Статті в журналах: "Indigenous political studies"

1

Berg, S. "The Dakota Access Pipeline, Indigenous Studies and Political Economy." Anglistik 31, no. 3 (2020): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33675/angl/2020/3/5.

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Prindeville, Diane-Michele, and John G. Bretting. "Indigenous Women Activists and Political Participation." Women & Politics 19, no. 1 (April 21, 1998): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j014v19n01_03.

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Barrenechea, Antonio, and Heidrun Moertl. "Hemispheric Indigenous Studies: Introduction." Comparative American Studies An International Journal 11, no. 2 (June 2013): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1477570013z.00000000041.

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Heilman, Jaymie Patricia. "Under Civilian Colonels:Indigenous Political Mobilization in 1920s Ayacucho, Peru." Americas 66, no. 4 (April 2010): 501–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0263.

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With his television blaring in the corner, Don Isidro Durán spoke of the men whom his neighbors had once chosen as leaders, men those neighbors labeled “colonels.” As Don Isidro described the indigenous political mobilization that rocked his rural Ayacucho community back in 1923, he explained that these colonels led their supporters in military exercises and proclaimed that President Augusto B. Leguía was “bad for the Pueblo.” Although the elderly Durán spoke with the authority of an eyewitness and the eloquence of a local intellectual, the indigenous leaders he described are essentially absent from the extensive literature on indigenous politics during Peru's 1920s. That absence is surprising, for reports of various popularly appointed colonels fill Ayacucho's archival records during Leguia'soncenio(his 1919-1930 presidency). These Ayacuchano civilian colonels were typically literate, indigenous men witxiout formal standing in the Peruvian armed forces. During the first years of the 1920s, Ayacucho peasants embraced rliese indigenous men as leaders because of their profound anger at official government authorities and their agents.

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5

Smith, Thomas Aneurin. "Episodes of concealing: the invisibility of political ontologies in sacred forests." cultural geographies 27, no. 3 (November 7, 2019): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474019886837.

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Indigenous research has demonstrated how Indigenous ontologies are political and how they have been articulated politically to express counter-narratives to modern understandings of human–nature relations. This article argues that current characterisations of political ontology, particularly in relation to environmental conservation, have yet to fully take account of African Indigenous spiritualities. Current thinking on Indigenous ontologies and decolonial scholarship, and their political manifestations, faces two problems: (1) they assume the visibility and availability of Indigenous ontologies to ‘doing politics’ and (2) presumptions are made about the comparability of place-based Indigenous ontologies and wider attempts to reform the state, and that the political goals of Indigenous people will straightforwardly align with those of the researcher. Drawing from research on sacred natural site protection among the Nyiha in Mbozi District, southwestern Tanzania, I examine how these problems might be addressed in a context where notions of Indigeneity are articulated quite differently to those predominantly evident in current writing on Indigeneity and decolonial scholarship. Nyiha ontologies, although already-political at the local scale, resist becoming ‘available’ to environmental politics at wider scales, making straightforward notions of solidarity problematic. Through a particular encounter with Christian groups attempting to spatially appropriate Nyiha sites, I explore the various ways in which ontologies are made politically available and visible and how the Nyiha analyse Christianity as colonial. Finally, I turn to how Nyiha ontologies and their sacred forest sites are replete with ‘episodes of concealing’ and variable invisibilities, which call into question how visible practices are utilised as ‘evidence-of-ontology’, or as part of a wider decolonial project.

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6

Warrior, Robert. "Organizing Native American and Indigenous Studies." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (October 2008): 1683–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1683.

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For me, entering this profession involved the broader context of native american and indigenous studies as well as native American literary studies. My scholarship, pedagogy, and professional connections have relied on a synergy between texts as Native authors have crafted them and the social, political, and experiential contexts from which those authors and their texts emerged. Though plenty of work in Native literary studies does not draw on the broader field of Native studies, my own approach has most often placed me firmly in the overlapping space between the two.

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7

McGloin, Colleen, and Bronwyn L. Carlson. "Indigenous Studies and the Politics of Language." Journal of University Teaching and Learning Practice 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53761/1.10.1.3.

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Language use changes over time. In Indigenous contexts, language alters to suit the shifting nature of cultural expression as this might fit with Indigenous peoples’ preference or as a consequence of changes to outdated and colonial modes of expression. For students studying in the discipline of Indigenous Studies, learning to use appropriate terminology in written and oral expression can be a source of anxiety. In this paper, we consider how providing insight into the political nature of language can help students to be mindful and to understand that systems of naming have a political impact on those being named and those doing the naming. This paper reflects the views and experiences of teaching staff at the Indigenous Studies Unit (ISU) in the Faculty of Arts at the University of Wollongong. It comes from our teaching experience, and from discussions with staff and students over the past few years that have conveyed to us a continuing anxiety about language use.

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8

Bakari, Mohamed. "The Historical and Political Backdrop to Islamic Studies in Kenya." American Journal of Islam and Society 31, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 70–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i3.285.

