Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Informal Settlements, Urban Informality, Role of Design"

Informal urbanism, ranging from informal settlements to trading and transport, has become integral, but not limited, to the ways in which cities of the global South work. At stake here is the role of the built environment professions in responding to informal urbanism where a poor understanding of the complexities of informality can lead to poor design interventions. Providing a better understanding of how forms of informality work is then a key task for the built environment education, which arguably falls short in this regard. With a particular focus on urban design, we suggest that it is critical to move towards an informal turn in the built environment education to address informality and engage with the dynamics of informal urbanism. We first investigate the scope of urban design and then explore the ways in which urban design education can respond to informal urbanism in its curricula by developing an urban design program on informality as an illustration. The suggested approach can be considered as an initial step towards an informal turn in urban design education. We conclude that while urban design alone cannot solve social and economic problems, including poverty and inequality, its capacity to address the complex challenges of urbanization cannot be overlooked. Urban design education cannot remain isolated from the questions of informality anymore.

The Canadian Arctic, and Nunavut in particular, is one of the fastest-growing regions per capita in the country, raising the question as to what might constitute an emerging Arctic Indigenous urbanism. One of the cultural challenges of urbanizing Canadian North is that for most Indigenous peoples, permanent settlement, and its imposed spatial, temporal, economic, and institutional structures, has been antithetical to traditional ways of life and culture, which are deeply tied to the land and to seasons. For the past seventy-five years, architecture, infrastructure, and settlement form have been imported models serving as spatial tools of cultural colonization that have intentionally erased local culture and ignored geographic specificities. As communities in Nunavut continue to grow at a rapid rate, new planning frameworks are urgently needed. This paper outlines three approaches that could constitute the beginning of more culturally reflexive planning practices for Nunavut: (1) redefining the northern urban vernacular and its role in design; (2) challenging the current top-down masterplan by embracing strategies of informal urbanism; and (3) encouraging planning approaches that embrace territorial strategies and are more responsive to geography, landscape, and seasonality.

Tambora District, which is the most densely populated region in Southeast Asia, is one of the informal sectors in the city of Jakarta. The development of an increasingly capitalist city, so that there are imbalances in the formal and informal sectors, causing social, mental, and other problems. Tambora Retreat Spaces with the Urban Accupunchture architecture approach becomes a forum by creating a new environmental reality for the informal sector to help them strengthen their role in the inner city. This project presents Urban zen garden and biophilic design as a passive media retreat and technology retreat for active media retreats. This place also plays a role in replacing the role of open space and third-places facilities for those who are lost are replaced by residential settlements that are increasingly congested every year. The project also focuses on creating a media for community growth space of all ages and social status in community life, based on the Ville Spatiale concept of Yona Friedman to become a forum for interaction, rehabilitation, and inspirationKeywords: Growth Spaces; Nature; Rehabilitation; Technology AbstrakKecamatan Tambora yang menjadi kawasan dengan tingkat penduduk paling padat se-Asia Tenggara ini, merupakan salah satu area yang didominasi permukiman informal di kota Jakarta. Perkembangan kota yang semakin kapitalis membuat adanya ketimpangan pada sektor formal dan informal, sehingga menimbulkan permasalahan sosial, mental, dan lainnya. Tambora Retreat Spaces dengan pendekatan arsitektur Urban Accupuncture menjadi wadah dengan menciptakan sebuah realita lingkungan baru bagi informalitas untuk membantu mereka memperkuat perannya pada bagian di dalam kota. Proyek ini menghadirkan Urban zen garden dan biophilic design sebagai media retreat pasif dan technology retreatment untuk media retreat aktif. Tempat ini juga berperan dalam menggantikan peran ruang terbuka serta fasilitas ruang ketiga bagi mereka yang hilang digantikan oleh permukiman warga yang semakin padat setiap tahunnya. Proyek ini juga berfokus untuk menciptakan sebuah media ruang tumbuh masyarakat dari segala umur dan status sosialnya dalam kehidupan masyarakat, dengan berlandaskan konsep Ville Spatiale dari Yona Friedman untuk menjadi wadah interaksi, rehabilitasi, dan terinspirasi.

