalism within the framework of internationalism. The Stuttgart congress represented a public spectacle that served a cultural function for international socialism. The international performance at Stuttgart was, however, undermined by the inability of the SFIO and the SPD to reconcile their conflicting conceptions of “inter-nationalism”.
24
Snyder, Timothy. "Un socialiste polonais à Paris ou Pourquoi le socialisme marxiste a-t-il méconnu l'importance du phénomène national ? À la lumière des enseignements que l'on peut tirer du congrès de Londres (1896) de la IIe Internationale." Revue des études slaves 71, no. 2 (1999): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/slave.1999.6593.
25
Gerrard, Jessica. "“Little Soldiers” for Socialism: Childhood and Socialist Politics in the British Socialist Sunday School Movement." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (February 7, 2013): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000806.
Анотація:
AbstractThis paper examines the ways in which turn-of-the-century British socialists enacted socialism for children through the British Socialist Sunday School movement. It focuses in particular on the movement's emergence in the 1890s and the first three decades of operation. Situated amidst a growing international field of comparable socialist children's initiatives, socialist Sunday schools attempted to connect their local activity of children's education to the broader politics of international socialism. In this discussion I explore the attempt to make this connection, including the endeavour to transcend party differences in the creation of a non-partisan international children's socialist movement, the cooption of traditional Sunday school rituals, and the resolve to make socialist childhood cultures was the responsibility of both men and women. Defending their existence against criticism from conservative campaigners, the state, and sections of the left, socialist Sunday schools mobilized a complex and contested culture of socialist childhood.
26
Brinzing, Armin. "A Mozart Library in National Socialist Germany." Fontes Artis Musicae 70, no. 4 (October 2023): 281–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fam.2023.a915317.
Анотація:
Abstract: This article examines the development of the library of the International Mozarteum Foundation after Austria’s annexation by Nazi Germany, 1938 to 1945. Although the Mozarteum Foundation was under direct government control, it nominally remained a non-governmental institution even during the Nazi era. Therefore, although it was not directly involved in the National Socialist system of cultural property theft, it made intensive efforts to expand its holdings from collections expropriated by the National Socialists. The driving force behind this was the musicologist Erich Valentin, who was also responsible for the library; he worked closely with the Viennese professor of musicology, Erich Schenk. Various, entirely unsuccessful attempts to profit from the expropriation of Jewish collectors (like Stefan zweig) are described. In contrast, the intensive efforts of the Mozarteum Foundation to take over expropriated libraries of ecclesiastical institutions, such as St Peter’s Abbey in Salzburg with its valuable historical holdings, were successful. The article also deals with the restitutions after World War II, which only began a decade after the end of the war and were not carried out systematically. Therefore, looted property could still be identified in recent years, the restitution of which is also addressed. An important concern of the article is also to point out the importance of a thorough documentation of the results of provenance research (not only in regard to the Nazi period). All the information ascertained about the provenance of the individual sources should be permanently documented in the catalogues, if possible, in standardised form. Abstract: Cet article examine le développement de la bibliothèque de la Fondation internationale Mozarteum après l’annexion de l’Autriche par l’Allemagne nazie, de 1938 à 1945. La Fondation Mozarteum était certes sous le contrôle direct de l’État, mais elle restait nominalement une institution non gouvernementale même pendant la période nazie. Elle n’a donc pas été directement impliquée dans le processus national-socialiste de spoliations de biens culturels, mais elle a déployé des efforts considérables pour accroître ses fonds à partir de collections spoliées par les nationaux-socialistes. Le