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This paper argues that the lack of serious attempts to incorporate Islamic studies in Kenya’s academic culture can best be understood by looking at the colonial and postcolonial policies toward university education there. The early missionary influence that shaped the nature of the indigenous educational system had a farreaching impact upon creating a culture of resistance among Muslims toward western education. In the postcolonial period, the new governments tried to create a level playing field for all of their citizens, regardless of religious orientation. But the colonial imapct had already left its mark on Muslims in terms of their visibility at the university level. The Kenyan government did not interfere in what academic programs should be prioritized at this level. But because Christians outnumbered Muslims in academia, their influence created a dearth of indigenous university-generated information and knowledge on Muslim institutions and society. This gap was left to foreign researchers to fill. As a result, Kenya has no indigenous Islamic intellectual culture. If this status quo does not change, Kenyan Muslims will remain vulnerable to foreign Islamist influences.

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9

Bakari, Mohamed. "The Historical and Political Backdrop to Islamic Studies in Kenya." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 31, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 70–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v31i3.285.

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This paper argues that the lack of serious attempts to incorporate Islamic studies in Kenya’s academic culture can best be understood by looking at the colonial and postcolonial policies toward university education there. The early missionary influence that shaped the nature of the indigenous educational system had a farreaching impact upon creating a culture of resistance among Muslims toward western education. In the postcolonial period, the new governments tried to create a level playing field for all of their citizens, regardless of religious orientation. But the colonial imapct had already left its mark on Muslims in terms of their visibility at the university level. The Kenyan government did not interfere in what academic programs should be prioritized at this level. But because Christians outnumbered Muslims in academia, their influence created a dearth of indigenous university-generated information and knowledge on Muslim institutions and society. This gap was left to foreign researchers to fill. As a result, Kenya has no indigenous Islamic intellectual culture. If this status quo does not change, Kenyan Muslims will remain vulnerable to foreign Islamist influences.

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10

Larson, Brooke. "Indigenous Media and Political Imaginaries in Contemporary Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 98, no. 3 (August 1, 2018): 569–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-6934029.

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11

Waller, Lisa, Tanja Dreher, and Kerry McCallum. "The Listening Key: Unlocking the Democratic Potential of Indigenous Participatory Media." Media International Australia 154, no. 1 (February 2015): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1515400109.

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This article explores how a listening approach might address the complex challenges of researching the relationship between Indigenous participation in media and mainstream policy-making processes. An overview of contemporary Indigenous media demonstrates how digital and social media have built on the vibrant and innovative Indigenous media tradition, and enabled a proliferation of new Indigenous voices. But do the powerful listen to Indigenous-produced media, and does this constitute meaningful participation in the political process? The article distinguishes between participation as involvement in the production and dissemination of media, and participation as political influence. It argues that both meanings are crucial for fully realising the potential of Indigenous participatory media, and contends that a listening approach might offer ways to research and unlock the democratic potential of Indigenous media participation.

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12

Byrd, Jodi A. "What’s Normative Got to Do with It?" Social Text 38, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-8680466.

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This article considers the queer problem of Indigenous studies that exists in the disjunctures and disconnections that emerge when queer studies, Indigenous studies, and Indigenous feminisms are brought into conversation. Reflecting on what the material and grounded body of indigeneity could mean in the context of settler colonialism, where Indigenous women and queers are disappeared into nowhere, and in light of Indigenous insistence on land as normative, where Indigenous bodies reemerge as first and foremost political orders, this article offers queer Indigenous relationality as an additive to Indigenous feminisms. What if, this article asks, queer indigeneity were centered as an analytic method that refuses normativity even as it imagines, through relationality, a possibility for the materiality of decolonization?

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13

Tennberg, Monica. "Indigenous peoples as international political actors: a summary." Polar Record 46, no. 3 (December 9, 2009): 264–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247409990398.

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ABSTRACTThe article discusses the results of a three year research project studying international indigenous political activism using case studies from the Arctic. Drawing on two different disciplinary starting points, international relations and international law, the project addressed two interrelated questions. The first of these was how relations between states, international organisations and indigenous peoples have been and are currently constructed as legal and political practices; the second was how indigenous peoples construct their political agency through different strategies to further their political interests. These questions are addressed from the point of view of power relations. The power to act is the basic form of political agency. However, this power may take different forms of political action, for example, self-identification, participation, influence, and representation. The main conclusions of the article are: 1) indigenous political agency is based on multiple forms of power; 2) practices of power that enable and constrain indigenous political agency change over time; 3) power circulates and produces multiple sites of encounters for states, international organisations and indigenous people; 4) indigenous political agency is a question of acting; and 5) there are new challenges ahead for indigenous peoples in claiming a political voice, in particular in global climate politics.

