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1
Larsen, Øjvind. "IMAGINARY DEMOCRACY." DANISH YEARBOOK OF PHILOSOPHY 33, no. 1 (August 2, 1998): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689300_0330103.
2
Hindess, Barry. "Imaginary presuppositions of democracy∗." Economy and Society 20, no. 2 (May 1991): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085149100000008.
3
LITTLE, ADRIAN, and KATE MACDONALD. "Pathways to global democracy? Escaping the statist imaginary." Review of International Studies 39, no. 4 (February 8, 2013): 789–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000551.
Анотація:
AbstractCritics of global democracy have often claimed that the social and political conditions necessary for democracy to function are not met at the global level, and are unlikely to be in the foreseeable future. Such claims are usually developed with reference to national democratic institutions, and the social conditions within national democratic societies that have proved important in sustaining them. Although advocates of global democracy have contested such sceptical conclusions, they have tended to accept the method of reasoning from national to global contexts on which they are based. This article critiques this method of argument, showing that it is both highly idealised in its characterisation of national democratic practice, and overly state-centric in its assumptions about possible institutional forms that global democracy might take. We suggest that if aspiring global democrats – and their critics – are to derive useful lessons from social struggles to create and sustain democracy within nation states, a less idealised and institutionally prescriptive approach to drawing global lessons from national experience is required. We illustrate one possible such approach with reference to cases from both national and global levels, in which imperfect yet meaningful democratic practices have survived under highly inhospitable – and widely varying – conditions.
4
Gourgouris, Stathis. "Democracy Is a Tragic Regime." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 129, no. 4 (October 2014): 809–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2014.129.4.809.
Анотація:
In this brief meditation i am less concerned with how tragedy as a theatrical form relates to democracy than with how democracy entails a tragic politics, in its ancient and contemporary manifestations. My broader argument follows from three presuppositions:Philosophically speaking, democracy is a historical manifestation of self-organized politics that rests on no foundation other than self-authorization, which, being occasional and provisional, has no antecedent and is therefore abyssal.Politically speaking, democracy requires an imaginary of rule without archē or telos—an an-archic imaginary that disengages itself from traditional parameters of the command-obedience structure. This isn't to say that democracy entails no rule. On the contrary, it engages in the paradoxical practice of anarchic rule, or rule shared by all (even those in opposition), so that the traditional division of power between rulers and ruled is destabilized.Ethically speaking, there is nothing good or bad about democracy; all moral imperatives are foreign, perhaps even contrary, to democracy. Hence, democratic politics operates in an ethical realm without categorical imperatives, a priori principles, or transcendental guarantees and is thereby constitutively perilous and precarious. Democracy involves a tragic imaginary, enacting a politics of tragic life that includes folly without heroic salvation and demands lucidity in conditions of total uncertainty.
5
Fanuzzi, Robert. "Everybody's Faneuil Hall: The Imaginary Institution of Democracy." Arizona Quarterly: A Journal of American Literature, Culture, and Theory 54, no. 2 (1998): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arq.1998.0013.
6
Ankersmit, Franklin Rudolf. "Tocqueville and the Sublimity of Democracy." Tocqueville Review 14, no. 2 (January 1993): 173–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.14.2.173.
Анотація:
'All this can be taken as evidence of the recognition that narrative, far from being merely a form of discourse that can be filled with different contents, real or imaginary as the case may be, already possesses a content prior to any given actualization of it in speech or in writing'.
7
Premat, Christophe. "Castoriadis and the Modern Political Imaginary—Oligarchy, Representation, Democracy." Critical Horizons 7, no. 1 (February 21, 2006): 251–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851606779308170.
8
Arias-Maldonado, Manuel. "An Imaginary Solution? The Green Defence of Deliberative Democracy." Environmental Values 16, no. 2 (May 1, 2007): 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/096327107780474573.
9
Arias-Maldonado, Manuel. "An Imaginary Solution? The Green Defence of Deliberative Democracy1." Environmental Values 16, no. 2 (May 2007): 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096327190701600206.
Анотація:
As part of the recent rethinking of green politics, the construction of a green democracy has been subjected to increasing scrutiny. There is a growing consensus around deliberative democracy as the preferred model for the realisation of the green programme. As a result several arguments emerge when deliberative principles and procedures are to be justified from a green standpoint. This paper offers a critical assessment of the green case for deliberative democracy, showing that deliberation is being asked to deliver more than it is able to. However, it is suggested that the connection between sustainability, understood as a normative principle, and deliberative procedures may ultimately offer the best grounds for such a defence.
10
Rudiyanto, Rudiyanto. "SOSIALISME BUNG KARNO: MEMAHAMI IMAJINASI SOSIAL BUNG KARNO." Jurnal Abdiel: Khazanah Pemikiran Teologi, Pendidikan Agama Kristen, dan Musik Gereja 1, no. 01 (April 17, 2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37368/ja.v1i01.83.
Анотація:
This paper attempts to look at the ideas of Sukarno in regulating the nation with the theory of Social Imaginary. This theory speaks about portrayal of a nation through the eyes of the people. The portrayal is usually projected through legends, tales folktales and so forth. This paper saw Sukarno combines Western Social Imaginary with Social Imaginary of Indonesia to build a society of Indonesia. Sukarno then combines the concept of Internationalism to Nationalism. As well as the people’s democracy or Marhaen with a conviction if people politically sovereign and economically the nation will experience social justice.
11
Tjalve, Vibeke Schou. "Judeo-Christian democracy and the Transatlantic Right: Travels of a contested civilizational imaginary." New Perspectives 29, no. 4 (November 6, 2021): 332–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x211052979.
Анотація:
“Judeo-Christian civilization” and “Christian democracy” have emerged as darling far Right tropes, seemingly uniting radical conservatives in the US and Europe behind a single, geopolitical imaginary. This article presents a brief political-conceptual story of how “Judeo-Christianity” and “Christian democracy” became a rhetorical meeting ground for radical conservatives across the Atlantic. But it also sheds light on why deep, historical, intellectual, and ethnographic divides beneath, make those grounds highly unstable terrain. Divides not only between European and American traditions of liberalism and conservatism but also between the experiences and practices of state power that inform them. Beneath the slogans of Christian democracy espoused in such disparate contexts as Charlottesville and Budapest, move different legacies, memories, enemies.