Informal settlements have become integral to the urban imagery of the cities across the global South. Forms of urban informality emerge and grow through some generative processes of self-organisation and incremental adaptations. While formal interventions have often failed to put an end to such a resilient and complex type of urbanism, the desire for eradication and demolishment still prevails. Most of the informal settlements can benefit from incremental upgrading and micro-scale design interventions, which then rely on a sophisticated understanding and analysis of informal morphologies and adaptations. However, forms of urban informality and adaptations of informal settlements are relatively understudied. This paper aims to explore informal morphologies and their incremental adaptations drawing on empirical evidence from the case study of Khlong Toei district in Bangkok (Thailand). Direct observation, visual recording, and urban mapping are the key research methods. Five different forms of informality and adaptations have been identified in this study. One of the findings of this study is that informal morphologies emerge in different forms at multiple scales. Another finding of this study is that informal adaptations are often similar across different informal morphologies. The findings of this paper contribute to the growing body of knowledge in urban morphology and informal urbanism.

Informal settlements are the most common form of urbanization on the planet, accounting for one-third of the total urban form. It is expected that by the mid twenty-first century, up to three billion people will live in informal urban environments. However, we lack a consistent mapping method to pinpoint where that informality is located or how it expands. This paper presents the findings from a collection of standardized measurements of 260 informal settlements across the world. The main research goal is to identify a standard global sample of informal neighborhoods. It then focuses on mapping urban growth with remote sensing and direct mapping tools. The third stage classifies settlements based on how adjacency features such as development, topography, or bodies of water relate to their growth. The survey of growth corroborates the idea of informality as expanding geography, although at different rates than previously cited in the literature. We found peri-urban location to be a suitable estimator of informal settlement growth. This finding validates the comparison of multiple settlements to understand rates of change of urban informality worldwide. The findings here are vital to resolve important questions about the role of informal urban development in the context of accelerated global population growth.

Recent studies have established the role of urban planning policies in feeding the growth of informal settlements in Brazilian cities, through the socio-spatial exclusion of low-income residents. The difficulties of reversing this exclusionary logic are due to several complex factors. A factor less discussed in Brazilian literature, which has began to draw the attention of scholars, is the invisibility of the informal city. This research assumes that it is necessary to regulate the urban form of precarious informal settlements, in order to prevent the deterioration of urban environmental quality. We highlight the importance of compiling data about their urban form and their built environment, in order to contribute to a reality-based regulatory policy for these settlements. After discussing the phenomenon of urban informality in Fortaleza, we applied a methodology that combines Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and City Information Modeling (CIM), to support the redefinition of urban rules for precarious settlements of informal origin. This procedure will reveal not only the extent of the inadequacies of the (past and current) land use and occupation codes, but will also present some potentialities of GIS and CIM to inform its redefinition.

Purpose While a substantial amount of study of informal settlements has been undertaken, they remain largely unstudied in terms of urban form. In this analysis, the purpose of this paper is to set forth a conceptual framework, which considers the context in which informality takes place, the settlement itself, the houses contained therein, the dwellers of those houses and the process through which a settlement is designed and transformed over time. Design/methodology/approach This is a literature review. Findings This framework aims to be sufficiently flexible to be deployed across diverse national settings. Its formulation is important because informal settlements are a permanent fixture of the global urban landscape, and are increasing in scale. Originality/value Any sustainable strategies to improve informal settlements depend on a better understanding of their urban space, as well as of the producers of this space – the residents themselves. Finally, professional designers may be able to learn from this contemporary urban vernacular grammar – perhaps the only one left in the era of sanitized, contrived and prosaic urban design.

This paper engages with how the incremental production of space works in informal settlements. As one of the critical challenges of urbanism in the cities of the global South, informal settlements cannot be simply addressed through ruthless practices of demolition and eviction since they can often be incrementally upgraded on the same site. Such practices of upgrading rely on a sophisticated understanding of how urban morphology and adaptation work in informal settlements. In this paper, I focus on the fluidity of space by drawing on a case study of an informal settlement in Pune, India. The key research methods are observation and visual recording. The results of this study provide a better understanding of how informal settlements work in terms of urban morphologies and adaptations. Such an understanding plays a significant role in exploring how the capacities of informality can be developed in consistency with the incremental upgrading of codes regarding public open space, access network, construction, and functional mix. This paper contributes to the ways in which built environment professions can effectively engage with incremental transformations of informal settlements.

Climate change related events affect informal settlements, or slums, disproportionally more than other areas in a city or country. This article investigates the role of slums in the nationally determined contributions (NDCs) for the Paris Agreement of a selected group of 28 highly urbanized developing countries. Content analysis and descriptive statistics were used to analyze first the general content in these NDCs and second the proposed role, or lack thereof, of slums in these documents. The results show that for most of the analyzed countries, context-based climate policies for slums are not part of the strategies presented in the NDCs. We argue that a lack of policies involving informal settlements might limit the capacity of developing countries to contribute to the main goals of the Paris Agreement, as these settlements are significant portions of their urban populations. One of the hopeful prospects of the NDCs is that they will be reviewed in 2020 for the 26th Conference of the Parties (COP26). With this paper, we aim to stimulate discussions about the crucial role that informal settlements should play in the NDCs of developing countries in the background of the synergies required between climate change actions and sustainable development.

