Дисертації з теми "India China relations"
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Jin, Rong. "India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.
Повний текст джерелаShi, Chen Lu. "India's strategic thinking and policies towards China :a geopolitical analysis." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335232.
Повний текст джерелаQue, Wen Jun. "String of pearls, myth or reality? : Sino-Indian interaction in Indian Ocean." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595577.
Повний текст джерелаWard, Jonathan D. T. "China-India rivalry and the border war of 1962 : PRC perspectives on the collapse of China-India relations, 1958-62." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab5688bf-99d3-4ed6-a6e6-dbfcca71c350.
Повний текст джерелаPal, Deep. "India-China Relationship Since 1988 -- Ensuring Economics trumps Politics." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586663.
Повний текст джерелаThe Sino-Indian relationship marked by mutual mistrust for the last six decades has seen definitive changes since the late 1980s. Though considerable issues remain unresolved, the two have begun establishing mechanisms to establish a certain level of trust that began with the visit of Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi to Beijing in 1988. The paper analyzes recent literature on this relationship and finds them predicting two outcomes primarily - either one where India admits Chinese supremacy and kowtows to it, or one that foresees increased clashes between the two. Neither outcome takes into account the complex association that the two nations are building guided by a series of frameworks, mechanisms and agreements. This paper posits that in the evolutionary arc of interstate relations, Sino-Indian relations have not reached a point where only one of the two options - cooperation and competition, will be chosen. This paper argues that economic interests of the two rising powers is behind the present behavior where the two are courting each other but at the same time, preparing for the other's rise. Both countries consider their economic identity to be primary and do not want to be distracted from the key national goal of economic development. They are particularly careful that their disagreements with each other do not come in the way of this goal. The paper analyzes the various frameworks and suggests that they are created with this end in consideration. Both India and China aim to continue collaboration in economic matters bilaterally or in international issues of mutual interest even when they don't see eye to eye on disputes left over from history. It is likely that competition will at times get the better of cooperation, driven by factors like strategic influence in the neighborhood, finding newer providers of energy as well as markets for their goods and services. But periodic flare-ups notwithstanding, in the absence of serious provocations, the two countries will avoid clashes that can escalate. The paper also analyzes certain black-swan events that might disturb the balancing act. Incidents like the death of the Dalai Lama creating a vacuum within the Tibetan leadership is one such scenario; a terrorist attack on India planned and executed form Pakistan like the one in Mumbai in 2008 is another. However, the presence of multiple bilateral platforms will continue to automatically insulate alternate channels of communication even in these situations. In conclusion, the paper suggests that as they grow, India and China will continue to engage each other at several levels, competing and cooperation, deterring and reassuring each other at once.
Svensson, Johan. "Sino-Indian Relations:Complex Challenges in a Complex Relationship." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-19198.
Повний текст джерелаFang, Tien-Sze. "The asymmetrical threat perceptions in China-India relations after the 1998 nuclear tests." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2070/.
Повний текст джерелаGuyot-Réchard, Bérénice Claire Dominique. "Decolonisation and state-making on India's north-east frontier, c. 1943-62." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283938.
Повний текст джерелаAskew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаAskew, Joseph. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Online version, 2002. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/25604.
Повний текст джерелаKuroki, Maiko. "Nationalism in Japan's contemporary foreign policy : a consideration of the cases of China, North Korea, and India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/595/.
Повний текст джерелаTorney, Diarmuid. "A leader without followers? : European Union relations with China and India on climate change, 1990-2009." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:38fb3450-73dd-46f3-a23c-e51ff0e76cf1.
Повний текст джерелаStroikos, Dimitrios. "China, India in space and the orbit of international society : power, status, and order on the high frontier." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3491/.
Повний текст джерелаVerma, Rajneesh. "The tiger and the dragon : a neoclassical realist perspective of India and China in the oil industry in West Africa." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/794/.
Повний текст джерелаLi, Hak Yin. "China, India and Russia : cooperation and construction of the Asia-Pacific order in the 21st century." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/828.
Повний текст джерелаSalmons, Richard Louis. "The Role of Status in Asia-Pacific International Relations." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144667.