musicologue Erich Valentin, également responsable de la bibliothèque, en étroite collaboration avec le professeur de musicologie viennois Erich Schenk, a joué un rôle moteur dans cette entreprise. Diverses tentatives, totalement infructueuses, de profiter de l’expropriation de collectionneurs juifs (tels que Stefan zweig) sont décrites. En revanche, les efforts intensifs de la Fondation Mozarteum pour récupérer les bibliothèques confisquées d’institutions ecclésiastiques, telles que l’abbaye Saint-Pierre de Salzbourg et ses précieux fonds historiques, ont été couronnés de succès. L’article aborde également les restitutions effectuées après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, qui n’ont commencé qu’une décennie après la fin de la guerre et n’ont pas été menées de manière systématique. C’est pourquoi des biens spoliés ont encore pu être identifiés ces dernières années, et leur restitution est également évoquée. L’un des principaux objectifs de cet article est de souligner à quel point il est important de documenter minutieusement les résultats des recherches sur la provenance (pas seulement en ce qui concerne la période nazie). Toutes les informations relatives à la provenance devraient être documentées de manière permanente dans les catalogues, si possible sous une forme standardisée. Abstract: Der Beitrag untersucht die Entwicklung der Bibliothek der Internationalen Stiftung Mozarteum nach dem Anschluss Österreichs an Nazi-Deutschland in der zeit zwischen 1938 und 1945. Die Stiftung Mozarteum stand zwar unter direkter staatlicher Kontrolle, blieb aber nominell auch während der NS-zeit eine nichtstaatliche Einrichtung. Daher war sie zwar nicht unmittelbar in das nationalsozialistische System des Kulturgüterraubes eingebunden, bemühte sich aber intensiv darum, ihren Bestand aus von den Nationalsozialisten enteigneten Sammlungen zu erweitern. Treibende Kraft war dabei der Musikwissenschaftler Erich Valentin, der auch für die Bibliothek zuständig war; er arbeitete eng mit dem Wiener Professor für Musikwissenschaft Erich Schenk zusammen. Beschrieben werde verschiedene, durchweg erfolglosen Versuche, von der Enteignung jüdischer Sammler (hier insbesondere Stefan zweig) zu profitieren. Erfolgreich waren im Gegensatz dazu die intensiven Bemühungen der Stiftung Mozarteum um die Übernahme von enteigneten Bibliotheken kirchlicher Institutionen wie dem Stift St. Peter in Salzburg mit seinen wertvollen historischen Beständen. Der Beitrag geht auch auf die Restitutionen nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg ein, die erst ein Jahrzehnt nach dem Ende des Krieges begannen und nicht systematisch durchgeführt wurden. Daher konnte auch in den letzten Jahren noch Raubgut identifiziert werden, dessen Restitution ebenfalls thematisiert wird. Ein wichtiges Anliegen des Beitrages ist es auch, auf die Bedeutung einer sorgfältigen Dokumentation der Ergebnisse der Provenienzforschung (nicht nur im Blick auf die NS-zeit) hinzuweisen. Alle ermittelten Informationen zur Provenienz der einzelnen Quellen sollten in den Katalogen, möglichst in standardisierter Form, dauerhaft dokumentiert werden.
27
Amin, Samir. "Forum on Samir Amin's Proposal for a New International of Workers and People." Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 2 (September 3, 2019): 247–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.960.
Анотація:
Amin argues that “[w]e are now in the phase of the ‘autumn of capitalism’ without this being strengthened by the emergence of ‘the people’s spring’ and a socialist perspective. …There is no alternative other than that enabled by a renewal of the international radical left, capable of carrying out—and not just imagining—socialist advances.” What is needed is “the lucid and organized intervention of the international front of the workers and the peoples.” He proposes the establishment of a “new Internationale” that consists of “an Organization… and not just a ‘movement’” or discussion forum (such as the World Social Forum process). Such an Internationale should draw from experiences of previous worker Internationales, and seek to apply lessons from this history to the current context.
28
Putyatina, Irina S. "Todorova M. The Lost World of Socialists at Europe’s Margins: Imagining Utopia, 1870s – 1920s. London; New York: Bloomsbury, 2020. 384 p. ISBN 978-1-3501-5033-1." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 3-4 (2021): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.3-4.13.