12
Argüelles Bendezú, Patricia, and Pablo Solórzano Marchant. "PARTICIPACIÓN CIUDADANA EN EL DISEÑO DE LA POLÍTICA EDUCATIVA: una mirada a la construcción de ciudadanía en el diálogo ciudadano." Foro Educacional, no. 15 (June 30, 2015): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07180772.15.630.
Анотація:
RESUMEN:En este artículo se describen las representaciones sociales que subyacen en las opiniones, anhelos y críticas con respecto a la participación ciudadana en educación pública que permitan comprender el sentido social e imaginario expresado en los discurso de los diferentes actores sociales. A partir del método Análisis Estructural, se proponen la construcción un modelo actancial que permite la organización y combinación de las representaciones sobre la participación de la ciudadanía en democracia y en la elaboración de políticas educativas. Se concluye que para los diversos actores educativos la participación ciudadana es una pieza clave para diseño de una política pertinente e inclusiva que permita encaminar la educación chilena en el inicio de este nuevo siglo.Palabras clave: ciudadanía, representación social, democracia, educación pública.Citizen participation in the design of educational policy: a look at the construction of citizenship in ordiary speechABSTRACTSocial representations are described in this article which underlie in the opinions, desires, and critics with respect to the citizen participation in public education, that allow understanding the social and imaginary sense expressed in the different social actors speech. From the Structural Analysis Method, the construction of an actantial model is proposed, which allows the organization and combination of the representations about the citizenship participation in democracy and the elaboration of educative policies.The citizen participation is a key piece in laws to design a pertinent and inclusion policy that allows directing the Chilean education at the beginning of this new century.Key words: citizenship, social representation, democracy, public education.
13
Blokker, Paul. "Dissidence, Republicanism, and Democratic Change." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 2 (April 15, 2011): 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410387642.
Анотація:
The dramatic changes of 1989 have been widely understood as the confirmation of Western, liberal democracy as the ultimate model of the modern polity. The fact that 1989 was about a dual language that not only emphasized the rule of law and the implementation of rights, but also articulated ideas of democracy alternative to the mainstream liberal-constitutional idea, has not been at the forefront of interpretations of post-1989 trajectories. This does not mean, though, that 1989 has not had implications for the democratic imaginary and structures emerging in the new democracies. Dissidence has had important even if less visible implications for democratic imaginary and structure in ways that are still being played out. It should be recognized that the events of 1989 and dissident thought also indicated alternative, republican democratic models that have had implications for the democratic structures emerging in the wake of 1989. In the contribution, the author will first briefly discuss the one-sidedness of interpretations of democracy in post-1989 Central and Eastern Europe and, subsequently, highlight one alternative understanding of democracy that has emerged in some of the dissidents’ ideas prior to and in 1989, in particular in terms of notions of republican democracy. Second, the author will discuss some instances—predominantly referring to the experiences in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland—in which the influence of dissident ideas on constitutional and legal-institutional transformations, in particular regarding local self-government and direct democracy, becomes visible.
14
Lopera-Mármol, Marta. "Pathologies and Dysfunctions of Democracy in the Media Context." Aniki : Revista Portuguesa da Imagem em Movimento 7, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 210–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14591/aniki.v7n1.536.
Анотація:
From 12 to 14 November 2018, Universidade da Beira Interior hosted the II International Conference titled: “Pathologies and Dysfunctions of Democracy in a Mediated Context: the new dystopian imaginary of the 21st century. From Orwell to Black Mirror. From Big Brother to Big Data”.
15
King, Daniel, and Martyn Griffin. "Nonprofits as Schools for Democracy: The Justifications for Organizational Democracy Within Nonprofit Organizations." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 48, no. 5 (March 22, 2019): 910–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764019837603.
Анотація:
Nonprofit organizations are often claimed to be schools of democracy: “that produce citizens able and ready to participate in society” (as stated by Dodge and Ospina in Nonprofits as “schools of democracy”: A comparative case study of two environmental organizations, 2016, page 479). This claim is predicated the external role nonprofits play in producing democracy, particularly by engendering civic action. In contrast, this article promotes nonprofits’ internal organizing processes to produce democracy within nonprofits themselves. Drawing on the workplace democracy literature, we explore three main justifications for workplace democracy: consequentialist, deontological, and virtue ethics. Rather than viewing workplace democracy as an extrinsic good—based solely on consequences external to the organization—we argue that it should be considered an intrinsic good, valuable in and of itself. We, therefore, argue for a broadened imaginary for how nonprofits are managed, that include the internal organizational processes and widening of the social mission of nonprofit organization for greater democracy and freedom, based on good work.
16
Concha Venegas, Eleonor. "Memoria situada y endriaga en La oscura memoria de las armas." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 9, no. 17 (January 10, 2022): 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2021.463.
Анотація:
In La oscura memoria de las armas (2008) Ramón Díaz Eterovic explores the topics of memory, Chile’s dictatorship, transition, violence and truth from the perspective of Detective Heredia, who goes through the streets of Santiago elucidating a murder that, based on rumours and on a conscious of effort of not forgetting history, it deals with relevant topics that were not talked about on the time of the transition to democracy, where memories become an "endriaga" at the sight of the establishment of the collective memory, birthed on the streets of the city. A memory made of testimonies dripping with the horror, torment and silence that the dictatorship imposed over the inhabitants of Santiago and allows us to configure the urban imaginary of Santiago de Chile at the time of the transition to democracy, introducing a new character into the national literary imaginary: the victim of the dictatorship who seeks justice and revenge.
17
Baysha, Olga. "DECONSTRUCTING THE COLONIALITY OF THE WEST-CENTRIC DEMOCRATIC IMAGINARY." Cadernos de Linguagem e Sociedade 21, no. 1 (August 1, 2020): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/les.v21i1.30389.
Анотація:
Many CDA scholars present the idea of “democracy” as a normative yardstick against which injustices of all kinds and in any type of society can be measured; many also assume there is an inherent opposition between democratization with its advances toward social justice and neoliberal marketization with its array of negative consequences. Analyzing the discourse of democratization in the context of contemporary Ukraine, this paper argues that the issue is more complicated. Neoliberal marketization can go hand-in-hand with the discourse of universal democratization, which only contributes therefore to the perpetuation of neocolonial injustice as manifested in ongoing neoliberal projects.