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14

Wang, Shu-Li. "Museums, heritage and the politics of pursuing indigenous rights in Taiwan." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 474–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-06-2018-0104.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to trace the development of indigenous heritage rights in Taiwan. It examines how this pursuit is intertwined with the global indigenous movement, national political interests and rising local cultural awareness. Design/methodology/approach This paper focuses on the rise of indigenous rights in Taiwan by looking at political shifts, indigenous museums and changing frameworks through which heritage is understood. The paper uses two case studies: one is the implementation of a heritage protection law in Taiwan; the other is the launch of indigenous museums. Findings In Taiwan, heritage is often associated with political ideology, power relations and resource distribution. The development of heritage discourse is inseparable from the international heritage trend as well as the local political situation. Originality/value The pursuit of indigenous heritage rights in Taiwan is supported on the one hand by the government so as to define a distinctive Taiwanese culture and on the other to meet the demands of Taiwan’s indigenous movement. Two case studies are provided to examine the pros and cons of current indigenous heritage projects in Taiwan.

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15

Bourke, Colin, and Eleanor Bourke. "Indigenous Studies: New pathways to development." Journal of Australian Studies 26, no. 74 (January 2002): 181–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050209387792.

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16

Williams, Meaghan, and Robert Schertzer. "Is Indigeneity like Ethnicity? Theorizing and Assessing Models of Indigenous Political Representation." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 4 (August 27, 2019): 677–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919000192.

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AbstractWithin the broader literature on political representation, studies exploring Indigenous forms of representation are rather limited. Where they exist, they tend to explore how Western models of political representation include Indigenous peoples, conflating Indigenous groups with ethnic minorities. This article asks whether and how Indigenous political representation might be distinguished from the representation of ethnic minorities. Our argument is that Indigenous groups’ identities tend to be based on different claims and relationships to the state than ethnic groups, which leads to political mobilization seeking a means to respond to the colonial nation-state project. We develop a theoretical framework that identifies three principles that ought to inform an effective and legitimate model of Indigenous political representation: recognition, protection and decolonization. We then apply this theoretical framework to assess the extent to which existing models of Indigenous representation in Bolivia, Canada, New Zealand and Norway correspond with these three principles.

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17

O’Sullivan, Dominic. "Reconciliation: The Political Theological Nexus in Australasian Indigenous Public Policy." International Journal of Public Theology 4, no. 4 (2010): 426–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973210x526409.

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AbstractReconciliation brings together Christological and anthropological dimensions of human thought to illustrate the nexus between religious principles and political means. For the state reconciliation is concerned with social cohesion and political stability. For the church, it extends the sacramental notion of reconciliation between God and penitent to public relationships. This article examines Roman Catholic contributions to secular reconciliation debates. It shows how religious precepts create moral imperatives to engagement with secular discourses as a necessary element of Christian mission. It also argues that the church’s role in the disruption of indigenous societies creates an additional moral imperative to engage in reconciliation as mission and to articulate a Christian vision of indigenous rights.

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18

Brett, Mark G., and Naomi Wolfe. "Sovereignty: Indigenous Counter-Examples." International Journal of Public Theology 14, no. 1 (May 8, 2020): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341599.

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Abstract Through assertions of ‘sovereignty’, modern nation states lay claim to an undivided authority. It is commonly suggested that this kind of political assertion superseded the overlapping authorities of medieval theological imagination. But in settler colonial states, Indigenous sovereignties endure to the present, not washed away by the ‘tide of history’, and in many cases Indigenous peoples embrace Christian identities along with traditional law and custom. The peculiar complexities of Australian history reveal many counter-examples to the conventional modernist tale, and in particular, the article seeks to show how Indigenous Christians snatched the King James Bible from Protestant doctrines of discovery. This discussion comes at an historically significant time as Australian state governments contemplate treaty making with the First Nations, each of whom exercise their own alternative model of sovereignty within local jurisdictions. This article argues that biblical theologies can support the making of modern treaties.

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Belleau, Jean-Philippe. "History, Memory, and Utopia in the Missionaries' Creation of the Indigenous Movement in Brazil (1967–1988)." Americas 70, no. 4 (April 2014): 707–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2014.0057.

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On April 17, 1974, and die two days following, a gathering of 16 indigenous participants from nine different indigenous societies was held in Diamantino, Mato Grosso, Brazil. During the three days, vernacular narratives, trivial announcements, and critiques of the government and local ranchers were presented—without any of the participants significantly engaging with one another. Only one primary source on this event, a short, typed document, is available today. The historicity of this “Assembly of Indigenous Chiefs” is granted by both the anthropological and the historical situations of the participating communities. For the first time, individuals from indigenous societies that did not share ethnic borders or history met to advance indigenous rights; for the first time also, these individuals were granted political representation (of their groups), a notion largely foreign to indigenous political traditions. There was a conscious effort to draw chiefs from as many communities as possible and to establish a large, pan-Indian movement.

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Bowen, James D. "Indigenous Movements and Political Representation in Latin America." Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies 2, no. 1 (April 2007): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17442220601167376.

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Escolar, Diego. "Huarpe Archives in the Argentine Desert: Indigenous Claims and State Construction in Nineteenth-Century Mendoza." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 3 (August 1, 2013): 451–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2210867.

