Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Integration. Migrant. Vote"

The article deals with the problems of integration of internally forced migrants in Ukraine in the context of a protracted military and political conflict. The definition and essence of the concept “integration of migrants” in the context of forced internal migration in Ukraine are considered. The state of forced migration in the country as a result of a long-term military and political conflict is analyzed. Internally displaced person (IDP) is considered as a specific category of internal forced migrants. The main indicators of IDP integration are identified as employment opportunities, access to health care and social services, availability of housing, access to education and training for children and adults, communication and social contacts, and the opportunity to vote. The nature, content and participants of the actual process of integration of internally displaced persons are established. It is specified that the success of integration is determined by the combined active interaction of three main factors: government policy on IDP integration; the willingness of the local community to accept IDPs and the desire of IDPs to integrate into the local community. Indicators and aspects of forced relocation, which should be taken into account by the Government’s policy in the process of developing tools for the integration of migrants, are formulated. The challenges faced by migrants as well as residents of host communities are analyzed. Teachers of the displaced university are considered as a specific focus group for a sociological survey of IDP integration. Indicators of forced migrants’ self-assessment of their integration level into local communities are analyzed. The indicators of integration of teachers in the relocated university are compared with similar indicators in Ukraine as a whole. An assessment of the level of trust of displaced teachers in the local community and migrant colleagues is made. The main reasons for the lack of full trust of migrants in local residents are identified. A sociological survey of displaced teachers of the relocated university shows a lack of their integration into the local community and a negative social and psychological state. The inability to restore the pre-crisis level of well-being, unsatisfactory living conditions, latent social conflicts on political and cultural grounds and a low level of trust in local residents hinder the integration process. Ways to strengthen and deepen the integration of migrants into host communities are identified. The migrants are suggested to be considered a valuable human resource that has professional knowledge and experience, the initiator of starting a new business and a carrier of culture.

Had Scotland voted for independence in September 2014, it would have gained all the paraphernalia of statehood, including full rights over citizenship. But despite the “no”, can we still detect a Scottish citizenship without the machinery of statehood? This article examines Scotland’s ability to influence citizenship and migration policy from two perspectives. First, from a legal perspective, it examines the Scottish government’s limited control over citizenship, nationality and migration legislation, although it has a broader scope to develop its own approach to migrant integration. Next, the article considers citizenship from a broader political and sociological perspective, focusing on the extent to which the three facets of citizenship identified by Marshall in 1950—civil, social and political rights—have been decentralized with the creation of the Scottish Parliament. Finally, the article examines the ways in which the Scottish approach to citizenship has diverged from the uk (English) approach.

Immigration power is thought to be a federal power in the United States, but the States and their localities play key roles in filling congressional immigration policy gaps. When confronted with a major migration crisis, these microfederal jurisdictions in a multi-layered federal system respond differently to the policy gaps. A healthy tolerance for microfederal policies promotes this experimentation and voter preference maximisation. A countervailing interest in uniformity, among other values, tempers the case for microfederalism by suggesting temporal or other limitations may be justified. States and localities have experimented with microfederal policies concerning migrants that touch on migration and integration policy. Restrictionist jurisdictions have promoted policies that discourage migration and integration. Their strategies include: formal cooperation with federal immigration enforcement when restrictionist in policy orientation; adoption of independent state-law measures to supplement federal immigration enforcement; and litigation to attempt to force or realign federal executive enforcement priorities on migration and integration. Sanctuary jurisdictions adopt inverse strategies. They may decline to participate in voluntary federal programs; refuse to access available federal immigration status information; deny federal requests to cooperate with federal detainer requests; provide access to State and local services to all comers, without regard to legal status; and, like restrictionist jurisdictions, litigate to attempt to force or realign the federal government’s enforcement priorities to favour migration and integration. Inevitably, conflict between federal and state administration results in litigation. The federal government attempts to assert its primacy in those matters touching on alien regulation. During the Trump administration, this effort has included the likely unconstitutional Executive Order 13768, but also the threat of affirmative federal pre-emption litigation against sanctuary jurisdictions. Provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act may provide Trump with a basis for arguing that federal law expressly or impliedly pre-oempts conflicting state law.