18
Iloh, Ngozi Obiajulum. "Une Étude critique de Madame la présidente de Fatou Fanny-Cissé." Neohelicon 48, no. 1 (April 6, 2021): 403–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11059-020-00573-8.
Анотація:
AbstractThis article discusses the Ivorian writer, Fatou Fanny-Cissé’s novel, Madame la présidente, published in 2015. The novel offers a fundamental critique of African democracy and the contemporary politics in Africa. The Republic of Louma is an imaginary country that show-cases electoral crises in an imaginary contemporary continent. The plot about a female dictator has a strong feminist inclination. The feminisation of presidential elections is a caricature of the dictatorial tendencies of African leaders. The themes discussed are true to contemporary political events in Africa as well as other parts of the world. The presentation reveals a lucid picture of feminine dictatorial politics.
19
Kaminski, Joseph J. "Recalibrating Our Levels of Analysis: Working towards Islamic Democracy from the Ground-Up." Comparative Political Theory 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-bja10020.
Анотація:
Abstract This review article aims to challenge Andrew March’s pessimism regarding the possibility of Islamic democracy in the modern world. It will argue that instead of conceptualizing the possibilities for Islamic democracy in a top-down manner, rooted in the language and imaginary of sovereignty, discussions about Islamic democracy ought to first focus on more empirically measurable and less theologically controversial things such as economic development, educational achievement, institutional functionality, and good governance. Such an approach removes the need for future Islamic political theorizing to be post-sovereigntist and/or post-statist as March contends. Instead, the future of Islamic political theorizing needs to actually be ‘political,’ addressing the same policy and administrative issues that any other form of contemporary democratic political thought aims to address.
20
Riesman, David. "Commentary." Tocqueville Review 7, no. 1 (January 1986): 97–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.1.97.
Анотація:
Three ways to consider Tocqueville and Democracy in America are illustrated by papers here presented. Edward Gargan’s succinct essay invites us to the French milieu in which he was struggling to compose the first volume of Democracy in America. Cargan reminds us of the visions of hope and of disgust initially ignited by reports from the New World. Particularly, Gargan notes the hostility to what were deemed to be the excesses of American democracy then made use of by the more or less restorationist beneficiaries of the July Monarchy. Gargan appreciates that, as Cushing Strout phrased it in a fine essay, Tocqueville was looking at America and thinking of France. Robert Bcllah makes use of Tocqueville as a cautionary tale for contemporary America. Bellah reminds Americans of what he and his colleagues in Habits of the Heart consider as the need as well as the periodic desire we have to behave like citizens, to transcend solipsistic individualism, and what Tocqueville termed “mere mammon worship and the petty personal worries which crop up in the course of everyday life.” Sheldon Wolin does something quite different. Boldly, he seizes on Tocqueville’s way of seeing, his creation of an imaginary past and an imaginary future, to ask to what extent has America in fact become more egalitarian, more democratic, as Tocqueville had anticipated.
21
Riesman, David. "Commentary." Tocqueville Review 7 (January 1986): 97–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.97.
Анотація:
Three ways to consider Tocqueville and Democracy in America are illustrated by papers here presented. Edward Gargan’s succinct essay invites us to the French milieu in which he was struggling to compose the first volume of Democracy in America. Cargan reminds us of the visions of hope and of disgust initially ignited by reports from the New World. Particularly, Gargan notes the hostility to what were deemed to be the excesses of American democracy then made use of by the more or less restorationist beneficiaries of the July Monarchy. Gargan appreciates that, as Cushing Strout phrased it in a fine essay, Tocqueville was looking at America and thinking of France. Robert Bcllah makes use of Tocqueville as a cautionary tale for contemporary America. Bellah reminds Americans of what he and his colleagues in Habits of the Heart consider as the need as well as the periodic desire we have to behave like citizens, to transcend solipsistic individualism, and what Tocqueville termed “mere mammon worship and the petty personal worries which crop up in the course of everyday life.” Sheldon Wolin does something quite different. Boldly, he seizes on Tocqueville’s way of seeing, his creation of an imaginary past and an imaginary future, to ask to what extent has America in fact become more egalitarian, more democratic, as Tocqueville had anticipated.
22
White, Russell. "Tito Caula’s photographic imaginary and mid-century Caraqueño modernity." Journal of Urban Cultural Studies 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jucs_00034_1.
Анотація:
The photography of the Argentinian photographer Francisco ‘Tito’ Caula tracked some of the key social and physical changes that Caracas underwent during the middle decades of the twentieth century. This period saw the country transition from dictatorship to democracy. Caula’s advertising photographs together with his images of spectacular spaces and buildings such as the Sabana Grande and the Centro Simón Bolívar presented Caracas as a mecca of mid-century ‘petro-modernity’ (LeMenager 2014). In contrast to late nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century modernity, which was predominantly European in influence, Caraqueño modernity at mid-century was more cosmopolitan, taking particular inspiration from the United States. Caula’s photographs speak to the process of Americanization, defined as the adoption of North American cultural products, urban forms and patterns of living that Venezuela underwent during the years Caula spent in the country. Venezuela witnessed an economic boom in the 1960s and 70s, which was fuelled by the US acquisition of Venezuelan oil. In Venezuela, the boom facilitated the growth of a consumer society as well as the development of such quintessentially North American urban forms as freeways, shopping malls, drive-in movie theatres, suburbs and skyscrapers. It was also accompanied by the adoption of violent security tactics by the state’s security apparatus and the political marginalization of the radical left. Given that Caula held left-wing views, it is perhaps surprising that his photographs (at least those that have been published) do not explore the tensions at the heart of the Pacto de Punto Fijo, instituted to ensure that the transition from dictatorship to democracy would hold following elections in 1958. The celebration of North American influence within Caula’s photographs puts them in dialogue with critical perspectives that have seen US cultural influence rather more negatively. Moreover, their celebration of prosperity and their presentation of Caracas as an exciting city means that, for some, they have taken on a nostalgic hue.
23
Burns, Ryan. "A COVID-19 panacea in digital technologies? Challenges for democracy and higher education." Dialogues in Human Geography 10, no. 2 (June 2, 2020): 246–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043820620930832.
Анотація:
Universities have transitioned to online education in order to slow the spread of COVID-19. This transition mobilizes the technological utopian imaginary that digital technologies can rescue populations from the disease. It also raises the risk of deepening neoliberal educational reforms and, by extension, poses a threat to democracy itself. This commentary explores this risk and suggests ways to resist the resulting neoliberalization of education that it could entail.