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Abstract The narrative of indigenous extinction and the construction of a “white” Argentina entailed an ethnogeographic imaginary by which the territories of the former Spanish colonies were inhabited since the nineteenth century by gauchos or eventually peasants. The population classified as indigenous, in this view, was projected outside the central areas controlled by the nation-state, beyond the frontiers of the Pampas, Patagonia, and the Chaco. Historical writing accepted and contributed to the formation of this image by characterizing the political mobilization of gauchos or peasants (especially in their bellicosity as montoneras — irregular militia units) as a natural reflection of the projects of elites, factions, patrons, or parties. That historiography dismissed as irrelevant any demands stemming from the gauchos and peasantry themselves, such as those based on the long historical experience of indigenous peoples. Based on documents preserved by inhabitants of the travesía, or the desert, of Guanacache, in the central Cuyo region, the descendants of the Huarpe Indians who were considered extinct in the seventeenth century, this analysis stresses the continuity of indigenous claims and the political strategies of the communities of the countryside during the nineteenth century. While recognizing that other factors were involved in political mobilization, this analysis shows the primary importance of indigenous claims in an area of traditional montonero rebellion and civil conflict, and the active participation of the region in the construction of the state beginning in the 1820s. Indigenous leaders who also served as government officials pressed for institutionalized recognition of indigenous rights. That pressure eventually led to the acceptance of their claims and the maintenance of relative political autonomy until the 1870s.

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Hogan, Trevor, and Priti Singh. "Modes of indigenous modernity." Thesis Eleven 145, no. 1 (March 26, 2018): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618763836.

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This special issue is the outcome of a collaborative venture – a three-day workshop between La Trobe University and Ateneo de Manila University, held in Manila. It brought together indigenous and non-indigenous researchers from both the Philippines and Australia and included aboriginal researchers in business studies, history, literature and anthropology, and non-indigenous researchers working on themes of indigenous history, material culture, film studies, literature, the visual arts, law and linguistics. The ‘indigenous’ peoples of the Philippines are very different to Australian Aborigines or Torres Strait Islanders. Nevertheless, they have common quests for political autonomy, protection of indigenous customary laws, traditions and knowledge, biodiversity, and development of independent self-governance structures for health, education and community development. These concerns involve analogous and overlapping political struggles with nation-states and in the forums of the UN, regional associations, global consortia, and the international courts. The papers in this issue are based on a roundtable in which the participants showcased their own research projects and interests on indigenous pathways, cultural pluralism and national identities; socio-economic development; and representation of indigenous identities in creative and visual arts.

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23

Gordillo, Gastón. "The clientelization of ethnicity: party hegemony and indigenous political subjectivities." Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies 17, no. 3 (December 2008): 335–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569320802544245.

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Hebert, Joel. "“Sacred Trust”: Rethinking Late British Decolonization in Indigenous Canada." Journal of British Studies 58, no. 3 (July 2019): 565–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.3.

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AbstractThis article considers the political activism of Canada's Indigenous peoples as a corrective to the prevailing narrative of British decolonization. For several decades, historians have described the end of empire as a series of linear political transitions from colony to nation-state, all ending in the late 1960s. But for many colonized peoples, the path to sovereignty was much less straightforward, especially in contexts where the goal of a discrete nation-state was unattainable. Canada's Indigenous peoples were one such group. In 1980, in the face of separatism in Quebec, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau pledged to renew the Canadian Confederation by bringing home the constitution, which was still retained by the British Parliament. But many Indigenous leaders feared that this final separation of powers would extinguish their historic bilateral treaties with the British crown, including the Royal Proclamation of 1763 that guaranteed Indigenous sovereignty in a trust relationship with Britain. Indigenous activists thus organized lobbying campaigns at Westminster to oppose Trudeau's act of so-called patriation. This article follows the Constitution Express, a campaign organized by the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs in 1981. Maneuvering around the nuances of British political and cultural difference, activists on the Constitution Express articulated and exercised their own vision of decolonization, pursuing continued ties to Britain as their best hope for securing Indigenous sovereignty in a federal Canada.

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Tedford, Matthew Harrison. "Is a Non-Capitalist World Imaginable? Embodied Practices and Slipstream Potentials in Amanda Strong’s Biidaaban." Feminist Media Histories 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 46–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2022.8.1.46.

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This essay analyzes Michif filmmaker Amanda Strong’s 2018 stop-motion film about urban syrup making, Biidaaban (The Dawn Comes) within the context of some scholars’ claim that it is nearly impossible to imagine a world outside of capitalism. Drawing on decolonial Indigenous political theory and feminist thought, the essay argues that Biidaaban illustrates the political possibilities of Indigenous slipstream, a subgenre of Indigenous science fiction characterized by nonlinear time, to bring about liberatory worlds in the face of forces that make the capitalist order appear natural. Theories of Indigenous aesthetics also highlight how embodied practices—including both syrup making and stop-motion animation—are part of an ongoing process of creation and remaking of the world. These perspectives point to the generative function of visual art, breaking down the boundary between representation and action. Following from these ideas, the essays shows how Biidaaban is an assertion of Indigenous sovereignty and a generative step in the process of world making.