Анотація:
This monograph by Maria Todorova discusses the establishment and mutual acceptance of the international socialist movement in Bulgarian social democracy. The main features of the socialist movement in Bulgaria are highlighted and the penetration of socialist ideas into the socio-political environment of the country is presented. The attitude of the Bulgarian socialists to the national question and the issues of war and peace during the Balkan Wars and the First World War are considered. Bulgarian socialists are presented as consistent internationalists and pacifists who did not change their positions even under the influence of the outbreak of the First World War. The problem of the imitativeness of Bulgarian socialism is analyzed as an integral part of the issue of Russian or Western European influence upon Bulgaria. Despite the fact that Todorova does not deny the prevalence and cultural influence of the ideas of Russian populism in Bulgaria, she comes to the conclusion that both Western European and national historiography tend to exaggerate the Russian influence on the formation of the Bulgarian socialist tradition. Features of the two political generations identified by Todorova that operated in Bulgaria during the period under consideration are presented and the typical places of education of Bulgarian socialists are revealed. Analyzing a large volume of historical sources, the author uses the biographical method to acquaint readers with numerous socialists forgotten or bypassed by the national communist historiography. Considering the individual experience of socialists, Todorova demonstrates the various paths that led people to this political camp. Attention is paid to the women's socialist movement in Bulgaria and the history of women's participation in the social and political life of the country.
29
Stratford, Will. "Rediscovering Revolutionary Socialism in America:." Moving the Social 68 (December 20, 2022): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.68.2022.33-65.
Анотація:
This article examines the pre-World War I editorials of America’s first Socialist con- gressman, Victor Berger, in order to recover the lost history of early twentieth-century American socialism from the obscuring lenses of Progressivism, Populism, anarchism, scientism, Soviet Communism, and American Exceptionalism. As I argue, talk of a Second Gilded Age today overlooks the vastly different roles “socialism” has played in the respective discourses. Rather than fighting for a stronger national welfare state, even the most conservative Socialists like Wisconsin Representative Victor Berger campaigned for the abolition of wage labour and the overthrow of global capitalism. Recognizing Populism’s failure to preserve its political independence as a working-class movement, Berger, like Debs, proposed that the working class should organize itself under the banner of a socialist party to take state power. In order to link the forma- tion of mass parties like the Socialist Party of America to a totalizing philosophy of history and international political revolution, Berger drew from Second-International Marxist dialogue in which it was enmeshed, not indigenous American traditions. The prolific editorial career of Victor Berger, head of the largest English-language socialist daily in the country, demonstrates how pre-war American Socialists did not merely “translate” Second-International Marxism but rather made up a constitutive part of its transatlantic development.
30
Dreyfus, Michel. "Carlo Rosselli, les néo-socialistes et la crise du socialisme international." Matériaux pour l'histoire de notre temps 57, no. 1 (2000): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mat.2000.404234.
31
Leonov, M. M. "Socialist Revolutionary party and the Second International." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-42-50.
Анотація:
The path of the Socialist Revolutionary party to the Second International was a thorny one. Russian social democrats were zealous in creating obstacles, primarily their representative in the International Socialist Bureau (IBS) G.V. Plekhanov. His efforts to the Socialist Revolutionary groups in the 90-ies of the XIX century denied the right of representation in the international socialist community. European political parties were mentally closer to the RSDLP, and their socialist competitors were wary. The Socialist Revolutionary had to work hard to convince the parties of the International of their adherence to the ideas of socialism and of the presence of connections with the masses. The Socialist Revolutionary Party established close contacts with the SME in 1901, and at the Amsterdam Congress (1904, August) achieved what it wanted, it was accepted into the Second International. The reports of the party to the Amsterdam and Stuttgart congresses of the International served as evidence of the mass character, adherence to the ideas of socialism. The leaders of the Socialist Revolutionaries, their emotional and verbose representative in the SME I.A. Rubanovich, took an active part in all the events of the International; the party became an equal member of the international socialist community. During the Basel Congress of 1912, her representative on the commission of five most influential parties was one of the compilers of the anti-war Manifesto of the International, supported by the socialists of the world. During the First World War, only a part of the party defended the ideas of internationalism. The III Congress of the Social Revolutionaries in the spring of 1917 called for the continuation of the war to a victorious end and the restoration of the II International.