24
Abbas, Nabila, and Yves Sintomer. "Three Contemporary Imaginaries of Sortition." Common Knowledge 28, no. 2 (May 1, 2022): 242–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-9809207.
Анотація:
Abstract A contribution to the Common Knowledge symposium “Antipolitics,” this article examines the diverse types of imaginary that support sortition, which is currently at the heart of important debates on the reform of existing democratic institutions. Different and often diametrically opposed actors now advocate sortition as a tool for addressing crises of political representation. How are we to understand this convergence? Over the past two decades, the field of experience and the horizon of expectation of citizens in the global North have profoundly changed, and this article seeks to assess those changes in the context of three ideal types that advocate the use of randomly selected minipublics. This article analyzes, each in turn, the attraction of sortition for supporters and theorists of deliberative democracy, antipolitical democracy, and radical democracy, outlining the elements that unite and divide these imaginaries to help explain the astonishing convergence of voices in defense of sortition in politics.
25
Durham, Aisha S., Wesley Johnson, and Sasha J. Sanders. "Guest Editor’s Introduction." Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 10, no. 2 (2021): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2021.10.2.1.
Анотація:
Florida is a site of critical inquiry and figures prominently in the US American imaginary. The Sunshine State sets the stage for broader conversations about cultural difference, climate change, and participatory democracy. Contributors to this special issue apply the canonical circuit of culture model to address the interrelated nature of culture and power. They provide methodologically thick, fleshy interpretive analyses that privilege experiential, experimental, and embodied approaches to take seriously Florida cultural politics, people, and popular forms.
26
Santas, Gerasimos. "PLATO'S CRITICISMS OF DEMOCRACY IN THE REPUBLIC." Social Philosophy and Policy 24, no. 2 (May 29, 2007): 70–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052507070173.
Анотація:
Plato's antidemocratic theory of social justice is instructive once we distinguish between the abstract parts of his theory and the empirical or other assumptions he uses in applying that theory. His application may have contained empirical mistakes, and it may have been burdened too much with a prolific metaphysics and a demanding epistemology. An attempt is made to look at his theory of social justice in imaginary isolation from empirical mistakes and from his metaphysics and epistemology. It is then argued that some of Plato's proposals and criticisms of democracy are well worth our attention, especially in the case of governing. His attempt to separate ruling and wealth and to establish economic floors and ceilings for his ideal city seems especially instructive in view of problems in these areas that modern democracies have experienced. Isolating his theory of social justice from his epistemology and metaphysics may be more problematic. Still, Plato's insistence that superior wisdom is the central virtue of rulers is instructive, and in this respect some modern defenders of democratic justice, such as J. S. Mill and John Rawls, have leaned some in Plato's direction. Finally, Plato's criticism of democratic free choice of occupation is less persuasive.
27
Tassis, Theofanis. "Human Creation, Imagination and Autonomy." Philosophica: International Journal for the History of Philosophy 19, no. 37 (2011): 197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philosophica2011193727.
Анотація:
During the last decade Castoriadis’ questioning has become a reference point in contemporary social theory. In this article I examine some of the key notions in Castoriadis’ work and explore how he strives to develop a theory on the irreducible creativity in the radical imagination of the individual and in the institution of the social-historical sphere. Firstly, I briefly discuss his conception of modem capitalism as bureaucratic capitalism, a view initiated by his criticism of the USSR regime. The following break up with Marxist theory and his psychoanalytic interests empowered him to criticize Lacan and read Freud in an imaginative, though unorthodox, fashion. I argue that this criticai enterprise assisted greatly Castoriadis in his conception of the radical imaginary and in his unveiling of the political aspects of psychoanalysis. On the issue of the radical imaginary and its methodological repercussions, I’m focusing mainly on the radical imagination o f the subject and its importance in the transition from the “psychic” to the “subject”. Taking up the notion of “Being” as a starting point, I examine the notion of autonomy, seeking its roots in the ancient Greek world. By looking at notions such as “praxis”, “doing”, “project” and “elucidation”, I show how Castoriadis sought to redefine revolution as a means for social and individual autonomy. Finally I attempt to clarify the meaning of “democracy” and “democratic society” in the context of the social imaginary and its creations, the social imaginary significations.
28
Shubhra, Nagalia. "Back to the future? Crisis of constitutional democracy and traces of a Bolshevik past." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-4-36-46.
Анотація:
Today, the world over a debate is going on regarding the usefulness of the forms of democracy that different states have adopted over time. The meaning and associations with the concept of democracy and its attendant political forms have changed at critical points in history. These changes have been attributed both to, evolutionary and revolutionary impulses that have expanded or transformed the ways in which democracy and the relationship of its political forms with the people had been primarily understood. The most enduring association of democracy with freedom and equality is a historical product that came into being with the onset of capitalism with its philosophical basis in political liberalism. The dominance of capitalist liberal democracy has given such stability to this association that “democracy” can no longer be imagined in any other political imaginary and that its associated meanings of freedom and equality are self-evident and inherent not only to the concept itself but to capitalism. The paper interrogates such ahistorical understanding of the concept of democracy and recuperates the radical history of contentions over its meanings and its most abiding political form i. e. constitutional democracy. The transcendence of national boundaries towards a global citizenship has put a strain on the fundamental operative terrain of constitutional democracy. The values of freedom and equality laid out in the Constitution premised on a liberal contract are more undermined today, than ever before with transnational capital and global citizenship breaking the bounds of constitutional purview. This has brought the concept and political forms of constitutional democracy into a state of crisis today. Can re-looking at the past traces of suppressed contentions over the meaning and forms of democracy give us any insight as to how we can work through the constitutional crisis today? If the meaning and associations with democracy is not eternal but historical, can we bring it them within other political imaginaries?
29
Olariu, Oana. "Outcomes of Democratic Innovations: Horizontalism as Inclusive Participation Spillover, but Fragile under Hierarchical Attacks." Logos Universality Mentality Education Novelty: Political Sciences & European Studies 7, no. 1 (August 25, 2022): 01–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumenpses/7.1/27.