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Escanilla Huerta, Silvia. "“They Will Live without Law or Religion”: Cádiz, Indigenous People, and Political Change in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1812–1820." Hispanic American Historical Review 101, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 199–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-8897464.

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Abstract This article argues that the impact of the Constitution of Cádiz among Indigenous communities in the Viceroyalty of Peru was significant. In the context of the imperial crisis of the Spanish crown, Indigenous people took the tools that the constitution granted them to increase their level of self-government. Moreover, the changes implemented by the constitution persisted after its abolition, allowing Indigenous people to retain a level of self-government otherwise impossible to conceive after Ferdinand VII restored absolutist rule. In other words, Indigenous communities held on to their jurisdictional authority and refused to surrender the political tools that the constitution had granted them. Their actions demonstrate that the constitution was a watershed moment in the history of the viceroyalty because it inaugurated an era of political change with consequences nobody could predict at the time.

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Whyte, Kyle. "Critical Investigations of Resilience: A Brief Introduction to Indigenous Environmental Studies & Sciences." Daedalus 147, no. 2 (March 2018): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00497.

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Indigenous peoples are among the most active environmentalists in the world, working through advocacy, educational programs, and research. The emerging field of Indigenous Environmental Studies and Sciences (iess) is distinctive, investigating social resilience to environmental change through the research lens of how moral relationships are organized in societies. Examples of iess research across three moral relationships are discussed here: responsibility, spirituality, and justice. iess develops insights on resilience that can support Indigenous peoples' struggles with environmental justice and political reconciliation; makes significant contributions to global discussions about the relationship between human behavior and the environment; and speaks directly to Indigenous liberation as well as justice issues impacting everyone.

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Waller, Lisa, and Kerry McCallum. "Keystone media: The Australian and Indigenous affairs." Media International Australia 161, no. 1 (October 4, 2016): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x16670816.

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This article conceptualises The Australian as the nation’s ‘keystone media’ on Indigenous affairs. Nielsen’s term ‘keystone media’ captures the critical importance of particular news outlets that play what he terms an outsize role in defining the state and structure of wider media and political environments. The article analyses the factors at play in The Australian’s sponsorship of a particular political agenda for this complex field of social policy. The argument is illustrated through an examination of Indigenous health coverage from 1988 to 2008, textual analysis of 137 columns written by Noel Pearson, and research interviews with key actors in the Indigenous policy realm, including journalists, public servants and Indigenous commentators. Through this examination of its reporting and collaboration with Pearson, we contend The Australian has advanced a range of neoliberal and interventionist policies to government and the public.

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Pretorius, H. L., G. C. Oosthuizen, and Irving Hexham. "Empirical Studies of African Independent/Indigenous Churches." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221555.

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Choque-Caseres, Dante. "THE THE INDIGENOUS IDENTITY INTERPRETED AS A CATEGORY OF ANALYSIS IN POPULATION STUDIES." Enfermería: Cuidados Humanizados 6, Especial (October 27, 2017): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22235/ech.v6iespecial.1458.

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In Latin America, based on the recognition of Indigenous Peoples, the identification of gaps or disparities between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous population has emerged as a new research interest. To this end, capturing Indigenous identity is key to conducting certain analyses. However, the social contexts where the identity of Indigenous persons are (re)produced has been significantly altered. These changes are generated by the assimilation or integration of Indigenous communities into dominant national cultures. Within this context, limitations emerge in the use of this category, since Indigenous identity has a political and legal component related to the needs of the government. Therefore, critical thought on the use of Indigenous identity is necessary in an epistemological and methodological approach to research. This article argues that research about Indigenous Peoples should evaluate how Indigenous identity is included, for it is socially co-produced through the interaction of the State and its institutions. Thus, it would not necessarily constitute an explicative variable. By analyzing the discourse about Aymara Indigenous communities that has emerged in the northern border of Chile, this paper seeks to expose the logic used to define identity. Therefore, I conclude that the process of self-identification arises in supposed Indigenous people, built and/or reinforced by institutions, which should be reviewed from a decolonizing perspective and included in comparative research.

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Oliart, Patricia. "Indigenous Women's Organizations and the Political Discourses of Indigenous Rights and Gender Equity in Peru." Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies 3, no. 3 (November 2008): 291–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17442220802462436.

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Loera Gonzaléz, Juan Jaime. "Indigenous people’s self-determination in the context of COVID-19 in northern Mexico." AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples 17, no. 4 (November 30, 2021): 524–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/11771801211058546.

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This article presents various transformations registered in the political sphere and community participation due to the COVID-19 pandemic on Indigenous territories in northern Mexico. It explores the challenges of the Rarámuri and Ódami Indigenous people’s experience in guaranteeing their political rights and self-determination in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, specifically when organising festivities and ceremonies that were unable to celebrate to comply with official health care guidelines. The article gives firsthand accounts of the political relations between Indigenous groups’ community responses and the Mexican government’s actions to mitigate the effects of the new coronavirus. The article draws on the argument that the current health emergency context is inserted into a complex network of pre-existing and structured power relations that largely define the scope of the actions taken because of the pandemic. Critically, the community responses emanating from Indigenous groups show crucial cultural differences in ways to deal with the disease.