India is known for its huge diaspora of over 20 million people outside of the country, (MEA: 2002), whose growing importance has stimulated the development of a specific governmental structure to relate with it. At the same time India is known for receiving several migrants from different South Asian countries, such as Bangladesh, that is associated with “illegal immigration” and human trafficking. In turn, illegal immigration has been a burning issue in the North East of India associated with serious socio-political implications. Though India and Bangladesh depict different positions on the subject, they have put into practice a joint Coordinated Border Management Plan (CBMP), ned in July 2011, besides managing a ‘Task Force of Bangladesh and India for Rescue, Recovery, Repatriation and Integration of Trafficked victims/survivors’. The subject has precipitated questions on security in terms of, both, the states as well as the human beings involved/affected. Considering the above mentioned, this paper aims at analyzing the characteristic of illegal migration from Bangladesh to India by means of the analysis of documents and the review of literature on the subject. Taking up the dynamics of the contemporary positions of both the countires this research offers a critical analysis of the politically sensitive issue. Having signed an agreement on the enclaves issue and the renewal of the bilateral commerce, the two contiguous neihbours also highlight the need to monitor the border in a more effective way, and disable the policy of ‘vote bank’ amidst their other concerns. It seems worthy of attention therefore, that India and Bangladesh work for a more comprehensive approach to the question of security. It would be interesting to see if such an approach between them could also include on board, the issues connected with the development and empowerment of subjects and regions, both as a strategy and as a response to the subject.

Migrant political participation is a central challenge to many Western democracies. This article, by building on the case of marriage migrants’ political participation in Taiwan, offers food for thought on East Asia, a region of the world that has been neglected in most academic debates on this theme. Applying “flat ontology” and drawing from a mixed methodology, involving content analysis of press releases published on political party websites and in-depth interviews with marriage migrants, this article offers a timely account of how migrant political integration and participation is a complex process. It depends not only on broader political opportunities, social, legal, cultural factors shaping political integration processes and individual political values, but also on the specificity of migrants’ identities and subjectivities, including gender, perception of security, a migrant's family background, their parental status, life stage, and their perception of self in society.

Abstract Political parties are an important part of the institutional framework for migrants’ political integration, but remain an underdeveloped area of research in the literature on political opportunity structures (POS) for migrants. Departing from the POS framework, this article addresses the question of what role the intra-party structure of candidate recruitment has for enabling the political career path of people with migrant background. It focuses on the case of Sweden, which has one of the most open POS in terms of formal political rights. Based on an interview study with party officials and political candidates with migrant background, we identify a number of party-internal factors in this POS. The empirical analysis combines two approaches in institutional theory in order to differentiate between ‘thresholds’ related to strategic considerations and short-term vote-maximisation, and ‘barriers’ embedded in roles, identities and organisational practices. In addition to making a contribution to research on the responsiveness of political systems in open-POS countries, the article discusses how the institutional approach can be useful for identifying possible solutions for supporting the political career of immigrants.

This article examines the labor market outcomes and political preferences of majority, minority, or migrant individuals who report that they live in an ethnic enclave—a neighborhood with few majority residents. Politicians often proclaim that ethnic enclaves are problematic, but there is little rigorous examination of these claims. The ethnic composition of a local residential area can affect its inhabitants negatively by increasing conflict and competition (real or perceived) between groups. Majority members may feel their economic and political power questioned and think that the resources to which they are entitled have been usurped by newcomers. Migrants and minorities can be negatively impacted by isolation from the mainstream society, and their integration attempts can be hindered in ethnically concentrated local areas. Using data from the 2002 and 2014 waves of the European Social Survey, enriched with contextual data, we examine the impact of ethnic enclaves accounting for selection and compositional differences. We do not find evidence that minority concentrated areas impact negatively upon the economic outcomes of majority members, not even of those in precarious positions. We do however find that residence in enclaves is associated with greater propensity to vote for the far right and dissatisfaction with democracy for the majority group. Furthermore, there is an economic enclave penalty associated with the labor market insertion of migrants and the job quality of the second generation, and ethnic enclaves also increase the dissatisfaction with democracy among the second generation. We discuss our findings in light of the threat and contact literature.