Анотація:
Anti-austerity protests revived anti- and post-hegemonic sociopolitical imaginary, around the word. In Spain, 15M movement built the premises for political projects based on direct democracy and horizontal models of social organization, as defining features of the new muncipalists who won 2015 elections in several cities. The case of Madrid has revelatory value in the debate regarding outcomes of participatory innovations, as the alliance which pioneered digital democracy and multi-actor multi-level local governance lost elections of 2019. Although a relatively large body of research investigated the feasibility of democratic innovations by contrasting their designs and implementation processes onto the matrix of their objectives and underlying ideological principles, the literature explaining their outcomes is scarce. Few studies focus on factors modeling the sustainability of participatory democracy as city regime, and the most common approach stresses out neoliberal inhibitors, as structural breaks which limit the depth and quality of participation. The present study aims to contribute to filling this gap by extending the analytical framework to encompass factors related to horizontalism, as enablers of democracy innovations. It is concluded that while horizontal governance works as a spillover of inclusive participation, it is highly vulnerable to attacks designed to vertically restructure its working processes.
30
Cortés, Alexis. "The Murals of La Victoria." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 5 (July 8, 2016): 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16646104.
Анотація:
Muralism is one of the most striking expressions of one of Chile’s most emblematic working-class neighborhoods, La Victoria, which is known for the land takeover in which it originated and its resistance to the military dictatorship. Muralism served as the physical carrier of messages of resistance during the dictatorship and later consolidated an imaginary of political condemnation and venting in the face of repression. With democracy, muralism has made the memory of the neighborhood graphic, propitiated a dialogue between the experience of the land occupation and the dictatorship, and generated a discourse that, emerging from the popular, continues to confront the mechanisms of forgetting circulated by the official truths imposed by the compromised democratic transition. El muralismo es una de las expresiones más propias de uno de los barrios populares más emblemáticos de Chile: La Victoria, conocida por la toma que le dio origen y por su resistencia a la dictadura militar. El muralismo cumplió la función de ser el soporte físico de mensajes de resistencia durante la dictadura, consolidando posteriormente un imaginario de denuncia política y de desahogo frente a la represión. Con la democracia, el muralismo ha tenido la función de hacer gráfica la memoria de la población, propiciando un diálogo entre la experiencia de la toma y de la dictadura, generándose una discursividad que, desde lo popular, continúa enfrentando los dispositivos de desmemoria accionados por las verdades oficiales impuestas por la transición democrática pactada.
31
Barnett, Neil John, Steven Griggs, and David Howarth. "Whatever Happened to Councillors? Problematising the Deficiency Narrative in English Local Politics." Political Studies 67, no. 3 (March 29, 2019): 775–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718807379.
Анотація:
Calls for councillors to change are nothing new, even from staunch defenders of local democracy. But one critical question has been sidestepped: Why have councillors been persistently constructed as a ‘problem’ for local government? This article draws upon Foucault to detect the emergence and sedimentation of an overriding problematisation of councillors. Our genealogical analysis of a range of public commissions and inquiries, policy documents and academic discourses reveals a ‘deficiency narrative’, forged during the managerialist turn in the 1960s and subsequently reframed in the 1990s and 2000s through the lens of community leadership. We show that the exclusions and methodological limits of this imaginary blinker studies of councillors, leaving an unhelpfully normative stance within local government studies. Such deficits also lead to a ‘smoothing out’ of the complexity of local politics, downplay local dynamics and political work, and miss important insights into the practices of local democracy.
32
Raman, Sujatha. "Can Renewable Energy Artifacts have a Global Politics? Towards a Translocal Imaginary of Energy Democracy." Engaging Science, Technology, and Society 7, no. 1 (October 5, 2021): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17351/ests2021.967.
Анотація:
In the 2020 Prague Virtual Conference of the Society for Social Studies of Science (4S), Langdon Winner was awarded the society’s John D. Bernal Prize jointly with Sharon Traweek. The Bernal Prize is awarded annually to individuals who have made distinguished contributions to the field of STS. Prize recipients include founders of the field of STS, along with outstanding scholars who have devoted their careers to the understanding of the social dimensions of science and technology. This response to Winner’s Bernal lecture considers how visions of energy democracy speak back to decarbonisation imperatives grounded in industrial-scale renewable energy technologies, and asks if these arguments might be further trans-nationalised.
33
Druliolle, Vincent. "Democracy Captured By Its Imaginary: the Transition as Memory and Discourses of Constitutionalism in Spain." Social & Legal Studies 17, no. 1 (March 2008): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663907086457.
34
ASSAYAG, JACKIE. "Spectral Secularism: Religion, Politics and Democracy in India." European Journal of Sociology 44, no. 3 (December 2003): 325–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975603001310.
Анотація:
Everyone invokes secularism in India. So the spectrum of secularism is very large. However, it is rather the spectral ideas of “majority” (hindus) and “minorities” (Muslims, Christians) conceived in demographic (rather than political) terms which characterizes the discussion of this question. The insistence of Hindu nationalists on emphasizing that they are the majority tend to blur the difference between Hindu identity and Indian identity, coextensive with the territory of India. This concept, moreover, serves them in their legitimating of the democratic system insofar as the arithmetical rule is a first principle of this political regime. In the name of a secularism founded on the idea of the greater number (and also the supposed ideal of immemorial Hindu tolerance) India must be governed in accordance with demographic fact defined in religious terms. One of the paradoxical consequence of this “majoritarianism” is the development of “majority minority complex” of the Hindus and the increasing hate and violence (against Muslims and Christians). Today, the Hindu nationalism programme effectively dominates public debate. Its partisans has succeeded in discriminating between “friends” and “foes”, those inside and those outside, those whom one holds dear and those whom one pillories on the basis of a real or imaginary menace weighing upon autochthony, culture, religion and race, and the national (state) sovereignty.
35
Westwood, Sallie. "Complex Choreography." Theory, Culture & Society 18, no. 2-3 (June 2001): 247–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02632760122051724.
Анотація:
Using relevant theoretical approaches, this article seeks ways in which to consider the conditions of existence of a politics of recognition through the elaboration of ‘regimes of recognition’. The ‘regimes of recognition’ are developed through an understanding of decentred political and social formations that, nevertheless, foreground a series of sites that are central to the politics of recognition: democracy, citizenship and the nation. This article takes issue with current accounts of the demise of the nation as both imaginary and territorially realized. Instead, it offers a substantive account of political activism in Ecuador as one moment in the politics of recognition.