32
Manor, Udi. "Socialists in name only? Socialist–Zionist wartime progressivism." Israel Affairs 25, no. 2 (March 4, 2019): 318–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2019.1577044.
33
Granadino, Alan. "Lições a ter em conta: a revolução portuguesa e os socialistas espanhóis nos meados da década de 1970." Relações Internacionais, no. 81 (March 2023): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2024.81a05.
Анотація:
This article examines how the Spanish Socialist Party interpreted and responded to the Portuguese Revolution. Based on the party’s newspaper, El Socialista, and supplemented by primary sources from Spanish, British and French archives, the article shows the relevance of the Portuguese experience in shaping the Spanish Socialist Party’s perspective on the transition from dictatorship to democratic socialism. It also highlights the impact of the revolution on the party’s international relations. The main working hypothesis is that the development of the Spanish socialist party, immediately before and during the Spanish transition to democracy, cannot be fully understood without paying attention to the Portuguese revolution.
34
Boyce, Robert. "The practice of socialist internationalism: European socialists and international politics, 1914–1960." Cold War History 19, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2019.1601410.
35
Vidal, Nuno de Fragoso. "The international and domestic fabrics of an ideological illusion: the Socialist MPLA." Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, no. 34 (November 4, 2021): e0102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313342021e0102.
Анотація:
A caracterização politico-ideológica e a análise dos movimentos nacionalistas An The political-ideological characterization and analysis of Angolan nationalist movements and the conflicts between them, has always been subject of major and passionate political-academic discussion, which became an important component of the nationalist movements’ international and domestic characterization and definition. The MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) rapidly acquired the epithet of leftist, Socialist and Marxist since the anti-colonial struggle through the independence and afterwards. However, during the so-called founding period of an officially proclaimed Socialist MPLA, in an apparent contradiction, the MPLA’s governing practice went objectively in an opposite direction, while still reinforcing that unquestioned epithet of Socialist. It is here argued that foreign attributed classifications (political and academic), influenced by the passionate political-idological struggles of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, the civil war and the Cold War, ended up diplomatically-politically assumed (instrumentalised) by the movement itself, whereby an illusive characterization/identification prevailed, hampering a more objective analysis of the post-independence political practice. Our paper will focus on the contrast between the academic discussion on the political-ideological characterization of the MPLA (part I) and the governing practice of the party during the administration of the first President of the Republic, which was the founding period of the MPLA as a so-called Marxist-Leninist Socialist party (part II). Keywords: Angola; MPLA; Socialism; Agostinho Neto administration; political orientation. golanos, assim como os conflitos entre eles, foi sempre sujeita a apaixonadas discussões politico-académicas, que se tornaram um importante componente da definição doméstica e internacional dos movimentos nacionalistas. O MPLA rapidamente adquiriu o epíteto de esquerdista, Socialista e Marxista desde a luta anti-colonial, durante o processo da independência e depois da independência. No entanto, numa aparente contradição, durante o designado período fundacional de um oficialmente proclamado MPLA, a prática politico-governativa do partido prosseguiu numa direção oposta, ao mesmo tempo que reforçava o epíteto de Socialista. Este texto argumenta que as classificações atribuídas a partir de fora (políticas e académicas), influenciadas pelas apaixonadas lutas politico-ideológicas das décadas de 1950, 1960 e 1970, a guerra-civil e os alinhamentos da ‘Guerra Fria’, acabaram assumidos (instrumentalizado) pelo próprio movimento/partido, num processo mediante o qual prevaleceu uma ilusória caracterização/definição ideológica, obstaculizando uma análise mais objectiva da prática política do pós-independência. Este texto focar-se-á no contraste entre a discussão académica acerca da caracterização político-ideológica do MPLA (parte I) e a prática governativa do partido durante a administração do primeiro Presidente da República, consistindo no período fundacional do MPLA enquanto partido Socialista Marxista-Leninista (part II).