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Hutchings, Suzi, and Dianne Rodger. "Reclaiming Australia: Indigenous Hip-Hop group A.B. Original’s use of Twitter." Media International Australia 169, no. 1 (October 8, 2018): 84–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x18803382.

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This article explores how Indigenous-Australian Hip-Hop group A.B. Original use Twitter to promote their music and more broadly, as a conduit for political expression, protest and the celebration of Indigenous identities. We use Indigenous knowledges and Indigenous standpoint theories to extend on the current literature that examines the use of social media by Indigenous peoples. In decolonising research, these theoretical perspectives position the Indigenous participant at the centre of research practice where knowledge is created. Indigenous knowledges therefore become the paradigm through which social interaction is understood and described. Our thematic analysis of A.B. Original’s public Twitter activity from November 2016 to January 2017 demonstrates that the combination of Hip-Hop and social media are powerful forces utilised by young Indigenous people in Australia to discuss issues impacting their everyday lives and to make meaningful statements on contemporary Aboriginality and sovereignty.

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Bormpoudakis, Dimitrios. "Three implications of political ontology for the political ecology of conservation." Journal of Political Ecology 26, no. 1 (November 5, 2019): 545. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v26i1.22014.

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Within political ecology, an important and timely critique has emerged which questions ontology and the nature of reality. This turn to ontology has been expressed in a new and influential paradigm, Political Ontology. In this article, I interrogate the politics of three tenets that seem central to this ontological turn within a political ecology of conservation context: (a) the insistence on the local, Indigenous and homogeneous subject and its corollary, the homogeneous Modern, Western subject; (b) the hegemony of the (green) neoliberal project, and (c) the incommensurability of non-modern and Western ontologies. I base my arguments on two case studies of resistance and/or struggle against green and un-green grabbing, the Skouries gold mine in Greece and the Lodge Hill development in England.Keywords: political ontology, neoliberal nature, conservation, Indigenous, Greece, England

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Rozanova, Marya. "Indigenous Urbanization in Russia's Arctic." Sibirica 18, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 54–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sib.2019.180304.

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This article presents the social, economic, and political factors that contribute to the ongoing urbanization of the Nenets indigenous communities (“communities-in-transition”) in the Nenets Autonomous Region. Focusing on the preconditions for “indigenous flight” from traditional rural settlements to urban areas, the article analyzes key indicators—demographics, language proficiency, education level, and occupational sector, as well as social cohesion, interethnic relations, and political inclusion in the larger urban context—to describe the adaptation and integration processes of these new city dwellers. Based on the fieldwork in the region, the article also presents individual life strategies and career choices of indigenous youth and describes the role of gender in indigenous urbanization.

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Mackinlay, Elizabeth, and Katelyn Barney. "Pearls, not Problems: Exploring Transformative Education in Indigenous Australian Studies." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 41, no. 1 (August 2012): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jie.2012.3.

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This article explores the shift in terminology that occurred in a 2-year Australian Learning and Teaching Council (ALTC)-funded curriculum renewal project that set out to broadly explore current teaching and learning practice in Indigenous Australian studies (www.teaching4change.edu.au). While we started with the term ‘Problem-Based Learning’, it became clear as the project progressed that the terminology we were using was not politically or pedagogically appropriate. As the data began to reveal, the research team became increasingly uncomfortable with the colonial underpinnings and associations of the term ‘Problem-Based Learning’ (PBL), and began to explore the possibility of redefining what we do as something else entirely. A key outcome of the project was that PBL became PEARL, to describe the Political, Embodied, Active, and Reflective aspects of this teaching and learning approach in Indigenous Australian studies. The shift from PBL to PEARL was unexpected, but has resulted in exciting possibilities for migrating and extending theories of teaching and learning in Indigenous Australian studies into critical pedagogy, critical race theory and transformative education. Drawing on critical pedagogy, critical race theory and transformative education theory, this article explores the rationale behind the shift in terminology from PBL to PEARL. We also draw on student data from focus groups, questionnaires and lecturer reflection to examine the ways the results from this project hold great potential for the further implementation of PEARL into primary and secondary classrooms, specifically in relation to pedagogical practice in embedding Indigenous perspectives.

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Nicoll, Fiona. "Interrupting White Possession and Unsettling State Borders." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v8i1.132.

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It is both a pleasure and a significant responsibility to review two field-shaping works in critical indigenous studies. The White Possessive showcases the unique intellectual contribution of Aileen Moreton-Robinson, both within Australia and internationally. Prising apart concepts of race, ethnicity and cultural difference, her book makes visible and accountable the patriarchal white subject of possession that subtends them. Mohawk Interruptus is a rigorous ethnographic account of the intra-subjective and intersubjective dimensions of academic disciplines and political practices that produce and police the ‘authenticity’ of Indigenous people. Both books should be read and studied by scholars across academic disciplines in the humanities and social sciences. In particular, they break new ground for researchers in law, sociology, women’s studies, critical race and whiteness studies, postcolonial studies, anthropology, political theory and cultural studies.