36
Santos Pereira, Tiago, António Carvalho, and Paulo F. C. Fonseca. "Imaginaries of nuclear energy in the Portuguese parliament: Between promise, risk, and democracy." Public Understanding of Science 26, no. 3 (August 8, 2016): 289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662516662738.
Анотація:
This article explores the evolution of the nuclear energy debate and its associated controversies in the Portuguese parliament. The analysis focuses on the dictatorial regime of the New State (from the beginning of the nuclear program in 1951 until the 1974 revolution) and on the democratic period (post-1974). Portugal, as an exporting country of uranium minerals, significantly invested in the development of a national capacity in nuclear research, but never developed an endogenous nuclear power infrastructure. Through the analysis of parliamentary debates, this article characterizes the dynamic evolution of the Portuguese sociotechnical imaginary on nuclear energy and technology interlinked with ambivalent representations, including the promise of nuclear energy as key for the constitution of a technological Nation or as prompting new sociotechnical risks.
37
Bonnecase, Vincent. "Democracy and Adjustment in Niger: A Conflict of Rationales." International Review of Social History 66, S29 (March 12, 2021): 181–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859021000183.
Анотація:
AbstractIn the early 1990s, Niger saw growing anger towards the military regime in power, not only because of police violence, but also due to its economic and social policies, particularly its first structural adjustment programme. After several months of revolts, the regime fell, giving way to a democratic government in 1991. Under pressure from international financial institutions, the new government quickly embarked on the same economic and social path as the previous one and adopted an adjustment policy, resistance to which had played a fundamental role in its accession to power. The government faced increasing street protests, and was overthrown by the army in January 1996, with most of the population not mobilizing to protect the democratic institutions. This article examines the conflicts of rationales that marked these few years, and shows how, by whom, and to what extent these rationales were opposed in practical terms. It also offers a social history of the adjustments by looking at how they were received by the people. By so doing, it looks back at a moment that has profoundly marked Niger's recent history: in this country, as in others, the adjustments have reconfigured rivalries, produced violence, and left an indelible mark on the political imaginary up to the present day.
38
Baym, Geoffrey. "‘Think of Him as The President’: Tabloid Trump and the Political Imaginary, 1980–1999." Journal of Communication 69, no. 4 (July 4, 2019): 396–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqz022.
Анотація:
Abstract Years before Twitter, Fox News, or reality TV, Donald Trump became a public figure through his presence in tabloid media. Much of that focused on sex and spectacle, but early tabloid coverage of Trump was also surprisingly political, with speculation about a possible presidential campaign beginning as early as 1987. Although that coverage has been largely overlooked, this study reveals that tabloid media played a central role in building the foundations of Trump’s political identity. It tracks the early articulation of the Trump character and its simultaneous politicization within a media space outside the ostensibly legitimate arena of institutional public-affairs journalism. In so doing, it reveals the deeper contours of an imagined political world in which a Trump presidency could be conceivable in the first instance—a political imaginary adjacent to the deep assumptions of liberal Democracy, and therefore long invisible to most serious observers of presidential politics.
39
Haro, Lia, and Romand Coles. "Reimagining Fugitive Democracy and Transformative Sanctuary with Black Frontline Communities in the Underground Railroad." Political Theory 47, no. 5 (February 15, 2019): 646–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591719828725.
Анотація:
This article engages new histories of the black frontline communities of the Underground Railroad to rethink both fugitive democracy and the transformative possibilities of sanctuary as its constitutive twin. We analyze the ways that communities of free blacks and fugitives in the border zones between the Antebellum US North and South crafted themselves as magnetic spaces of creative refuge that suggest we reconceive sanctuary as the generative twin of fugitivity. This insight enables us to theorize new ethical and political dimensions of Sheldon Wolin’s concept fugitive democracy by illuminating how fugitivity as flight away from danger can be interwoven with sanctuary as flight into and toward alternatives. Specifically, we theorize three dimensions of fugitive democracy/transformative sanctuary—sanctuary tending, dramatic sanctuary, and disruptive hospitality. While some theorists have considered key motifs in Wolin’s fugitive democracy to be opposed to vital themes disclosed in contemporary theories of black fugitivity, we argue that the power of black frontline communities stemmed precisely from their capacities to dynamically entangle political approaches (mis)taken to be at odds. For example, we suggest a theory and practice of tending involving both nurturing care and militantly defensive action, dramatic sanctuary performances that amplify public power by oscillating between tricky concealment and flagrant publicity, and disruptive hospitality that interweaves law-breaking harbor with strategies for juridical and institutional change. These insights open onto an alternative imaginary that can also provide a toolbox for building grassroots democratic power today, particularly in the face of emergent neofascism and escalating displacement worldwide.
40
Ruchina, L. I. "Experience Experimental Research Socially Significant Concepts in Modern Russian Language Consciousness (Concept DEMOCRACY)." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 3 (April 28, 2022): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-3-135-151.
Анотація:
An experimental research of the reception features of socially significant concepts in the linguistic consciousness of modern native speakers of the Russian language is described on the example of the concept DEMOCRACY. The results of a comparative analysis of the semantic content of this concept based on the materials of dictionaries and the results of a chain associative experiment are presented. It is shown that on the basis of lexicographic interpretations of the word democracy as a basic representative of the concept of the same name, eight significant cognitive features of the concept can be identified. The procedure for verifying the identified cognitive features through a chain experiment made it possible to detect significant conceptual and connotative-evaluative innovations in the semantic content of the DEMOCRACY concept in comparison with the results of the analysis of lexicographic sources. Reflexes of the negative-evaluative perception of this concept were found in the linguistic consciousness of the speakers of the modern Russian language, associated with ideas about the imaginary nature, the illusory nature of this concept for the Russian world, the manipulative nature of its discursive implementation, etc. It is concluded that the negative-evaluative reception of this concept in the modern Russian linguistic consciousness is associated with its inorganic nature, with psychological and cultural alienation in relation to the traditionally Russian models of linguistic conceptualization of the world.
41
Landzelius, Michael. "Commemorative Dis(re)membering: Erasing Heritage, Spatializing Disinheritance." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 21, no. 2 (April 2003): 195–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d286t.