Повний текст джерелаMAXIMO, JESSICA CRISTINA RESENDE. "INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS HISTORIOGRAPH(IES): A POSTCOLONIAL ANALYSIS OF THE HISTORIES AND KNOWLEDGE OF IR AREA IN BRAZIL, CHINA AND INDIA." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2014. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=24141@1.
Повний текст джерелаCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
O objetivo central desta dissertação é fazer uma análise discursiva pós-colonial sobre o desenvolvimento e o panorama atual da área de Relações Internacionais no Brasil, na China e na Índia. Procura-se analisar o entrelaçamento destas experiências com a experiência dominante na área (a estadunidense), com o intuito de expor a participação subordinada destes locais (de enunciação) na construção da área globalmente. Para tal, utiliza-se, principalmente, o discurso pós-colonial de Homi Bhabha e autores que interpretam sua obra, como Ilan Kapoor, James Ferguson e Marta Moreno. Através de uma leitura baseada nestes autores, busca-se interpretar a história e os saberes destes locais para além de seu entendimento como cópia inautêntica da experiência estadunidense ou como tentativa frustrada de criação completamente inovadora. Almeja-se, pelo contrário, ressaltar como as histórias e os saberes da área pelo globo são construídos a partir de relacionamentos históricos; os quais, por serem assimétricos, omitem e menosprezam a participação e a contribuição da produção em RI pelo globo. O método de análise discursiva desta dissertação tem como base metodologias de cunho pós-estruturalista e pós-colonial, a saber: a justaposição de narrativas e a ênfase nos conhecimentos subjugados. Esta análise se deu através da revisão de material escrito (artigos de revistas acadêmicas, livros especializados ou coletâneas acadêmicas) que aborda o desenvolvimento e o panorama atual da área de RI de Brasil, China e Índia. Buscase, assim, contribuir com a subversão da Historiografia Tradicional da área de RI através da escavação de outras historiografias e outros saberes que se entrelaçam na construção da área globalmente.
The main goal of this dissertation is to perform a postcolonial discursive analysis on the development and current overview of the area of International Relations in Brazil, China and India. It seeks to analyze the relationship of these experiences with the worldwide dominant experience (that of the U.S.A.), in order to expose the subordinated participation of these (enunciative) places in the construction of the area globally. In order to do so, it is used, mainly, the postcolonial discourse of Homi Bhabha and authors who interpret his work, such as Ilan Kapoor, James Ferguson and Marta Moreno. Through a reading based on these authors, it is sought to interpret the history and the knowledge of these places beyond their understanding as inauthentic copy of the American experience or as a frustrated attempt of a complete innovation. It is aimed, on the contrary, to highlight how the stories and knowledge of the area across the globe are constructed by historical relationships; which, for being asymmetric, omit and despise the participation and contribution of IR production across the globe. The method of discursive analysis of this dissertation is based on poststructuralist and postcolonial methodologies, namely: the juxtaposition of narratives and the emphasis on subjugated knowledge. This analysis has been done by reviewing written material (articles from academic journals, specialized academic books or academic collections) that addresses the development and current situation of the IR area of Brazil, China and India. The aim is, thus, to contribute to the subversion of IR traditional historiography by excavating other historiographies and other knowledge that intertwine in the construction area globally.
Malaniuk, Bohdan. "Současná podoba čínsko-indických hospodářských vztahů." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199002.
Повний текст джерелаCheuk, Ka-Kin. "Global fabric bazaar : an Indian trading economy in a Chinese county." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9bab3226-0601-40e1-8342-9bea4919f5e0.
Повний текст джерелаLu, Yang [Verfasser], and Subrata K. [Akademischer Betreuer] Mitra. "Dynamics of National Interest and National Identity: A Constructivist Approach to the India-China Relations (2003-2012) / Yang Lu ; Betreuer: Subrata K. Mitra." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1179925122/34.
Повний текст джерелаMička, Dalibor. "Historicko-politické faktory ovlivňující vztahy mezi Indií a Čínou." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-114236.
Повний текст джерелаSønnesyn, Jonas Solstad. ""BRICS and a New World Order" : Why Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa do not (yet) constitute a new power bloc in international relations." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for sosiologi og statsvitenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-26972.