36
Shahidian, Hammed. "The Iranian Left and the “Woman Question” in the Revolution of 1978–79." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 2 (May 1994): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060220.
Анотація:
The relationship between feminism and socialism in both the theoretical and practical realms has been marked with difficulty and “unhappiness.” Feminists have criticized leftists for their lack of attention to sexual domination, and many socialists, in turn, have looked at women's liberation movements as a bourgeois deviation or, worse yet, a conspiracy against the workers' struggle. In 19th-century social democratic movements in Europe, conflicts between feminist-socialist advocates of women's rights such as Clara Zetkin and “proletarian anti-feminism” among workers and communists were constant. Eventually, guided by the theoretical insights of a number of socialist leaders such as Bebel, Engels, and Zetkin, socialist parties of the First and Second Internationals came to realize that the cause of the women's movement was just and to accept autonomous women's organizations. The Third International, or Comintern, although it initially claimed to liberate women “not only on paper, but in reality, in actual fact,” treated the inequality of women as a secondary consideration. Focusing on production and labor conflict, the Comintern paid attention only to women's exploitation by capital to the extent that “by the end of the 1920s, any special emphasis on women's social subordination in communist propaganda or campaigning came to be regarded as a capitulation to bourgeois feminism.” Leftist women activists lost their organizational autonomy and had to work under the supervision of their national communist party.
37
Pilisi, Paul. "Les pays socialistes de l’Est et l’Unité Européenne - La tradition dans le socialisme et le socialisme dans la tradition." Études internationales 10, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 527–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700964ar.
Анотація:
From its beginnings in 1922, the foreign policy of the Soviet Union has pursued one overriding objective : the preservation of the empire. This policy's dialectic is in conformity with the Soviet doctrine which holds that international relations are but relations of production. Soviet foreign policy has always sought international legal guarantees to protect the conquests of empire and socialism. Ideologically, the U.S.S.R. has always been opposed to the idea of European unity. European integration has traditionally been viewed by the Soviet empire as the ultimate endeavour of capitalism prior to the latter's final crisis. This basic policy option had been adopted by the socialist countries of Europe. From 1922, when the Soviet Union had accorded the E.E.C. de facto recognition, several countries of Eastern Europe had expressed their respective attitudes with regard to European integration. The Helsinki and Belgrade C.S.C.E., the final result of which was only a diplomatic declaration, emphasized the idea of East-West cooperation. European cooperation, deriving from a compromise between economic "necessity" and political "illusion," should provide practical results rather than ideas. De jure recognition of the E.E.C. by the U.S.S.R. and the Eastern Europe countries also constitutes an important element of East-West relations. The 1980s will reveal whether or not the hostility of the countries of Eastern Europe with respect to European integration has definitely been replaced by cooperation free from ulterior ideological motives.
38
Krutílková, Hana. "International Women’s Day and its role in the consolidation of the female socialist worker’s movement in Moravia before 1914." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 2 (2021): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2021.2.5.
Анотація:
During the last years before WW1 the gender strategy of Moravian socialists started to follow the concept of new socialist woman. This effort was realized in several specific measures, first of all the introduction of International Women’s Day, the re-establishment of women’s party conferences and establishment of women’s political organizations. The new holiday helped revive the fading working-women’s socialist movement in Moravia during the years before WWI. It became an effective tool which helped both competing socialist parties – autonomists and centralists – to keep pace with growing competition of women’s interest associations of Catholics and The People’s Progressive Party. Thanks to the revival of women’s suffrage demands the Social Democracy could partly present itself as a protesting party again. The introduction of International Women’s Day led to the consolidation of disrupted women’s campaigning centres and partly also to spreading to new regions. However, the new holiday did not solve all the problems. Just as in previous years, especially women from the countryside remained resistant to socialist activities, due both to the lasting gender prejudices within their own party and the different political orientation of potential sympathisers.
39
Mbembe, Achille J. "L’argument matériel dans les Églises catholiques d’Afrique : le cas du Zimbabwe." Politique africaine 35, no. 1 (1989): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1989.5297.