Poor living conditions in informal settlements may be attributed mostly, though not exclusively, to the lack of basic services. Informal settlements, which also go by the name of squatter camps, are volatile by nature. Even within relatively fixed settlement boundaries, change in urban fabric continually manifests through altering dwelling configurations. Deemed unstable and unsafe by formal criteria, these environments disclose schizophrenic characteristics: beyond the dirt, grime and smog, exist relatively functional societies capable of survival and self-regulation. Public and private sector investment within informal settlements is restricted as a result of their illegal status. Inhabitants have no incentive to invest their own resources where they have no formal tenure over the land. Due to a rather backward approach to informality in South Africa, innovation in dealing with these settlements has been limited. Despite the fact that the rhetoric has sometimes changed from eradication to upgrading, little has been done with regards to alternative forms of settlement development that has relevance in terms of improving the lives of informal settlement dwellers. With rising anger in poverty-stricken areas and on the peripheries of cities, what is needed is improved service delivery through immediate solutions. This article suggests a service delivery core, an architectural catalyst, rooted to the ‘energy’ of the public realm, stimulating growth of infrastructure networks. This catalyst core aims to instigate the amelioration of the surrounding environment. The concept presented is that of a dynamic service core – universal in principle – while also being contextually-driven by responding to a specific environment and needs of a specific community. A generic architectural solution is thus presented to providing basic services and infrastructure within informal settlements, with focussed consideration for the unique situation of an informal settlement in Mamelodi, Tshwane (Pretoria), South Africa. It is important to realise that there is no final product, but rather an organic architecture that adapts in a process of continuous and progressive change.

My Interior Design practicum is an inquiry about the nature of urban informality through the study of present and emerging urban vernaculars within Kambi Moto, an informal area in Nairobi Kenya. I argue that unique vernacular characteristics manifest in everyday living and can be captured through the experience and knowledge of self-builders, entrepreneurs and dwellers within informal settlements. An understanding of these vernacular characteristics is instrumental in the designing of meaningful and effective social housing prototypes. The main methods used to document vernacular characteristics include, post occupancy evaluations (POEs), time diaries, photographs and observation. Within an interior design context, these tools helped describe the spatial needs, wants and desires of the everyday dwellers of Kambi Moto. The four resulting compact housing configurations support one-to-ten member households with provisions for a home-based business (HBB) or a rental unit. All units have an adaptable rooftop with a garden.

AbstractIn recent years street vending has become a major feature of the public space in downtown Rabat, Morocco’s capital city. Home to the Parliament and governmental institutions, downtown Rabat holds a powerful political symbolism in the collective representation of its inhabitants. Street vending is thus considered an intruder activity that must be banned from the area. However, history describes the downtown as a commercial zone where open-air markets—called Souks—were held regularly alongside brick-and-mortar shops before the advent of The French Protectorate in 1912, which transformed it into a “European zone” with a new “modern-formal” economy, pushing the local population to dwell in informal settlements and live from informal economy on the outskirts of the city. Through a historical analysis of the evolution of the downtown’s public space use induced by the French urban laws and models, and perpetuated by the Moroccan policies after independence, this chapter argues that itinerant trade belongs to the downtown as a central function and key element of its urban dynamics that has been disrupted by alien policies. This study makes an original contribution by evaluating the impact of colonial urban policies on urban informality in the Moroccan context. Results suggest that street vending, now considered as misappropriation of space by authorities, could be considered as a form of resistance to imported planning models and that efficient urban interventions depend on an in-depth understanding of rooted local urban design.

