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Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 26 липня 2024
Оновлено: 28 липня 2024

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1

Zimmerman, Andrew. "Race against Revolution in Central and Eastern Europe." East Central Europe 43, no. 1-2 (September 16, 2016): 14–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04302004.

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Racism and racial “science” emerged in Europe as an elite response to a worldwide wave of rural insurgencies that began in the era of the French and Haitian Revolutions and continues, in its own way, to this day. In his dialectic of lord and bondsman, g.w.f. Hegel formulated political, economic, and biopolitical ideas from the uprisings occurring in his world, creating a now long-standing dialogue between dialectical theory, including Marxism, and rural insurgency. Racism was part of a biopolitical counterrevolution that sought to maintain the power of elites over insurgent populations. Here Prussia played a central role, as its struggle against the autonomy of migrant agricultural labors took the form of campaigns against the “Polonization” of Prussia. The social scientist Max Weber theorized this struggle in a series of essays on race and rural labor that produced a racism based on culture rather than biology. This cultural racism, like the insurgent discourses it opposes, persists in many forms in Central Europe and around the world.
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2

Kotlyar, Yuriy, and Marharyta Lymar. "Ukrainian Shield in Defense of European Civilization: Chronology and Periodization." Eminak, no. 3(43) (November 10, 2023): 255–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2023.3(43).669.

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This article demonstrates how the ‘Ukrainian Shield’ has protected European civilization for more than a thousand years of turbulence. The article also develops a periodization of this phenomenon. Scientific novelty. Despite a thorough study of some aspects of the topic, the Ukrainian Shield hypothesis as a unifying theme has not been adequately covered in Ukrainian historiography. The authors show the leading role of Ukraine in the struggle against various enemies who tried to conquer European countries, and we define the chronological boundaries and develop a periodization of this process. Methodology. The study uses a civilizational approach, methods of analogy and periodization, historical, chronological comparative and analytical methods. Conclusions. For more than 1155 years, the Ukrainian Crystal Shield has defended European civilization from various enemies, with the Ukrainian population bearing an enormous cost. This process began in 867, when the legendary Kyivan Princes Askold and Dir defeated the Pechenegs, and continues in 2023, when Ukrainians stopped the resurgent Moscow horde that threatens the whole world. The periodization of the Ukrainian Shield was developed on the basis of the stages of Ukrainian statehood. Stage I. Princely Statehood: wars with the Pechenegs (867-1036); with the Torks (1055-1060); with the Polovtsians (Cumans) (1060-1238); with the Mongol-Tatars (1223-1241). Stage II. Cossack Era: confrontation with the Turks and Tatars (1478-1775). Stage III. The Ukrainian National Revolution: the struggle of the Ukrainian insurgency against the march of the Bolsheviks’ World Revolution (1917-1923). Stage IV. The Modern Ukrainian Independent State: the Russian-Ukrainian war (2014-2023). The Ukrainian Shield protected European civilization from the Pechenegs, Torks, Polovtsians, Mongol-Tatars, Turks, Bolsheviks, and continues to protect it from Russian aggression since February 24, 2022. For 667 years out of the past 1155 years, Ukraine has been engaged in open conflict to repel invaders. Many of the “peaceful” years were spent preparing for the next onslaught. These long and bloody wars, often waged against superior opponents, has required enormous effort, along with material and human resources from Ukrainians. The principal beneficiaries of Ukrainian heroism have been the peoples of central and western Europe. Funding. The article is published within the international project Erasmus+ in the direction of Jean Monnet Module «Implementation of European values as a basis of democracy in Ukraine» (EVADEM – 101085843 – ERASMUS-JMO-2022-MODULE).
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3

Velagić, Adnan. "Uloga Italije u junskom ustanku 1941. godine na području Hercegovine." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 208–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.208.