Анотація:
Au début des années 80, l’Église catholique du Zimbabwe bénéficiait de l’aide illimitée des agences de financement du développement. L’indépendance l’a privée de ce monopole. Tout en proclamant son objectif d’instaurer une société socialiste fondée sur le marxisme-leninisme, l’État s’évertue néanmoins à montrer qu’il n’y a pas de contradiction de fond entre christianisme et socialisme.
40
Vargas, Marta del Moral. "‘Intercrossings’ between Spanish women’s groups and their German, British and Portuguese counterparts (1914–32)." International Journal of Iberian Studies 00, no. 00 (August 18, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00045_1.
Анотація:
This article contends that the movement in favour of the rights of women in Spain during the first third of the twentieth century was integrated into several international networks. Three exchanges are analysed between, on the one hand, the women socialists and suffragists in Spain, and, on the other, the international networks built up by the German socialist Clara Zetkin, the suffragists of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance and the Portuguese feminist Ana de Castro Osório. Scrutiny of these ‘intercrossings’ reveals that, despite their ‘asymmetrical’ outcomes, the demand for the social and political rights of women surpassed national boundaries and had a transformative impact on all the parties involved.
41
NICHOLLS, JULIA. "EMPIRE AND INTERNATIONALISM IN FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALIST THOUGHT, 1871–1885." Historical Journal 59, no. 4 (May 30, 2016): 1051–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000030.
Анотація:
ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of empire and internationalism in French revolutionary socialist thought at the beginning of the Third Republic. Whilst French revolutionary socialists frequently employed colonial examples and operated within wider traditions of either imperialism or anti-colonialism, the concept of ‘empire’ itself remained vague and undefined in their thought. Previous literature on the subject has focused overwhelmingly on the writings of Communards deported to New Caledonia in the 1870s; however, this article argues that the deportees in fact remained theoretically unconcerned with imperial and international questions. Rather, it was those who remained in Europe that produced more clearly elaborated theories on empire and international engagement. Such ideas subsequently served to demarcate the limits and possibilities of universal equality and solidarity, which were central to revolutionary socialist thought during this period. Consequently, it will be suggested that despite their recent rise in popularity, empire, and colonialism are not the best categories of analysis for approaching such themes, for they cannot be isolated from broader concerns with international and transnational thought.
42
Poy, Lucas. "The “World Migration Congress” of 1926 and the Limits of Socialist Internationalism." Labor 20, no. 3 (September 1, 2023): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10581293.
Анотація:
Abstract In recent years, scholars doing research on the anticommunist and social democratic tradition developed an interpretation in which socialist internationalism is portrayed not as opposed to nationalism but instead as complementary. This allowed them to move away from older perspectives and to examine the main features of international cooperation among socialists in a more positive light. Its substantial and convincing contributions notwithstanding, this literature also displays important shortcomings. Not only does it minimize the challenge that nationalism did pose to transnational solidarities; it is also too focused on Europe and therefore overlooks a more serious limit to internationalism, namely a perspective that proclaimed a principle of color-blind solidarity among all peoples of the world but in practice built a much more limited transnational community of workers either born in Europe or of European descent. This article engages with these historiographical trends and complicates our knowledge of socialist internationalism in the 1920s by exploring a unique and underresearched event, the “World Migration Congress,” held in London in 1926 and jointly organized by the International Federation of Trade Unions and the Labour and Socialist International, the main transnational networks of trade unionists and political parties of the social democratic tradition. Drawing on the idea that international organizations and meetings can be used as “observation points” for studying global history, the article uses the prolegomena to, the preparations for, and the discussions of this congress as a lens to understand the stances of socialist parties and reformist trade unions regarding the question of migration in the 1920s, explaining to what extent, and for what reason, they have changed in comparison with the prewar period. Moreover, it shows that the stances on migration were intertwined in many ways with socialist and labor perspectives on colonialism and condescending views of the “colored peoples” of the world.