Повний текст джерелаChand, Bibek. "Buffer States in Sub-Systemic Rivalries: Analyzing Nepal's Role in Sino-Indian Security Dynamics." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3779.
Повний текст джерелаMessaris, Byron. "The political economy of Indian and Chinese foreign direct investment and multinationals in sub-saharan Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20117.
Повний текст джерелаENGLISH ABSTRACT: Africa’s rising international profile and geopolitical significance as well as the continent’s relatively ‘under-exploited markets’ have been pull factors for many emerging economies. Globally, the developing and emerging economies of the world for the first time captured more than half of all global FDI in 2011. Changes in the global investment regime are a clear indication of the changing dynamics in the global economy. Since India and China’s FDI liberalisation processes began to gather steam in the 1990s, they have been amongst the most aggressive of the emerging economy investors. This study appraises the role of the government in facilitating investment by Indian and Chinese firms abroad, specifically Sub-Saharan Africa. The study analyses the motivations for such outward foreign direct invest flows, the sectoral trends, and the entry mode differences of Indian and Chinese firms’ investments in Sub-Saharan African markets. Yet, there is a lack of studies that focus on both Indian and Chinese investments in Sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing from theoretical constructs from political economy, International business /economics and International Political Economy - a framework is provided to assess the influence of these investments. The methodology is interpretive and qualitative and draws largely on secondary material from international organisations, government agencies, academic literature and the media. The study finds that the role of New Delhi and Beijing in facilitating and financing outward investments is strategic and pragmatic. These policies greatly influence firms, and the locations and types of their investments. South-South cooperation provides India and China with a framework for long-term political and economic investments and development cooperation with African states. India and China’s engagements in Sub-Saharan Africa share similar and dissimilar forms and motivations for FDI. Markets and resources are primary motivations for these two countries’ firms to invest in the region. India and China’s growing commercial activities in Sub-Saharan Africa provide the region with opportunities for further international market integration and development.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika se ontluikende internasionale profiel en geopolitieke belang tesame met die vasteland se relatief ‘onderbenutte’ markte is ’n trekfaktor vir baie ontluikende ekonomieë. Terwyl vloeie uit buitelandse direkte investering (BDI) na Afrika, wat ’n hoogtepunt in 2008 bereik het, in 2010 steeds afgeneem het, was die ontwikkelende en ontluikende ekonomieë van die wêreld vir die eerste keer in besit van meer as die helfte van alle wêreldwye BDI in 2011. Veranderings in die internasionale beleggingsregime is ’n duidelike aanduiding van die veranderende dinamika in die wêreldekonomie. Sedert Indië en China se liberaliseringsprosesse met betrekking tot BDI in die 1990’s begin ontwikkel het, is hulle van die aggressiefste beleggers onder opkomende ekonomieë. Die gebrek aan streekstudies wat op Indiese en Chinese beleggings fokus, verg egter verdere aandag. Die doel van die studie is om die rol van die regering in die fasilitering van Indiese en Chinese maatskappye om in die buiteland te belê te ontleed. Die fokus val veral op Afrika suid van die Sahara, en op die motiverings vir hierdie BDI-vloeie, die sektortendense en wyse van toetreding van Indiese en Chinese maatskappye se beleggings in Afrikamarkte. Bestande uit teortiese konstakke uit internasionale sakestudie, internasionale politieke ekonomie en politieke ekonomie, word ‘n raamwerk waarin die invloed van hierdie beleggings op wat assesseer word is interpritiet en kwalitatiet en stan op sekondêre materiaal en data van regeringsagentskappe, akademiese literatuur en die media. Die gebruik van ’n veelsoortige teoretiese raamwerk wat ekonomiese en politieke beleggingsverskynsels uitbeeld, illustreer die versoenbaarheid van politiek, ekonomie en sakegebaseerde akademiese gebiede en die moontlikheid om grondliggende uitkomste uitkomste vir navorsing oor beleggingstendense en -strategieë in ontluikende ekonomieë te bied. Die studie bevind dat die rol van New Delhi en Beijing in die fasilitering en finansiering van buitelandse beleggings strategiese en pragmaties is, en dat beleide maatskappye grootliks beïnvloed ten opsigte van waar hulle belê en watter soort beleggings hulle maak. Verder, verskaf Suid–Suid-samewerking, ‘n raamwerk vir verbintenis langtermyn- politieke en ekonomiese beleggings en ontwikkelingsamewerking met Afrikastate. Indië en China se betrokkenheid in Afrika toon ooreenstemmende en verskillende vorme en motiverings vir BDI, en markte en hulpbronne is primêre motiverings vir hierdie twee lande se maatskappye in die streek te belê.