EU migration policy aims to create a legal framework for legal labor migration, given the importance of integrating migrants into host communities. EU measures on legal immigration cover the conditions of entry and residence for certain categories of immigrants, such as highly skilled workers covered by the EU Blue Card Directive, as well as students and researches. A number of EU’s directives aimed at simplifying and harmonizing migration procedures, in particular the granting of clear employment rights to migrants, have been considered. The EU’s approaches to labor migration, which focus on addressing their integration into the community or the problem of illegal migration, such as the fight against trafficking of human beings and smugglers, are reveald. Although integration policy is defined and implemented mainly at national or subnational level, it is closely linked to the legal framework and EU provisions that grant certain rights to migrants living in the European Union (e.g. equal working conditions and equal access to goods and services). The European Union has adopted a number of EU non-discrimination laws that are important for the integration of third-country nationals, including Directive 2000/43/EU on racial equality and Directive 2000/78/EC on employment equality. The general principles of immigration integration policy are analyzed, such as: employment, education, access to institutions, goods and services and integration into society as a whole.The EU’s approaches to migration as «sustainable development» are considered, in particular, a comprehensive migration management agenda, which contains four items: better organization of legal migration and promotion of managed mobility; preventing and combating illegal migration and eradicating trafficking of human beings; promoting international protection and strengthening the external dimension of asylum; maximizing the impact of migration on sustainable development. It has been found out that the main directions of migration policy, which still needs to be improved in order to curb the scale of brain drain and skilled labor in the countries of origin, should include: concluding bilateral and multilateral agreements on ethical and balanced recruitment and training schemes; returning migration management for effective development in migrants’ countries of origin; promoting the transfer of skills, knowledge and remittances to diasporas (including social remittances). Summing up the content of the European Union’s migration policy towards immigrants from third countries, it is important to note that despite the large number of legal norms, the volume of labor migration is still regulated by each EU country, depending on its own needs and capabilities. Despite the fact that immigration mechanisms are standardized, the issue of admission to the sovereign territory remains in the competence of national governments. It is also important to emphasize that thereis a general prohibition of discrimination on the basis of nationality. Concerning third-country nationals, EU migration policy aims to create a legal framework for legal migration, taking full account of the importance of integrating migrant workers into host communities. EU measures on legal immigration cover the conditions of entry and residence for certain categories of immigrants, including highly skilled workers. It was found ound that immigrants from third countries have worse indicators in the labor market, in particular in terms of skills, quality of education, living conditions and so on. Most people born in the EU have the citizenship of the host country and use their right to vote in elections, which also affects the Union’s migration policy. In sum, EU policy of immigrants’ integration forsees target measures, in particular, in labor market, especially providing with proper educational, medical, social services, as well as their active participation in the cultural and political life of the host country.

Abstract Does emigration deepen or depress democratic transitions in migrant-sending countries? This study examines the multifaceted and countervailing influences of migration on democratic outcomes in sending societies, as operationalized by electoral participation and competition. Drawing on longitudinal data compiled from several Mexican sources, we find that international migration, but not domestic migration, increases voter turnout and electoral competition in sending communities in Mexico. This pattern holds for low-to-moderate levels of emigration but is reversed for high levels of migration. The positive political impact of migration is limited to current emigration from communities of origin rather than return migration. Both documented and undocumented migration influence electoral outcomes, but the political impact of undocumented migration is more pronounced. These comparisons of different types of migration and different functional forms allow us to explore the mechanisms through which migration affects electoral outcomes. The results are consistent with several proposed mechanisms: migration-driven democratic diffusion, weakened clientelism, and disengagement. Overall, the findings demonstrate the value of integrating demographic processes into explanations of political change.