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Fisher, Laura, and Gay McDonald. "From fluent to Culture Warriors: Curatorial trajectories for Indigenous Australian art overseas." Media International Australia 158, no. 1 (January 11, 2016): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x15622080.

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In recent decades, Indigenous artists have been strongly represented in exhibitions of Australian art offshore. This article explores two such exhibitions: fluent, staged at the Venice Biennale in 1997, and Culture Warriors, shown at the Katzen Arts Center at the American University in Washington, DC, in 2009. These exhibitions took place during an era in which issues around Indigenous rights and recognition were frequently the subject of domestic public debate and policy turmoil. They have also been significant staging posts on Indigenous Australian art’s trajectory towards contemporary fine art status – something that, while no longer questioned in Australia, continues to be precarious overseas. By considering how both political and aesthetic concerns were addressed by Indigenous curators Hetti Perkins and Brenda L. Croft, this discussion sheds light on the ways in which emergent political meanings associated with Indigeneity have driven new kinds of institutional practice and international cultural brokerage.

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Humpage, Louise. "Revisioning comparative welfare state studies: an ‘indigenous dimension’." Policy Studies 31, no. 5 (September 2010): 539–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2010.495902.

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Sinclair, Rebekah. "Exploding Individuals: Engaging Indigenous Logic and Decolonizing Science." Hypatia 35, no. 1 (2020): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2019.18.

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AbstractDespite emerging attention to Indigenous philosophies both within and outside of feminism, Indigenous logics remain relatively underexplored and underappreciated. By amplifying the voices of recent Indigenous philosophies and literatures, I seek to demonstrate that Indigenous logic is a crucial aspect of Indigenous resurgence as well as political and ethical resistance. Indigenous philosophies provide alternatives to the colonial, masculinist tendencies of classical logic in the form of paraconsistent—many-valued—logics. Specifically, when Indigenous logics embrace the possibility of true contradictions, they highlight aspects of the world rejected and ignored by classical logic and inspire a relational, decolonial imaginary. To demonstrate this, I look to biology, from which Indigenous logics are often explicitly excluded, and consider one problem that would benefit from an Indigenous, paraconsistent analysis: that of the biological individual. This article is an effort to expand the arenas in which allied feminists can responsibly take up and deploy these decolonial logics.

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McCallum, Kerry, and Lisa Waller. "The Intervention of Media Power in Indigenous Policy-Making." Media International Australia 149, no. 1 (November 2013): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1314900115.

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This article explores how media power impacts on policy-making in Indigenous affairs in Australia through an examination of the 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER). The article draws on interviews with a range of actors in the policy constellation to discuss three intersecting factors contributing to this media-driven announcement: the Howard government's political and policy aims for Indigenous affairs; policy bureaucrats' increasingly mediatised practices; and the rise of conservative Indigenous spokespeople as key players in debates about Indigenous affairs policy. The article concludes that these factors have made a significant contribution to the manifestation of media power in the Indigenous policy-making process.

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Nagengast, Carole, and Michael Kearney. "Mixtec Ethnicity: Social Identity, Political Consciousness, and Political Activism." Latin American Research Review 25, no. 2 (1990): 61–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100023384.

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Culture, according to one anthropological formulation, is “the structure of meaning through which people give shape to their experience” (Geertz 1973, 312). Clifford Geertz's definition necessarily implies consideration of struggles over the politics of that meaning. Implicit and explicit in such struggles are political efforts to impose upon others a particular concept of how things really are and therefore how people are obliged to act (Geertz 1973, 316). During the process of nation building, history and the structure of meaning that it gives to contemporary “culture” are often manipulated so that socially, politically, and economically opposed groups are merged into putative harmonious “imagined communities” whose reality enters into public consciousness and social discourse as the authentic past (Anderson 1983). But consciousness of shared identity and common discourse centered upon that identity are not un-contested. In Mexico competing images of indigenous “tradition” entail just such a political struggle over meaning, a struggle over the definition of what constitutes indigenous culture—“real” ethnic identity, as it were—and a consequent struggle over what actions, if any, need to be taken (and by whom) to combat the second-class status of most of the country's indigenous peoples.

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Burow, Paul Berne, Sandra Brock, and Michael R. Dove. "Unsettling the Land." Environment and Society 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2018): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ares.2018.090105.

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This article examines different ontologies of land in settler colonialism and Indigenous movements for decolonization and environmental justice. Settler ontologies of land operate by occluding other modes of perceiving, representing, and experiencing land. Indigenous ontologies of land are commonly oriented around relationality and reciprocal obligations among humans and the other-than-human. Drawing together scholarship from literatures in political economy, political ecology, Indigenous studies, and post-humanism, we synthesize an approach to thinking with land to understand structures of dispossession and the possibilities for Indigenous revitalization through ontological hybridity. Using two different case studies—plantation development in Indonesia and land revitalization in the Confederated Salish & Kootenai Nation—we further develop how settler and Indigenous ontologies operate on the ground, illuminating the coexistence of multiple ontologies of land. Given the centrality of land in settler colonialism, hybrid ontologies are important to Indigenous movements seeking to simultaneously strengthen sovereignty over territory and revitalize land-based practices.