Maddalena Iovene¹, Graciela Fernandéz De Córdova2, Ombretta Romice¹, Sergio Porta¹ ¹Urban Design Studies Unit (UDSU). Department of Architecture. University of Strathclyde. 75 Montrose Street, Glasgow, G11XJ, UK. 2Centro de Investigación de la Arquitectura y la Ciudad (CIAC), Departamento de Arquitectura, PUCP. Av. Universitaria 1801, 32 San Miguel, Lima, Peru. E-mail: maddalena.iovene@strath.ac.uk, gdcfernandez@pucp.edu.pe, ombretta.r.romice@strath.ac.uk, sergioporta@strath.ac.uk Keywords (3-5): Informal Settlement, Peru, Lima, Model of Change, Urban Morphology Conference topics and scale: Reading and Regenerating the Informal City Cities are the largest complex adaptive system in human culture and have always been changing in time according to largely unplanned patterns of development. Though urban morphology has typically addressed studies of form in cities, with emphasis on historical cases, diachronic comparative studies are still relatively rare, especially those based on quantitative analysis. As a result, we are still far from laying the ground for a comprehensive understanding of the urban form’s model of change. However, developing such understanding is extremely relevant as the cross-scale interlink between the spatial and social-economic dynamics in cities are increasingly recognized to play a major role in the complex functioning of urban systems and quality of life. We study the urban form of San Pedro de Ate, an informal settlement in Lima, Peru, along its entire cycle of development over the last seventy years. Our study, conducted through a four-months on-site field research, is based on the idea that informal settlements would change according to patterns similar to those of pre-modern cities, though at a much faster pace of growth, yet giving the opportunity to observe the evolution of an urban organism in a limited time span. To do so we first digitalize aerial photographs of five different time periods (from 1944 to 2013), to then conduct a typo-morphological analysis at five scales: a) unit, b) building, c) plot, d) block, and e) settlement (comprehensive of public spaces and street network). We identify and classify patterns of change in the settlement’s urban structure using recognised literature on pre-modern cities, thus supporting our original hypothesis. We then suggest a unitary model of analysis that we name Temporal Settlement Matrix (TSM). Reference List Caniggia, G., & Maffei, G. L. (2008). Lettura dell’edilizia di base (Vol. 215). Alinea Editrice. Conzen, M. R. G. (1958). The growth and character of Whitby. A Survey of Whitby and the Surrounding Area, 49–89. Hernández, F., Kellett, P. W., & Allen, L. K. (2010). Rethinking the informal city: critical perspectives from Latin America (Vol. 11). Berghahn Books. Kropf, K. (2009). Aspects of urban form. Urban Morphology, 13(2), 105–120. Muratori, S. (1960). Studi per una operante storia urbana di Venezia. Palladio, 1959, 1–113. 22. Porta, S., Romice, O., Maxwell, J. A., Russell, P., & Baird, D. (2014). Alterations in scale: patterns of change in main street networks across time and space. Urban Studies, 51(16), 3383–3400. Watson, V. (2009). “The planned city sweeps the poor away…”: Urban planning and 21st century urbanisation. Progress in Planning, 72(3), 151–193. Whitehand, J. W. R. (2001). Changing suburban landscapes at the microscale. Tijdschrift Voor Economische En Sociale Geografie, 92(2), 164–184.

Bosa, ubicada en el suroccidente de Bogotá, tiene alrededor de 700.000 habitantes, es uno de los territorios de mayor desarrollo urbano reciente en Colombia; en la primera década del siglo XXI incrementó su población un 50%, producto de procesos contradictorios entre la formalidad y la informalidad; es el único sector conurbado en Bogotá. El presente artículo refiere la historia del proceso urbanístico de este territorio a partir de los setenta, más que la morfología urbana, la atención se centra en el diseño y la gestión urbana especialmente en el papel de los agentes urbanos para transformar condiciones adversas, producto del desarrollo informal a través de la autogestión y la participación ciudadana acompañada de entidades gubernamentales que han priorizado el desarrollo de proyectos de vivienda de la ciudad en la localidad, atrayendo a promotores inmobiliarios privados generando incremento del precio del suelo y una de las mayores tasas de densificación. Bosa, located in the southwest of Bogota, has around 700,000 inhabitants, is one of the areas most recent urban development in Colombia, in the first decade of the century the population increased by 50% due to contradictory processes between formality and informality; is the only sector in Bogotá with conurbation. This article relates the history of urban planning process of this territory from the seventies, but the urban morphology, the focus is on design and urban management especially in the role of urban actors to transform adverse conditions, product informal development through self-management and citizen participation accompanied by government entities that have prioritized the development of housing projects of the city in the town, attracting private developers to generate increase in land prices and one of the highest rates of densification.