The year 2016 was an important year for Slovenia from various different aspects. Twenty-five years have passed since Slovenia gained its independence, and for the same time period, the country has been taking care of its own security independently. As early as in 1990, the Slovenians started preparing for the big changes ahead. Two events from that time need mentioning, namely the plebiscite at the end of the year, which was important to all other activities undertaken the following year, and the historic date of 25 June 1991, when the Declaration of Independence and the Basic Constitutional Charter on the Sovereignty and Independence of the Republic of Slovenia were adopted. Slovenia’s sovereignty and independence were declared the following day. On 27 June, Slovenia’s War of Independence, which lasted for ten days, began with an attack launched by the Yugoslav People’s Army. In 1992, Slovenia joined the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and became the 176th member of the United Nations. The democratically expressed will for accession to NATO was first clearly expressed in the amendments to the Resolution on the Guidelines for National Security in 1994. That was when Slovenia joined the Partnership for Peace programme, which initiated the journey to join that political and security organisation. In 2003, the Slovenians decided in two consultative referendums that we wanted to create our future and safety as members of the European Union and NATO. On 29 March, Slovenia became a NATO member state, and on 1 May, it also became a member of the European Union. The events and activities listed above are a testament to the successful development of Slovenia as an independent state, whose large amount of energy and mutual cooperation, as well as successful foreign policy and quality diplomacy, helped make remarkable progress on its rather short development path. Some above-mentioned activities from the fields of foreign policy and diplomacy also affect the fields of defence and armed forces. There have been numerous significant milestones in the development of the Slovenian Armed Forces. On this occasion, I should mention 15 May 1991, when the first Slovenian conscripts started their military service on their home soil, namely in Ig near Ljubljana and in Pekre near Maribor. At the end of 1994, the Defence Act was adopted by a two-thirds majority vote, which, among other things, signified the end of the Territorial Defence and the beginning of the Slovenian Armed Forces with a capital S. In May 1995, the decision was taken to make 15 May the Day of the Slovenian Armed Forces. In 1997, members of the Slovenian Armed Forces were deployed to the military and humanitarian ALBA operation for the first time. From then to the end of 2016, Slovenia contributed greatly to international security, since during that period, 11,357 members of the Slovenian Armed Forces were deployed to international operations and missions. In 2003, the last generation of conscripts served their compulsory military service; after that, the Slovenian Armed Forces changed to a professional army with contractual reserves. A year later, when Slovenia became a member of NATO, the first members of the Slovenian Armed Forces left for the international ISAF operation and mission in Afghanistan. Anton Grizold and Alojz Šteiner have written before on the subject of development periods of military defence after Slovenia gained independence. Šteiner divides the development of the Slovenian Armed Forces into four periods: the period between 1991 and 1994, which he calls the Territorial Defence period; the period between 1995 and 1999, which saw the reorganisation of the Slovenian Armed Forces and the beginning of international military cooperation; the period between 2000 and 2004, which he defines as the time of preparations for entry into NATO and the beginning of professionalisation and transformation of the Slovenian Armed Forces; and the period between 2005 and 2010, which was characterised by the integration into NATO and the European Union military structures, as well as the continuation of the transformation of the Slovenian Armed Forces. The time after 2011 and its characteristics have not been defined yet; however, it has undoubtedly been marked by the financial crisis, which has resulted in the reduction of funding for defence in most member states of the Alliance and the European Union. The Alliance has placed great importance on smart defence, niche capabilities and other activities, endorsed at the NATO Summits in Chicago in 2012, in Wales in 2014 and in Warsaw in 2016. Several authors whose contributions have been published in the Contemporary Military Challenges have addressed topical issues after 2011, and thus contributed to the development of military defence contents. The same guidelines are followed in the current issue as well. In his article entitled The challenge to defense reform in Central/Eastern Europe, with reference to Slovenia, Thomas Durell Young shares his outside (i.e. American) view of defence reforms and Slovenia as part of the international environment. Has Slovenia developed modern armed forces during the past twenty-five years, and can it contribute successfully to joint capabilities in the international environment; or is there still much more to be done when it comes to defence? The reduction in defence resources has brought about changes in the countries which are member states of the EU and the Alliance. In her article entitled New Modern Threat to National Security – Budget Threat, Vida Žurga stresses the importance of self-sufficiency of Slovenia’s national security system, and how that self-sufficiency has been tested in the case of the migrant crisis. Viktor Potočnik continues his trilogy. For this issue, he prepared the article Fourth Generation Warfare (Part 2): Comprehensive Reform of the National Security System. As he mentions, some authors have recently proposed several suggestions and expressed concerns regarding Slovenia’s current national security system and the necessary changes, but nothing concrete has changed. Potočnik goes into more detail, which he presents with great clarity. The meaning of strategic communications has been the topic of many authors. But how are strategic communications organised within NATO? The question is answered by Nina Raduha in her article Nato's Strategic Communications Concept in the Republic of Slovenia with emphasis on the Slovenian Armed Forces. It is not merely a matter for the Slovenian Armed Forces, but the state as a whole, and should be an important part of its strategic communications. But is that really the case? Igor Prelog believes that combat aviation can be especially suitable for air support to counter-insurgency operations due to its many advantages over high-technology jet-engine combat aircraft. He discusses how Slovenia could help with counter- insurgency operations within the Alliance in his article Military aviation in counter- insurgency operations and analysis of the use of Pilatus PC-9. Gregor Jazbec is the author of the article Psychology of combat: research on a soldier's experiencing of war and psychological consequences of combat. It is a demanding topic which deals with extreme aspects of combat. The author conducted research on experience of war and psychological consequences among soldiers participating in different wars in Slovenia, and compared his findings with similar research carried out in other states. We hope you enjoy reading this issue and feel inspired to write an article yourself.