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After the April War and the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina was extremely complex. Although only a few days before the start of the attack on Yugoslavia, in a document called „Preliminary guidelines for the division of Yugoslavia“, Hitler handed over the entire area of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Italy - which determined Mussolini to take maximum part in the „Directive 25“ operation - the situation turned out to be complicated. immediately after the successful completion of the military operation. Namely, at the Vienna Conference on April 21 and 22, 1941, Germany took the side of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and supported the inclusion of Bosnia and Herzegovina in its composition. There were several reasons for this German turn, and the key one certainly lay in the fact that Hiter was counting on German dominance in the Adriatic, so in this respect he was very bothered by Mussolini's emphasized irredentism (Italia irredenta - the fight for an ununited Italy from the Atlantic to Central Asia ). This development of the situation affected the complication of relations within the victorious camp. The ambivalence between Italy and the NDH was especially pronounced, regarding supremacy over the territory of Herzegovina. In that period, the situation on the ground was very complex. The uprising of the Serbian population, due to reprisals by the current Croatian government, which was supported by Italy, at the beginning of June 1941 destabilized the NDH in this area and called into question the strategic German military-political ambitions in Eastern Europe. Namely, Germany soon saw that the current NDH government was unable to maintain order and peace, so it had to yield to Italy and support the signing of the Zagreb Agreement on August 26, 1941. According to this agreement, the territory of Herzegovina was placed under Italian supremacy. However, even after that, the situation in this area did not calm down. Until the capitulation in 1943, Italy continued to support the Serbian insurgents, among whom in the spring of 1942 a differentiation into partisans and Chetniks took place. The Partisan insurgents accepted the ideology of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, which stood on the positions of fighting against the occupiers, while the Chetniks accepted the Great Serbian ideology and cooperation with the Italian forces in Herzegovina. In order to strengthen its presence in this area, Italy did everything to weaken the strength of its ally in the Triple Pact - NDH, and in this sense it helped (politically protected and financed) the Great Serbian insurgents in every way. In the end, Italy, under the pretext of the need to mobilize all forces against the communist partisans, legalized the Greater Serbian insurgents, giving them the name Volunteer Anti-Communist Militia (MVAC - Milizia volontaria anti comunista). Historical knowledge about the June uprising in Herzegovina is not enough, because very few authors have dealt with this issue. Italy's role in encouraging and affirming the Serbian insurgents is even less illuminated. In this paper, the author, on the basis of published and unpublished archival materials, and on the basis of relevant literature, considered the causes, character and reflections of the Serbian uprising in Herzegovina in June 1941, with special attention to the role of Italy in encouraging and affirming the insurgents.
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4

Mukherjee, Shivaji. "Colonial Origins of Maoist Insurgency in India." Journal of Conflict Resolution 62, no. 10 (September 27, 2017): 2232–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002717727818.

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What are the long-term effects of colonial institutions on insurgency? My article shows the historical origins of insurgency by addressing the puzzle of why the persistent Maoist insurgency, considered to be India’s biggest internal security threat, affects some districts along the central eastern corridor of India but not others. Combining archival and interview data from fieldwork in Maoist zones with an original district-level quantitative data set, I demonstrate that different types of British colonial indirect rule set up the structural conditions of ethnic inequality and state weakness that facilitate emergence of Maoist control. I address the issue of selection bias, by developing a new instrument for the British choice of indirect rule through princely states, based on the exogenous effect of wars in Europe on British decisions in India. This article reconceptualizes colonial indirect rule and also presents new data on rebel control and precolonial rebellions.
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5

Kennedy, Jonathan, and Sunil Purushotham. "Beyond Naxalbari: A Comparative Analysis of Maoist Insurgency and Counterinsurgency in Independent India." Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 4 (September 20, 2012): 832–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000436.