Анотація:
In this paper I develop an idea of commemorative ‘dis(re)membering’ as a tool for a critical, nonessentialist reconfiguration of memorial landscapes, heritage discourse, and dominant official narratives of the past. The notion of commemorative dis(re)membering is not limited to any one particular case but is a general approach which fundamentally questions taken-for-granted assumptions about memorialization as a social process. The empirical focus of the paper is on Swedish labor-company camps established by the military in the late 1930s. I present a historical background to the camps, and proceed to consider the discourse that framed and enabled the creation of them. In reference to Continental European social theory and philosophy, I address the position of the camps in relation to the constitution of the law and the social imaginary. I proceed to situate the argument in the context of recent attempts to address forms of ‘dissonant heritage’ and pave the ground for a critique of heritage logocentrism. This critique is then advanced through an elaboration of dis(re)membering in relation to overarching issues of democracy, subjectivity, identity, citizenship, and the role of the past in the present. Finally, I propose a permanent replacement of the imaginary lineage of heritage with a ‘rhizome history’ of ‘disinheritance‘. In suggesting the erasure of heritage, I propose that objects of the past should be mobilized as disinheritance assemblages for critical and subversive purposes in order to make the past implode into the present and across spatial scales in ways that unsettle fundamental social imaginary significations.
42
Herzog, Roman, and Lüder Gerken. "The Spirit of the Time: Revise the European Constitution to Protect National Parliamentary Democracy." European Constitutional Law Review 3, no. 2 (June 2007): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s157401960700209x.
Анотація:
Without doubt, the European Union has come to a crossroads. Following the failure of the proposed Constitution in the referendums in France and The Netherlands, it is now vital to take stock of the situation in order to develop an overall concept for how European integration can and should progress from this point. Germany's EU Council Presidency provides an opportunity to hold this discussion. However, the fair-weather talk about Europe, currently being heard from all political sides, is no help at all. People are ill-at-ease and increasingly reserved and sceptical about the European Union, because they can no longer make sense of the integration process, because they can't shake off the feeling of an ever stronger, increasingly inappropriate centralisation of competencies, and because they cannot see who is responsible for which policies. These concerns must be taken very seriously, particularly because they are not simply imaginary.
43
CLARK, MARSHALL. "Indonesia's Postcolonial Regional Imaginary: From a ‘Neutralist’ to an ‘All-Directions’ Foreign Policy." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 2 (June 24, 2011): 287–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000089.
Анотація:
AbstractThis paper will examine the various ways in which the regional imaginary has been conceptualized and developed in maritime Southeast Asia, primarily focussing on Indonesia. Utilizing the recent debate on the notion of a ‘Postcolonial International Relations,’ this paper examines the role of imperialism and the colonial experience on the development of Indonesian ‘ideas’ of region and regionalism. This paper is structured into four sections. First of all, it explores the link between postcolonial theory and regionalism studies. Second, it takes into account early ideas of regionalism in the post-independence era. This includes President Sukarno's ‘neutralist’ foreign policy culminating in Indonesia's hosting of the Bandung Conference as well as President Suharto's endorsement of ASEAN. The third and final section examines Indonesia's foreign policy orientation and practices in the post-authoritarian period, particularly under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. With its embrace of democracy in the post-New Order era, the concluding discussion suggests that Indonesia appears to be increasingly prepared to expand its regional engagement concentrically beyond the immediate Southeast Asian region. The question of the ‘imperial’ role of the US – which has its own foreign policy ambitions in the region – is instrumental in this regard, and can be usefully understood from a postcolonial framework.
44
Pogány, István. "The Crisis of Democracy in East Central Europe: The New Constitutionalism in Hungary." European Public Law 19, Issue 2 (June 1, 2013): 341–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2013021.
Анотація:
'Above all, being a democrat means not being afraid; not being afraid of people with different opinions, different mother tongues, or people from different races…not being afraid of all those imaginary fears which are only made real by our fear of them.' István Bibó, The Misery of the Small States of Eastern Europe (1946) Drawing on the work of the twentieth century Hungarian political scientist, István Bibó, this article offers a critical examination of Hungary's new Constitution, or Fundamental Law, which entered into force in January 2012. Hungary's Fundamental Law and various associated legal texts have been heavily criticized by the European Union (EU) Parliament, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Council of Europe's Venice Commission, the US State Department, major human rights NGOs and foreign as well as Hungarian scholars. This article argues that the constitutional regime that operated in Hungary from the end of communist rule until January 2012 represented a broadly satisfactory framework for the consolidation of liberal democracy, the rule of law and the protection of human and minority rights. By contrast, the Fundamental Law, related legal instruments and various policies of the present government have diluted or threatened essential democratic freedoms and have resulted in the removal of many of the checks and balances that previously operated within the Hungarian constitutional system. These regressive measures suggest that elements of what István Bibó described as the 'deformed' political culture of pre-World War II Hungary have reasserted themselves.
45
PLEHWE, DIETER, and QUINN SLOBODIAN. "LANDSCAPES OF UNREST: HERBERT GIERSCH AND THE ORIGINS OF NEOLIBERAL ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 1 (August 22, 2017): 185–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000324.
Анотація:
This article bridges the gap between the intellectual history and critical geography of neoliberalism through a study of the overlooked figure of the German economist Herbert Giersch. As a public economist and director of the Kiel Institute for the World Economy from 1969 to 1989, Giersch blended German traditions of location theory with liberal globalism to lay the foundation of a neoliberal economic geography. We show the origins of globalism at Kiel through the work of the institute's founder, Bernhard Harms, and Giersch's influences, including Johann Heinrich von Thünen, August Lösch, and Alfred Weber. We argue that Giersch's neoliberal economic geography emerged out of two perceived necessities in the 1970s. On the one hand, he saw a need to reorient German industry through import competition with the global South. On the other hand, he felt the need for an ethically defensible global imaginary to pose against both traditional German social democracy and the promise of the global South's New International Economic Order. In his metaphor of a landscape of so-called Schumpeterian volcanoes in which regions were locked in perpetual struggle for temporary monopoly positions against competitors, Giersch provided a powerful distillation of the geographic imaginary at the heart of the neoliberal movement since the 1970s.
46
Gunter, Michael M. "Erdogan’s Train to Authoritarianism." Sociology of Islam 8, no. 1 (February 24, 2020): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00801004.