Willén, Jenny. "International trade with waste : do developed countries use the third world as a garbage-can or can it be a possible win-win situation? /." Uppsala : Uppsala University. Department of Economics, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:132259/FULLTEXT01.
Повний текст джерелаArnoldová, Barbora. "Role BRICS v koncepcích a realitě vnějších vztahů EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199931.
Повний текст джерелаTooch, David. "The Diffusion of Knowledge in Foreign Policy: The Case of Israel’s Technology Transfers as Tools of Diplomacy." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3178.
Повний текст джерелаDina, Lagnona. "La relation franco-malgache face aux nouveaux enjeux géopolitiques dans le sud-ouest de l'océan indien. La relation d'une présidence à un État (1990-2009)." Thesis, Lyon, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LYSE3012.
Повний текст джерелаThe south western region of the Indian Ocean appears as one of the traditional French influence zones. Upholding the leadership of France in the area requires a solid and amicable relationship with the countries bordering the Indian Ocean. France’s goal is to remain the first main partner of all the French speaking countries in the area. Often described as “the gate to the Indian Ocean”, Madagascar is one of them. The Malagasy political instability jeopardizes the island’s relationship with France. With national imperatives in mind, Malagasy government officials try for a shift in foreign policy with each new presidency. In this regard, instability is one of the main features of French- Malagasy relationship. Putting at risk the perpetuation of the French influence in Madagascar, its consequences can spread all over the “French speaking Lake”. For France, keeping Madagascar under French influence is critical as it meets with France’s post-cold war foreign policy’s objectives such as: the perpetuation of French power (average) over several regions in an oligopolar world. Preventing the influence of other powers like China or South Africa in Madagascar is impossible. Therefore, for France, the challenge consists of strengthening existing relationships for the purpose of upholding post-cold-war status quo
Monnet, Rodolphe. "La politique extérieure de l'Inde en Afrique." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCB025.
Повний текст джерелаSince 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa
Gomis, François. "Les nouveaux défis et enjeux de la politique étrangère de la France en Afrique francophone subsaharienne." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D020.
Повний текст джерелаFrom 1960s to the end of the cold war, even beyond, the influence even the supremacy of France in the French-speaking territories in Sub-Saharan Africa is almost total. However, in this 21st century, the world competition in the research of new markets and the security of the energy supply leads inexorably the great powers to enter in “conflict of interests” by the mutual penetration of the “back-yards”. This is particularly true for France which has countries such as the United States, China, India, Brazil, Turkey, the Gulf Arab States, etc., to make a dramatic entrance in a geographical area where she judged it for a long time as her “exclusive domain” considering the historical, linguistic and political links. These new challenges and issues for the African policy of France are measured from now on, in the light of the transformations at work in the world with the globalization and the emergence of new powers of the South. The challenges and the issues are important for the external action of France and its place in the World, considering the fierce competition between new stakeholders and the ongoing African society changes. Nevertheless it still has economic, diplomatic and strategic assets which enable him to elaborate, thanks to the francophone cultural center, an original project, ambitious and promising. With this aim in mind, it will be necessary to answer to the two following questions: How to reform this traditional policy based on close and privileged relationships with African leaders without compromising, however, the comparative advantages of France on the spot? Which political strategy has to be implemented in order to identify the real common interests of the French and the French-speaking Africans, by taking into account the opportunities and threats, and to develop them in a mutually beneficial partnership?
Liao, Chien-Shing, and 廖建興. "Research on China-India Relations after Cold War." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/36506243421089038658.