43
Zayarniuk, Andriy. "OFF-YEAR PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 1908: DETAILS OF MYKOLA HANKEVICH BIOGRAPHY AND THE HISTORY OF THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT IN LVIV." City History, Culture, Society, no. 5 (November 8, 2018): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mics2019.05.073.
Анотація:
The article describes the character of Mykola Hankevich in the context of the early parliamentary elections of 1908 in Galicia. The author sets out his task, by shifting the usual historiographical accents, to consider the general election culture in the provincial capital in the early twentieth century, the theory and practice of the international socialist movement in a multinational urban environment. The well-established point of view of K. Jobst and other researchers, who believe that the conflict over Hankevich's face in the 1907 elections, when the executive leadership of the PPSD did not support his candidacy, is the beginning of the path that ultimately led the Polish and Ukrainian Social Democrats parties in the bosom of "their" national camps, and the ephemeral international socialist movement in Galicia disintegrated. The author believes that such a narrative simplifies the processes that took place in the environment of the Galician socialist parties. Cooperation between Ukrainian, Polish, and Jewish socialists did not stop until the outbreak of the First World War. In the USDP, M. Hankevich himself did not cease to cooperate closely with Polish and Jewish socialists. During the snap election of 1908, the PPSD leader agreed with the candidacy of Mykola Hankevich, who, however, lost this election by winning 734 votes against 1011. However, in the anti-Ukrainian hysteria that had not yet subsided after the assassination of Andrzej Potocki, more than 40% of the vote, loyal to the Ukrainian and socialist candidates in the bourgeois Lviv district, looked like a tremendous success for Hankevich. Having identified the main reasons for this success, namely: his impeccable personal reputation, eloquence, popularity among the Lviv workers and intellectuals, genuine internationalism and willingness to represent different ethnic groups and different social strata, the author, referring to the memories of the Polish socialist Yevhen Morachevsky, calls another circumstance that explains the results of the vote quite differently. It is about 450 votes that Morachevsky bought in favour of Gankevich. The author notes that Morachevsky considers his dubious act as a peculiar feat - to pollute his hands to achieve a noble political goal, in which, in his opinion, he manifests the instinct and ability of a politician, thereby opposing himself to "dreamers" and idealists who did not compromise own principles.
44
Laqua, Daniel. "Talbot C. Imlay. The Practice of Socialist Internationalism: European Socialists and International Politics, 1914–1960." American Historical Review 125, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 299–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz800.
45
Braskén, Kasper. "Talbot C. Imlay, The Practice of Socialist Internationalism: European Socialists and International Politics, 1914–1960." European History Quarterly 49, no. 1 (January 2019): 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691418822189n.
46
Ellis, Richard J. "Reimagining Democracy: The Socialist Origins of the Initiative and Referendum in the United States." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 22, no. 2 (April 2023): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781422000585.
Анотація:
AbstractThe initiative and referendum are commonly characterized as quintessentially Populist or Progressive reforms, but transatlantic socialism deserves pride of place in the intellectual history of direct legislation in the United States. A decade and a half before the People’s Party famously commended the idea of direct legislation at its 1892 nominating convention in Omaha, Nebraska, the Socialist Labor Party (SLP) made the demand for direct legislation a plank in its first party platform. That demand was shaped by the 1875 Gotha Program formulated by the Socialist Workers Party of Germany and informed by socialist debates during the First International and the pioneering work of Moritz Rittinghausen. The diffusion of these ideas among Gilded Age labor radicals is a crucial and underappreciated part of the story of the origins of the initiative and referendum in the United States. That socialists’ pioneering role in the origins of the initiative and referendum in the United States has largely been slighted is particularly ironic since the individual arguably most responsible for securing the direct legislation resolution at Omaha was among the nation’s most successful radical labor organizers and a committed socialist, Joseph R. Buchanan.
47
Rolf, Hannes. "Book review - Claiming the City: A Global History of Workers' Fight for Municipal Socialism by Shelton Stromquist. 2023." Radical Housing Journal 5, no. 1 (July 21, 2023): 311–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/uteo9421.