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AbstractThis paper demonstrates that there have been three distinct waves of Maoist insurgency in India since 1947. We construct an ideal typical model of Maoist insurgency that is used to compare the roles played by local populations, insurgents, and state counterinsurgency measures across space and time. This allows us to demonstrate that the commonly accepted narrative of Indian Maoist insurgency must be fundamentally rethought. The Naxalbari outbreak in 1967 and the subsequent insurgency in West Bengal is generally agreed to be the central point in the history of Maoist insurgency in India. But our analysis demonstrates that it was comparatively short-lived and atypical. We instead trace the genealogy of Indian Maoism to Telengana in the late 1940s. The common feature linking all three waves is the persistence of insurgent activity among various tribal or adivasi communities in the central Indian “tribal belt.” Their overriding grievances are the historically iniquitous relationships produced by the processes of state and market expansion that have incorporated and subordinated adivasi populations who previously had a large degree of socioeconomic and political autonomy. The state's counterinsurgency strategy has consisted of violence combined with developmental and governance interventions. This has pushed Maoist insurgency to the margins of Indian political life but has been unable to eliminate insurgent activity or address the fundamental grievances of adivasis. We conclude by arguing that Maoist insurgency in India should not be considered as crime to be resolved by state violence, or as an economic problem requiring the intensification of developmental measures, but as a matter of politics.
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6

Frank, Andre Gunder. "Historical atlas of East Central Europe: A history of East Central Europe." Political Geography 14, no. 8 (November 1995): 711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(95)90017-9.

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7

Teichova, Alice, and Andreas Resch. "Tagungsbericht: Business History in Central Europe." Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte 45, no. 1 (April 1, 2000): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zug-2000-0106.

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8

Breuilly, J. "Nation-Building in Central Europe." German History 7, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/7.1.140a.

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9

Beller, Steven. "Commentary: Central Europe Is Elsewhere." Austrian History Yearbook 36 (January 2005): 208–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004914.

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Анотація:
Paul robert magocsi has written an informative and intelligent article about the relationship between the various nation-states of central Europe that found themselves behind the Iron Curtain and their respective national diasporas in North America. His comparison of the relationship between the countries and their diasporas at the “temporal nodes” of 1918 and 1989 suggests that the real difference between the two was that in 1918 the ideal of the nation-state was in the ascendancy, both in America and among the various central European national groups, whereas in 1989 the American diasporas were still beholden to the nation-state ideal at a time when their counterparts “back home” had moved on from the outdated nation-state ideal to embrace the supranational—or at least multinational—ideal of the European Union. This explains the relative importance of the diasporas in 1918 and their unimportance in 1989. Given the parameters of his subject, this is in general a useful and thoughtful thesis. There are, however, some points of detail that I would like to address; and, particularly for those who are interested in Austrian history and notions of Central Europe (with a capital “C”), there are broader aspects to the question, outside the given parameters, that merit discussion. It is to these broader aspects, centering on what we mean by “central European diasporas” and indeed “central Europe,” that the following commentary is mainly devoted.
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10

Curta, Florin. "East central Europe." Early Medieval Europe 12, no. 3 (July 27, 2004): 283–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0963-9462.2004.00133.x.

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11

Hsia, R. P. C. "Confessional Identity in East-Central Europe." English Historical Review 119, no. 481 (April 1, 2004): 518–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.481.518.

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12

Deák, István. "The Versailles System and Central Europe." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 490 (February 1, 2006): 338–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cej100.

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13

Lojkó, Miklós. "C. A. Macartney and Central Europe." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 6, no. 1 (March 1999): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507489908568220.

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14

KLAUTKE, EGBERT. "URBAN HISTORY AND MODERNITY IN CENTRAL EUROPE." Historical Journal 53, no. 1 (January 29, 2010): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990409.

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ABSTRACTThis historiographical review discusses recent literature on cities in modern Central Europe – mainly on Berlin and Vienna – which reflects the great variety of approaches to urban history and underlines the importance of urban history for the study of modernity. The history of urbanization was a central event in the history of modernity. Especially in the Central European capitals of Berlin and Vienna, where modernization and urban growth started later and then advanced more quickly than in West European cities, all aspects of social, political, economic, and cultural modernity and its consequences can be observed in detail.
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15

Wells, C. M., and Herbert Schutz. "The Romans in Central Europe." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (June 1989): 727. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873786.