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Holden, William N. "The Least of My Brethren: Mining, Indigenous Peoples, and the Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines." Worldviews 17, no. 3 (2013): 205–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685357-01700003.

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Political ecology shows how environmental issues can be reframed towards addressing the problems of the socially vulnerable. The environmental identity and social movement thesis of political ecology asserts that environmental issues can generate cross-class and inter-ethnic linkages in an effort to blunt powerful forces. Liberation ecology, a variant of political ecology combined with a counter hegemonic discourse, provides another dimension of political ecology. In the Philippines, mining on indigenous lands has generated opposition from indigenous peoples. By examining how the Roman Catholic Church has aided indigenous peoples in their opposition to mining, examples of the environmental identity and social movement thesis of political ecology and liberation ecology can be gleaned. Liberation theology, an impetus to the church’s commitment to the poor, may be the consummate counter hegemonic discourse.

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Junka-Aikio, Laura. "Indigenous Culture Jamming:Suohpanterrorand the articulation of Sami political community." Journal of Aesthetics & Culture 10, no. 4 (September 3, 2018): 1379849. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20004214.2017.1379849.

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Robinson, Marsha R. "Birthing an indigenous islam?" Journal of African American Studies 9, no. 1 (June 2005): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12111-005-1016-6.

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Dabin, Simon, Jean François Daoust, and Martin Papillon. "Indigenous Peoples and Affinity Voting in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 1 (September 12, 2018): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000574.

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AbstractStudies interested in Indigenous voting in Canada tend to focus on socio-economic, cultural and political factors that explain their lower levels of electoral participation. While highly relevant given Canada's ongoing reality as a settler-colonial state, these studies are of limited help in making sense of recent increases in electoral engagement in Indigenous communities across the country. Using data from four elections between 2006 and 2015, this study focuses instead on why some Indigenous individuals vote and how they vote. Our analysis suggests that one of many possible reasons for the recent surge in Indigenous turnout has to do with the candidates presenting themselves for elections. Higher voter turnout in Indigenous communities corresponds with a higher proportion of Indigenous candidates. This trend is consistent with the literature on affinity voting. We also find that political parties who present an Indigenous candidate receive more votes in constituencies with a high proportion of Indigenous voters.

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BOWEN, JAMES D. "Multicultural Market Democracy: Elites and Indigenous Movements in Contemporary Ecuador." Journal of Latin American Studies 43, no. 3 (August 2011): 451–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x11000769.

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AbstractThis paper bridges the gap between studies of subaltern social movements and elite politics by asking how political and economic elites respond to indigenous mobilisation in Ecuador. I argue that elites have developed a hegemonic project based around three core principles – multiculturalism, economic liberalism and democracy – that serves to incorporate indigenous peoples into the political system while simultaneously excluding indigenous movement demands that would undermine the political and economic sources of elite power. The paper develops this argument around a concept of what I call ‘multicultural market democracy’ based on historical analysis and in-depth interviews with 43 Ecuadorian elites.

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Sanders, DE. "Indigenous peoples: issues of definition." International Journal of Cultural Property 8, no. 1 (January 1999): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739199770591.

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The progress that has been made by 'indigenous peoples' in international forums has been aided by the political perception that this category of claimants is limited and in some respects unique, and that such claims can properly and safely be treated as a special case. Although the imprecision of the category and the expanding array of groups involved in the 'indigenous peoples movement' could eventually threaten this perception and provoke more sustained demands for precision, such a transformation has not yet occurred.

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Tootoosis, Jade, Gina Starblanket, Tasha Hubbard, Lianne Charlie, and Dallas Hunt. "“That’s Where the Medicine Comes From”: Aesthetics of Anti-colonialism in Canada." Journal of Canadian Studies 56, no. 2 (August 1, 2022): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs-56.2.010.

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In the context of Indigenous-settler relations in Canada, this roundtable conversation confronts dominant modes, methods and frames of colonial violence from Indigenous academic, activist, and artistic perspectives. The authors are all engaged in projects and analyses informed by the desire to advocate for justice following the killing of Colten Boushie and, to a wider degree, other Indigenous victims of violence. With reference to our respective works, we describe and analyze the ways that settler mythologies misrepresent the social and political landscapes of lands claimed by Canada. We reveal the foundational nature of settler claims that lie at the centre of contemporary conflicts between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples, including Indigenous movements for justice. Collectively, we describe a wide array of methodologies, including film, narrative, storying, and processes of artistic production, to offer insights into Indigenous challenges to the various shapes and scales of colonial violence and to the mythologies that sustain it. In so doing, we re-centre our histories, present, and futures in ways that open up possibilities for diverse Indigenous persons to use their gifts within more just Indigenous-settler relationships.

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