Анотація:
Shelton Stromquist has written a long and very rich account of the international history of local socialist activism, often called municipal socialism. Drawing on various examples, Stromquist wants to shift the focus from national parliamentary politics and centrist narratives to the local level, where the labour movement was built. At a time when local struggles such as affordable housing are once again on the agenda of progressive activists, this book offers important insights into the early local history of labour politics and inspiration for contemporary activists and municipal socialists.
48
Ihalainen, Pasi. "A Finnish socialist female parliamentarian stopped on the Dutch border : The (de)politicization of Finnish women’s suffrage in Dutch battles on votes for women." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 133, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2020.1.004.ihal.
Анотація:
Abstract A Finnish socialist female parliamentarian stopped on the Dutch border: the (de)politicization of Finnish women’s suffrage in Dutch battles on votes for womenThis research article in transnational history analyses an incident during which Hilja Pärssinen, a Finnish socialist woman MP, was stopped on the Dutch border in September 1913 on her way to visit a suffragette college in London. This two-hour event at the border and public controversy that followed were clashes between competing ideological and gendered discourses on women’s political agency. The incident was a nexus of intersecting discourses on a range of issues: Dutch and international debates on women’s suffrage, discourse on ‘white slavery’, racial prejudices towards East Europeans, Marxist class struggle discourse, and fears of socialism. During the incident, the authorities seemed to be casting the identity of an illegal immigrant or a Russian prostitute on Pärssinen. Provoked against her psycho-physical experiences, she protested by performing that identity. Afterwards, transnationally connected socialists politicized the case in their fight for women’s political rights, while the authorities and the non-socialist press consistently depoliticized it.
49
Bartolini, Stefano. "I PRIMI MOVIMENTI SOCIALISTI IN EUROPA. CONSOLIDAMENTO ORGANIZZATIVO E MOBILITAZIONE POLITICA." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 23, no. 2 (August 1993): 217–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200022243.
Анотація:
IntroduzioneQuesto saggio tratta della relazione tra socialismo politico-elettorale e socialismo corporato; cioè fra forme dirappresentanza politicae dirappresentanza degli interessinei primi movimenti socialisti europei, fra il 1860-1880 e il 1940. Il tema è affrontato sotto la duplice dimensione delconsolidamento organizzativoe dellamobilitazione degli aderenti.La prima si riferisce al processo di instaurazione e consolidamento di organizzazioni specifiche nel canale corporato-di gruppo e in quello partitico-elettorale, e al legame istituito fra di esse. La seconda alla capacità delle medesime organizzazioni di mobilitare soggetti individuali come membri dei sindacati, iscritti al partito e elettori. Nella prima parte il saggio passa in rassegna e discute il tema della mobilitazione politica; successivamente presenta un quadro concettuale dei legami tra i diversi canali di mobilitazione politica; in terzo luogo analizza brevemente le esperienze nazionali dei movimenti socialisti europei in riferimento a tale schema concettuale; infine prende in esame i livelli di mobilitazione elettorale, partitica e sindacale, ricollegandoli a quelli di consolidamento organizzativo.
50
Garcia, Beatriz Peralt. "Os primórdios do Socialismo em Portugal e a defesa da legislação internacional do trabalho. O Socialismo português nos congressos operários internacionais (1871-1896)." História: Revista da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto 10, no. 2 (2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/0871164x/hist10_2e2.
Анотація:
. The economic weakness of the first associations of Portuguese socialism did not allow them to attend, in person, the development of international socialism through the attendance at congresses that were periodically organized by the International Workers Association since 1872, however this fact did not prevent them from assuming the resolutions. Taken there, which were disciplined incorporated into its strategy of associative consolidation and doctrinal consolidation. Hence, for example, the founding of the Portuguese Socialist Party, as decreed in The Hague. This article aims to analyze the participation of the Portuguese socialists from this initial contact with the European internationalists until the end of the nineteenth century, already reorganized the IIª International. We also try to advance the history of Portuguese socialism in the nineteenth century by stressing the implications within its party structures