Повний текст джерела淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士在職專班
97
China and India were once the leaders of the “Non-Allied Countries” until the border conflict, which took place in 1962, changed the relationship between two countries. However, due to the necessity of developing national power post Cold War, both China and India had continuously exploit the opportunities to improve the relationship between two countries by high official visits to each other, reclaim the “Panchshell” and a peaceful resolution of the border issue. India took the initiative by recognizing Tibet Autonomous Region is part of China’s territory. China on the other hand, recognized Sikkim belongs to India. Both countries gradually built a cooperative relationship focus on economy, culture and technology exchange. The Bi-Polar sovereignty vanished with corruption of Soviet Union. The Multi-Polar region hegemony rose with the common diplomatic concern: striving for the dominance in South Asia and block other side to become regional hegemony. On one hand, these two countries tried to maintain harmonic relationship through diplomatic interaction, economic and military cooperation. On the other hand, they are fighting over issues concerning Indian Ocean, Pakistan and energy resource. The cooperation and competition between these two countries had various impacts on other countries like United States, Russia and Japan. The intent of the research is to increase the readers’ understanding of how relationship between China and India might affect the security of Asia-Pacific region. By implementing analysis of archives and studies of geopolitics and history, conclusion can be drawn to indicate the possible interactive pattern and relations of these two countries.
Chen, Hong-Han, and 陳竑翰. "The Influence of India’s Nuclear Strategy on India-China and India-Pakistan Relations." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/52u2gd.
Повний текст джерела國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
103
Abstract India has officially become a nuclear states, working on its nuclear strategy since the successful nuclear test in 1998. There are two main factors that India wanted to develop its nuclear power. One of them is the unstable international situation while the other one is that India is desperately pursuing a higher position among countries. With nuclear power, India is considered one of the most powerful countries in the world, being able to determine major national affairs in Asia. Confronting its completely different opponents such as China and Pakistan, India has to decide whether to expand its nuclear power to gain advantage or remain minimum nuclear power to ensure its own safety. The main purposes of this essay are to evaluate India’s nuclear strategy by analyzing different periods of international and its own national situation, discuss the relationships among India, China, and Pakistan in order to disclose the influence and the consequences of nuclear power development in India.
Chung, Yu-Chen, and 鍾語宸. "Picturing China-India Relations: An Analysis of India''s Printing Media Contents." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/zgrz79.
Повний текст джерела國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
101
Since the establishment of diplomatic relations from 1950, China-India relations went through the “Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai” period, which turn to the border war in 1962 due to the border dispute left over from British colonial period. After the war, notwithstanding China retreated the army back behind the Line of Actual Control, India still thought China’s behavior as a “betrayal”. Although the border dispute still exists, the two countries reestablished diplomatic relations in 1976 and their relations went ups and downs in the following years. Realism argues that the interaction between countries is based on material interests and Constrctivism argues that interest and countries relations should be constructed by mutual perceptions and interactions. The research aims to probe into that in terms of China-India Relations, which theory can better explained how India sees China and the reason behind the way they constructed China’s image. The research uses the quantitative method “Contents Analysis” to study the two most circulated printing media in India, Times of India and The Hindu, to see if the so called “China Threat Theory” really exists in the public opinion in India. The research focuses on three important issues between China and India; they are “border dispute,” “Tibet Independence” and “Indian Ocean issue.” The research tried to find out if there are any different attitudes toward China among various news sources. Furthermore, it also observe China’s image in different issues in the media. The research finds out that the attitude tendency is correlated to the immediate importance to India. Media possess different views toward China in different issues. Different news sources even in the same government can possess different attitudes toward China. Both Realism and Constructivism can explain part of the how China’s image is constructed in India’s Media but not the whole picture.
Merrington, Louise Michelle. "Beyond the protracted contest : redefining the Sino-Indian relationship." Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150830.
Повний текст джерелаAskew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959 / Joseph Askew." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21830.
Повний текст джерелаBibliography: leaves 229-270.
ix, 270 leaves ; 30 cm.
This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of History, 2002
Voronkova, Anna. "BRICS Organization: Comparison of the Countries' Economies and Geopolitical Influence. Potential Development." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-336415.
Повний текст джерелаBlažek, Zdeněk. "Čína, Indie a potenciál ozbrojeného konfliktu v jihovýchodní Asii." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-327494.