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16

Rich, Norman, and Hagen Schulze. "Nation-Building in Central Europe." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (June 1989): 794. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873867.

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17

NOWAK, Leszek. "Eastern Europe, Central Europe, or East Central Europe? Imagined geography of the region." Focus on Central and Eastern Europe 13, Special issue (2022): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/ejes-2022-si03.

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18

Slačálek, Ondřej. "Central European Thinkers Who Prophesied Our World." Current History 123, no. 851 (March 1, 2024): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2024.123.851.107.

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Central Europe is often considered to be a source of nationalist pathologies and plagues that could infect “proper” (Western) Europe. This image is at best outdated, as Western Europe and the United States have (and always have had) their own nationalist and conservative authoritarian resources. Moreover, Central Europe has also been a space of original political thought, albeit often obscure or forgotten, which can contribute to our understanding of the contemporary world beyond the borders of the region.
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19

Wolff, Larry. "The Operatic Tragedy of Central Europe." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 4 (March 1, 2006): 683–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506776023154.

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20

Stola, Dariusz. "Forced Migrations in Central European History." International Migration Review 26, no. 2 (June 1992): 324–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839202600208.

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In Central Europe, forced migrations constitute a considerable and in some countries a major part of all migratory movements in modern history. They take place now and will probably affect the future of the region. This article presents the basic information on the major Central European involuntary movements of the last 200 years. It emphasizes the first half of this century, especially the “black decade” (1939–1949)—the apogee of forced migrations. The article indicates several factors, known from the past movements, which persist or re-emerge in today's Central Europe and may have impact on future migrations.
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21

Case, Holly. "Shape-Shifting Illiberalism in East-Central Europe." Current History 116, no. 788 (March 1, 2017): 112–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.788.112.

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22

Hochstrasser, T. J. "Absolutism in Central Europe, Peter H. Wilson." English Historical Review 116, no. 467 (June 1, 2001): 727–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/116.467.727.

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23

Hochstrasser, T. J. "Absolutism in Central Europe, Peter H. Wilson." English Historical Review 116, no. 467 (June 2001): 727–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/116.467.727.

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24

Moore, R. I. "The Central Middle Ages: Europe, 950-1320." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 499 (December 21, 2007): 1370–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem364.

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25

Beller, Steven. "Central Europe: Birthplace of the Modern World?" Austrian History Yearbook 23 (January 1992): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800002897.

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It is not very often that the lands of Central Europe are uppermost in the historical consciousness of Western public opinion. Chamberlainesque ignorance has been the norm. In recent years, however, this situation has been at least partially remedied by two events: the dramatic series of revolutions in Eastern Europe, and—the topic of this essay—the perception of, and fascination with, Central Europe as the place from which our modern world sprang.
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26

Payton, James R., Maria Craciun, Ovidiu Ghitta, and Graeme Murdock. "Confessional Identity in East-Central Europe." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 799. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061544.

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27

Hiden, John, and Gabor Batonyi. "Britain and Central Europe, 1918-1933." American Historical Review 105, no. 4 (October 2000): 1393. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651556.

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28

Sherwood, P. "Millennium in Central Europe: A History of Hungary." English Historical Review 117, no. 473 (September 1, 2002): 947. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.473.947.

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29

Diebold, William. "The Carolingians in Central Europe, Their History, Arts and Architecture: A Cultural History of Central Europe, 750-900. Herbert Schutz." Speculum 81, no. 3 (July 2006): 920–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400016481.

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30

Surman, Jan. "Imperial Science in Central and Eastern Europe." Histories 2, no. 3 (September 14, 2022): 352–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories2030026.