Анотація:
Recep Tayyip Erdogan — Turkey’s current president (elected 2014) and former prime minister (2003–2014) — infamously once declared that “democracy is like a train; you get off once you have reached your [real] destination.” In other words, one can use democratic means to achieve authoritarian goals. Analyzing Erdogan’s imaginary train journey, one must conclude that the Turkish leader never had the intention of reaching democracy. Indeed, now that he has achieved his actual authoritarian goal, he has jumped off the train. However, his journey did not always seem to be destined for such a terminus. Indeed, in his first decade in power, Erdogan won three parliamentary elections by ever-larger shares of the popular vote because he had helped to build Turkey into a burgeoning economic powerhouse and a moderate Islamic democracy. In the past decade, however, despite winning Turkey’s first popular election for president in August 2014, presiding over another great parliamentary victory in November 2015, and then winning re-election as president as well as retaining control of parliament in June 2018, Erdogan’s increasing authoritarianism has helped precipitate an accelerating crisis both domestically and externally for Turkey. His actions have also negatively affected the Kurds. Although his partial setback in the local elections held in March and June 2019 did seem to affect his hold on power, his seemingly successful creation of a Turkish safety zone in Northern (Syrian) Kurdistan in October 2019 revived his flailing domestic fortunes.
47
Abdel-Samad, Mounah. "Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise: Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 3 (December 20, 2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.
Анотація:
AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginary in the Arab World.”Constellations: an International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory18:271–283. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8675.2011.00650.x, Kubba 2000, “Arabs and Democracy: The Awakening of Civil Society.”Journal of Democracy11:84–90) have explored the role of Tunisian civil society in the democratic transition; however, no study examined legislators’ demand for CSOs’ legislative advocacy in Tunisia. By exploring factors influencing legislators and their demand and need for legislative advocacy, this study sheds light on the inner works of policy makers and ways to influence them. This study finds that, contrary to the idea that governments in developing countries do not want civil society participation in politics, Tunisian legislators are open to and eager for legislative advocacy. Based on 40 survey conducted face to face with Tunisian legislators in the National Constituent Assembly, and archival analysis of the National Constituents Assembly sessions’ minutes from 2011 until 2014, this study finds that Tunisian legislators have a high level of trust in CSOs, want their expertise, and are influenced by them when voting in parliament. These results have several potential impacts on understanding of the relationship between CSOs and government and more specifically legislature.
48
Pedersen, Esther Oluffa, and Maria Brincker. "Philosophy and Digitization: Dangers and Possibilities in the New Digital Worlds." SATS 22, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sats-2021-0006.
Анотація:
Abstract Our world is undergoing an enormous digital transformation. Nearly no area of our social, informational, political, economic, cultural, and biological spheres are left unchanged. What can philosophy contribute as we try to understand and think through these changes? How does digitization challenge past ideas of who we are and where we are headed? Where does it leave our ethical aspirations and cherished ideals of democracy, equality, privacy, trust, freedom, and social embeddedness? Who gets to decide, control, and harness the powers of digitization and for which purposes? Epistemologically, do most of us understand these new mediations – and thus fabrics – of our new world? Lastly – how is the new technological landscape shaping not only our living conditions but also our collective imaginary and our self-identities?
49
Anderson, James K., and Noah J. Springer. "Zapatismo as a Resonant Public Pedagogy." Latin American Perspectives 45, no. 3 (March 21, 2018): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18766903.
Анотація:
As a critical pedagogy similar to the type described by the philosopher-educator Paulo Freire, Zapatismo expresses resistance to the power-over relationships institutionalized in capitalism and the state through open-ended questioning. Previous analyses have argued that the Zapatista struggle has been incommunicable, that it can be defined in terms of new media, that Zapatismo advances a Leninist ideology, and that its resonance is rhizo-matic. A challenge to these assumptions drawing on negative dialectics suggests that, as prefiguration of other worlds beyond the neoliberal reality, Zapatismo resonates because it teaches the recovery of democracy by direct collective decision making and horizontal organization and communication. Philosophical inquiry shows that Zapatismo has recollected the radical imaginary and resonated through the Independent Media Center network and Occupy Wall Street and continues to be borrowed and adapted by Occupy offshoots, anticapitalist collectives, and ongoing initiatives. Como una pedagogía crítica similar a aquella descrita por el filósofo y educador Paulo Freire, el Zapatismo expresa resistencia a las relaciones de poder institucionalizadas en el capitalismo y el Estado a través de preguntas abiertas. Análisis previos argumentan que la lucha zapatista no ha sido comunicable, que puede definirse en términos de nuevos medios, que promueve una ideología leninista, y que cuenta con resonancia rizomática. Un desafío a todas estas suposiciones basadas en una dialéctica negativa sugiere que, como prefiguración de otros mundos más allá de la realidad neoliberal, el Zapatismo resuena porque enseña cómo recuperar la democracia mediante la toma de decisiones colectivas directas y la organización y comunicación horizontal. Una investigación filosófica da muestra de que el Zapatismo ha recobrado el imaginario radical y resonado a través de la red del Centro de Medios Independientes y Occupy Wall Street. También, que aún es tomado en préstamo y adaptado por Occupy, grupos anticapitalistas, y otras iniciativas en curso.
50
Mort, Frank. "Safe for Democracy: Constitutional Politics, Popular Spectacle, and the British Monarchy 1910–1914." Journal of British Studies 58, no. 1 (January 2019): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.176.
Анотація:
AbstractHow did the British monarchy respond to the multiple challenges of early twentieth-century mass democracy? Historians have separated the growth of constitutional sovereignty from the practice of a welfare monarchy, or from royalty as decorative and media friendly. This article argues that the political transformation of the modern monarchy was inseparable from innovations to its style and presentation. Opening with the dramatic constitutional crisis that confronted George V and his advisors in 1910, I show how the monarchy's entanglement in high politics forced the crown to assume an increasingly neutral, arbitrarial stance on industrial disputes and on the Irish question, despite the king's own conservatism. Simultaneously, George V invested in styles of royal accessibility and informality that contrasted sharply with other major European dynasties, in a series of royal tours across the industrial heartlands of England and Wales in 1912 and 1913. Extensively covered by the national and imperial press and by the newsreels, these visits to the strongholds of laborism promoted a vision of patrician democracy that drew heavily on traditions of organic, one-nation conservatism. But they also positioned royalty and the people in a new imaginary relationship that was more personal and intimate. Both versions had long-term consequences for the British monarchy across the twentieth century.