Повний текст джерелаMorneau, Louis-Philippe. "Ambitions stratégiques indiennes et dérives perceptuelles : la rivalité sino-indienne contemporaine." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9960.
Повний текст джерелаThis thesis seeks to understand the process of India strategic choice based on the perceived threat of China. According to a neoclassical realism framework, the study of the effect of sys-temic and domestic constraints shows a paradox in India strategic intentions. India is lock in a defensive posture by the systemic pressure of China rise in a post-Cold War era, although its desire to project his power lead by its perception, ideas, and strategic culture shows a progres-sive shift for an offensive posture. India perceives China threat in dissonance with the strategic aims of China. It is focusing on specific signals and indices in order to justify the perceived threat. This is why China’s ambi-guity toward its diplomatic discourse concerning Arunachal Pradesh and its presence in the Indian Ocean creates an increase Chinese threat and therefore a more aggressive response. India’s strategic response must cope with the changes in China’s relative power. Without the necessary relative capacity, India chooses a strategy between emulation defined by a pursuit of armaments logic in order to keep the technologic parity and engagement for the purpose of defusing the rivalry and avoiding a pre-emptive reaction from China. Traditionally defensive India’s strategic culture progressively transforms itself under the influence of the Hindu na-tion building that clash with the nehruvian nationalism. The aggressive Indian strategic pref-erences principally show themselves in the multidirectional clash of India and China spheres of influence in Asia.
Huang, Chung-Lung, and 黃中龍. "The Research in Relation of Coopetition between China and India (2005-2010)." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/44590572602625602901.
Повний текст джерела淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士在職專班
100
India and China are major developing countries, in order to ensure the sustainable development of the supporting conditions and a favorable strategic environment, both the contradictions and conflicts of varying degrees on many issues, including energy demand, geo-strategic boundary of sovereignty, the issue of Tibet, anti-terrorism activitiesand water resources. In recent years China''s economic development and military power increased demonstrated strong will to defend its core interests. Its military and security awareness and practices have been varying degrees of adjustment, might cause the Asia-Pacific neighboring countries India included,increasing the uncertainties in the future to interact with China. In China and India rise, due to the interactive process of the breeding contradictions emerge, including the Indian Ocean sea line security, energy strategy, the Tibet issue, the UN Security Council permanent seat, water resources development, terrorist activities,demarcation of the border, trade and economic interaction and military security, will become the two sides could not evade the question, there may be competition, cooperation, or cooperation with competition, or competition with the various aspects of cooperation, in addition to affect the development of bilateral relations process, may also in South Asia and Asia-Pacific region and even the global situation, resulting in a profound impact.
Lin, Jan-Ching, and 林展慶. "The impact of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road on China-Indian Relations." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/7k952x.
Повний текст джерела國立政治大學
國家安全與大陸研究碩士在職專班
106
The “One Belt and One Road” initiative has become the most concern to the world. The “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” part of “One Belt and One Road” spans Asia, Europe and Africa. So Southeast Asia is located on the route of Maritime Silk Road, that the influence is enormous to Taiwan. In addition, our government has proposed a new southward policy to break through economic dependence on china. The economic and trade relations with India are particularly important to the policy. However, the depth of cooperation between Taiwan and India will be influenced by the development of China–India relations. In brief, this study attempts to analysize the environmental background, strategic implications, and development status of the “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” initiative. To ascertain the strategic choices of the two leaders, Xi Jinping and Modi, as well as the impact of the relation between china and india. This study shows that even if china and india have common interests under the framework of the initiative, the security factor is still the main consideration of their strategic choices. Xi Jinping hopes to gain India's support, but china’s policy to indian is subject to external factors such as the United States and Pakistan and the impact of border disputes, which limiting the space for cooperation. However, Modi assess the initiative from the perspective of strategic security, and regards the emergence of china in the indian ocean as a threat, and then adopts multiple countermeasures. Although Modi does not wish to see the initiative to be successful, he is also reluctant to abandon the possible opportunities for global economic growth. He still maintains limited economic and trade cooperation with china in terms of interests. In conclusion, the china–india relations becoming more intense and competitive. Keywords:Maritime Silk Road, China–India relations, Modi, Xi Jinping