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The history of imperial science has been a growing topic over recent decades. Overviews of the imperial history of science have rarely included the Russian, Habsburg, and German empires. The history of Central and Eastern Europe has embraced empire as an analytical and critical category only recently, having previously pursued national historiographies and romanticised versions of imperial pasts. This article highlights several key narratives of imperial sciences in Central and Eastern Europe that have appeared over the past twenty years, especially in anglophone literature. Interdependence between national and imperial institutions and biographies, the history of nature as an interplay of scales, and finally, the histories of imagining a path between imperialism and nationalism, demonstrate how the history of imperial science can become an important part of the discussion of Central European history from a global perspective, as well as how the history of science can be factored into the general history of this region. Finally, I argue that the imperial history of science can play an important role in re-thinking the post/decolonial history of Central and Eastern Europe, an issue that, since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, has become the centre of intellectual attention.
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31

Dyduch, Joanna. "Israel and East-Central Europe." Israel Studies Review 36, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360103.

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Israel’s policy toward the region of East-Central Europe (ECE) started changing notably from 2004 onward, in response to the European Union (EU) enlargement process. The following years brought a further development of Israel’s position toward the region and substantial changes in Israel’s European policy. This article aims to track this evolution: not only Israel’s position but also the shape as well as the content of bilateral and multilateral relations between Israel and selected ECE states. For the purpose of this analysis, special attention is paid to Israel’s relations with Poland and Hungary, with primary focus on Israel’s approaches and policy orientations. The article argues that while the ideological changes that occurred almost simultaneously in Poland, Israel, and Hungary at first created favorable conditions for the strengthening of bilateral and multilateral relations between all three countries, they soon became a divisive factor and obstacles to cooperation.
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32

Wolff, Larry. "Commentary: The Operatic Tragedy of Central Europe." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 4 (April 2006): 683–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2006.36.4.683.

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The operas of Leos Janacek-such as Jenufa and Katya Kabanova-illustrate the nature of operatic modernism in relation to history and folklore in the context of the Habsburg monarchy and postwar Central Europe. In the performance history of the operas, moving from Janacek's city of Brno, Moravia, to such cosmopolitan capitals as Prague, Vienna, Berlin, and even New York, the case of Janacek also suggests the complex relationship between provincial, national, and transnational elements in the operatic modernism of Central Europe.
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33

Luebke, David Martin. "Factions and Communities in Early Modern Central Europe." Central European History 25, no. 3 (September 1992): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900022123.

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On 12 November 1745, the ad hoc militias of two peasant factions collided near Schmitzingen, a small village in the Black Forest country of Hauenstein, which constituted the southeastern quarter of the Habsburg province of Outer Austria. Several days before, the larger of the two forces had laid siege to Waldshut, the administrative seat of Hauenstein. The smaller band of peasants, recruited from cantons in the north of Hauenstein, had marched through the night to relieve the town. As it approached Waldshut, this relief force was ambushed, encircled, and routed. Two peasants died from wounds suffered in the melee, and many more were severely wounded.
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34

Gluck, Mary. "Beyond Vienna 1900: Rethinking Culture in Central Europe." Austrian History Yearbook 28 (January 1997): 217–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800016386.

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35

Puff, H. "Man as Witch: Male Witches in Central Europe." German History 29, no. 1 (September 27, 2010): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq103.

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36

Péter, Läszlo. "Central Europe and its reading into the past." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 6, no. 1 (March 1999): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507489908568224.

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37

Sedlar, Jean W., and K. E. Garay. "East Central Europe in the Middle Ages, 1000-1500. A History of East Central Europe, Vol. III." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 1 (July 1995): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9949179.

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38

Stobiecki, Rafał. "Central/ Central-Eastern Europe from the Perspective of Imagined History. Between History, Geography, and Literature." Dzieje Najnowsze 52, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/dn.2020.1.12.

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39

Komlos, John, Alice Teichova, and P. L. Cottrell. "International Business and Central Europe, 1918-1939." American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (April 1985): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1852769.

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40

SHORTER, EDWARD. "‘Private Clinics in Central Europe’ 1850–1933." Social History of Medicine 3, no. 2 (1990): 159–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/3.2.159.