En América Latina, la implantación del neoliberalismo como sistema económico ha llevado a un modelo de desarrollo con elevada heterogeneidad y desigualdad socioeconómica. De la mano de grandes cambios sociales y demográficos, las áreas urbanas experimentaron un acelerado desarrollo, crecimiento económico desigual en la distribución del ingreso, el aumento del desempleo y altos niveles de informalidad urbana. Enmarcado en esta realidad la producción del espacio urbano, se llevó adelante a través de la gestión de tres actores sociales: 1.el mercado inmobiliario; 2. el Estado nacional y 3. los asentamientos informales. De ellos, el estado cumple un rol fundamental en la construcción de la ciudad encauzando o restringiendo el desarrollo de ciertos espacios ya sea a través de la acción (implementación de políticas públicas, normativas, etc.) o de la omisión. En un contexto en el que persiste la ausencia de planificación, la carencia de un marco que defina el modo de ocupación del territorio, impone la lógica del mercado inmobiliario como criterio urbanístico principal, incluso para las actuaciones de promoción pública de vivienda. Ello impacta de modo negativo en la ciudad en la medida que favorece la especulación en manos del sector privado, produce segregación residencial y desigualdad en el acceso al suelo puesto que amplios sectores quedan fuera del mercado formal. Lo cual se tradujo en la conformación de áreas diferenciadas dentro de la ciudad agudizando la separación entre sectores sociales. A partir del 2003, en Argentina en virtud al crecimiento económico que se produce con posterioridad a la crisis 2001-2002, el Estado Nacional retomó los planes de vivienda a fin de dar solución al problema habitacional haciendo hincapié en programas de relocalización, radicación y regularización dominial de villas y asentamientos informales, articulando con trabajo cooperativo que implicaba la intervención una medida conjunta con el problema de desocupación. A las existentes políticas habitaciones de construcción de viviendas ejecutadas por los Institutos Provinciales de Vivienda (IPV), se sumaron un conjunto de políticas sociales que articulan programas de diversos órdenes, nacional, municipal, provincial y del IPV. (Argentina Trabaja, Municipio+Cerca, PROMEVI, PROMEBA, etc) enlazando la problemática habitacional a la social. Sin embargo estas medidas no revierten el sentido dominante que poseen las políticas públicas en materia de vivienda (del Río y Duarte, 2012) puesto que la construcción de viviendas sin sustento normativo ni planificación, o la consolidación y regularización de asentamientos populares en áreas vulnerables, lejos de mitigar las desigualdades existentes, producen efectos negativos en la ciudad. En este contexto, este trabajo analiza las consecuencias de las nuevas políticas habitacionales en el Área Metropolitana de Tucumán (AmeT), a casi 10 años de implementación de un conjunto de medidas sociales específicas, en teoría tendientes a la equidistribución del acceso al suelo urbano. In Latin America, the implementation of neoliberalism as an economic system has led to a development model with high heterogeneity and socioeconomic inequality. The adoption of policies of liberalization, deregulation and economic flexibility, along with the withdrawal of the state of urban management, major changes occurred in the cities. In the hands of great social and demographic change, urban areas experienced rapid development, uneven economic growth in the distribution of income, rising unemployment and high levels of urban informality. Framed in this reality, the production of urban space, was carried out by the management of three social actors: 1.The real estate market; 2 and 3 the national state informal settlements. Of these, the state plays a key role in building the city damming or restricting the development of certain areas either through action (implementation of public policies, regulations, etc.) or omission. Therefore, in a context in which the lack of planning continues, the lack of a framework defining how land occupation imposes the logic of urban real estate market as the main criterion, even for actions of public housing development. This impacts negatively on the city to the extent that speculation favors the private sector, produce residential segregation and inequality in access to land as large sections remain outside the formal market. Which results in the formation of distinct areas within the city exacerbating the gap between social sectors. In Argentina, under the economic growth that occurs after the 2001-2002 crisis, the Federal Government returned home plans to solve the housing problem but with a twist to the social, to meet the needs of the most vulnerable sectors of society. From being solely residential construction (turnkey system) executed by the Provincial Housing Institutes (IPV), policies will be passed to a set of social policies that articulate programs of various orders, domestic, municipal, provincial and IPV. (Argentina Works, Municipality + Close, PROMEVI, PROMEBA Law Pierri implementation of regularization, etc.) that link to social housing problems. However, this has not had the expected results in relation to urban problems. While the need for regional planning was promoted through the PET National and Provincial (Regional Strategic Plan), all implemented programs were developed without proper management tools to define the criteria for the consolidation and development from the Federal Government city and thus ended conspiring against it, as a stage of collective life. The lack of training of local technicians, the use of these programs clientelitas purposes by local politicians and rampant corruption, contributed to aggravating the observed trends. This suggests that the construction of new housing or consolidation or regularization of squatter settlements in vulnerable areas without legal justification and planning, far from mitigating the inequalities, negative effects on the city. Under this hypothesis, this paper analyzes the impact of new housing policies in the Metropolitan Area of Tucumán (AMET), nearly 10 years of implementing a set of tending to the equal distribution of access to urban land social measures. It is concluded that the actions taken by the State produced an increase and consolidate the processes of fragmentation and emerging socio-spatial segregation of Tucuman AMET.