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41

Pretzer, William S. "Museums in Central Europe: A Traveler's Introduction." Technology and Culture 41, no. 3 (2000): 516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2000.0128.

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42

Anderson, Jason. "Can Europe Catalyze Climate Action?" Current History 108, no. 716 (March 1, 2009): 131–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2009.108.716.131.

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43

Serfaty, Simon. "Europe Enlarged, America Detached?" Current History 102, no. 662 (March 1, 2003): 99–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.662.99.

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Анотація:
September 11 should be a catalyst for a renewal of the West as a community of action that is shaped by interests that are common even when they are not always equally shared. What the West needs, and must seek in and beyond the eu and nato—the two central institutions that comprise it—is more, not less, integration.
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44

Bryant, Chad. "Habsburg History, Eastern European History … Central European History?" Central European History 51, no. 1 (March 2018): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000225.

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Анотація:
Germany and all things German have long been the primary concern ofCentral European History(CEH), yet the journal has also been intimately tied to the lands of the former Habsburg monarchy. As the editor stated in the first issue, published in March 1968,CEHemerged “in response to a widespread demand for an American journal devoted to the history of German-speaking Central Europe,” following the demise of theJournal of Central European Affairsin 1964. The Conference Group for Central European History sponsoredCEH, as well as the recently mintedAustrian History Yearbook(AHY). Robert A. Kann, the editor ofAHY, sat on the editorial board ofCEH, whose second issue featured a trenchant review by István Deák of Arthur J. May'sThe Passing of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1914–1918. The third issue contained the articles “The Defeat of Austria-Hungary in 1918 and the Balance of Power” by Kann, and Gerhard Weinberg's “The Defeat of Germany in 1918 and the Balance of Power.” That same year,East European Quarterlypublished its first issue.
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45

Milić, Marina. "PXRF characterisation of obsidian from central Anatolia, the Aegean and central Europe." Journal of Archaeological Science 41 (January 2014): 285–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2013.08.002.

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46

Radzilowski, John. "The Routledge History of East Central Europe since 1700." Polish Review 66, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/polishreview.66.1.0148.

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47

Molnar, Thomas. "In East/Central Europe History Will Not Be Ignored." Humanitas 11, no. 2 (1998): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/humanitas199811215.

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48

Schmidt, Albert J. "Historical atlas of East Central Europe." Journal of Historical Geography 21, no. 2 (April 1995): 221–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-7488(95)90044-6.

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49

Khan, Mujeeb R., and M. Hakan Yavuz. "Bringing Turkey into Europe." Current History 102, no. 662 (March 1, 2003): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.662.119.

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Анотація:
While the goal of earning EU membership has been central to the recent push to implement significant political and legal reforms in Turkey, it still remains to be seen whether Turkey's Muslim heritage, large population, and economic underdevelopment will remain immovable obstacles to full membership. It is now clear that this is a decision that can no longer be indefinitely postponed by Brussels or Ankara.
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50

MOUT, NICOLETTE. "Does Europe have a centre? Reflections on the history of Western and Central Europe." European Review 14, no. 2 (April 12, 2006): 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870600024x.

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Анотація:
Any definition of Central Europe based on geographical and/or historical facts causes difficulties. The line dividing Europe during the Cold War has a very limited use because it does not take into account Central Europe as a special part of the continent. Historians such as Geoffrey Barraclough, Hugh Seton-Watson and Oskar Halecki discussed the idea of a separate identity of Central Europe during the Cold War. Especially after the fall of the Berlin Wall, this discussion was re-opened. From a historian's point of view, the most important contributions came from Piotr Wandycz and Jenő Szűcs. An imaginary centre of Europe can only be found in the continent's common history.There is a belief, rather widespread in English-speaking countries, that the eastern half of Europe is inhabited by a number of endlessly quarrelling small nations whose conflicts keep endangering the quiet and comfort of Anglophones. (Hugh Seton-Watson)
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