Дисертації з теми "Hommes politiques – France – Biographie"
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Fonvieille-Vojtovic, Aline. "Paul Ramadier (1888-1961) : radiographie d́une carrière politique." Paris 10, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA100015.
Повний текст джерелаPaul readier built his political career from Aubin-Decazeville coald field (Aveyron), a place where socialism took root in a county which is otherwise conservative. At first just a mere left-wing man fighting for his ideas from 1910, he founds himself on three organic structures : his political party, trade unionism and cooperative compagnies; then he is elected as a mayor of Decazeville in 1919; in 1928, he becomes a member of parliament in Villefranche de Rouergue constituancy after gaining the support of "radical party"; later he is elected as a "conseiller general" (a member of the local auth orities). Thus, he has created a territory which votes for him whenever its people go to the polls till 1940; he is nominated as a minister (energy and labour) severals times from 1936 to 1938. Deprived of his duties by "the Vichy government" which he opposed on July 10th 1940, he still gets into contact with his political friends, all along the war, at the end of the war, as he didn't commit himself, this important man becomes a minister in charge of food supplies, then the prime minister of republic (1947), later the minister of the national defence (1948-1949), finally the chancellor of the exchequer (1956-1957). But this national success makes him lose his stability in his territory, communist voters whose number has increased since the war give him up for ever because of the options adopted by his governments. His political career stops in 1958 and 1959 with the change of the political regime
Puyaubert, Jacques. "Georges Bonnet, 1889-1973 : étude biographique." Bordeaux 3, 2001. http://federation.unimes.fr:8080/login?url=http://books.openedition.org/pur/21149.
Повний текст джерелаThis biography of Georges Bonnet, a twentieth century French politician, who was a radical minister between the wars, retraces the path of a pacifist. The aim of this study is to show the earlines of his ideological commitment as well as the steadiness of his efforts to find a social concensus and to take the heat out of the handling of international relations. His particulary long political carreer can be accounted for by his deep roots in Périgord. This controversial figure, whose surface opportunism was only a way to make his deep convictions triumph, distorted his own picture by being so conscientious a defender of the Munich conference
RIVES, JEAN-HENRI. "Gastounet, un mythe annonciateur?" Montpellier 3, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989MON30008.
Повний текст джерелаGaston doumergue always refused to write his memoirs, lending himself unwillingly to biographers. Nonetheless he deserves historial interest from several points of view. His career was among the most brilliant ones and only poincare held as many posts. It can be explained, in fact, by the succession of two myths that he incarnated in turn. The firt "gastounet" had him typed as the ideal president such as the french imagined him then. With the second, we witness the alchemy of a myth. To the smiling myth, slightly ridiculous, succeeds a tragic one, that of the savior to whom appeals in time of crisis. Avoiding civil war, gaston doumergue enjoyed great popularity which he could not exploit in order to reform the state. On the contrary, his popularity alarmed political circles who saw in his radio appeals the first signs of a personal advendure. This alarm was unjustified if one considers his ambitions, it was legitimate in terms of the ideological content of his speeches. By their anti parliamentarism and by the values they expressed, they are already marked by a kind of pre-petainism to which part of france adhered. We witness in fact a rehearsal of the events of 1940 in which many of the future actors of vichy france participated
Bouet, Aurélien. "Jacques Kayser, un républicain radical au 20e siècle : 1900-1963." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993IEPP0010.
Повний текст джерелаThe career's study of politician and reporter led by Jacques Kayser (born in 1900 and Alfred Dreyfus' nephew) from him joining the "radical party" in 1921 and him dying in 1963 allows first to illustrate his action within his political team : he is one of the main spokesmen of the "Young Turks" tendency in the early 30s ; between 1934 and 1938, he is one of the dey left-wing radical trend leaders (noteworthy, he contributed to the writing of "popular front" oath); in april 1946, he led the minority hostile to the right-wing orientation of his party; he is finally one of the "Mendes" tendency animators within it between December 1955 and May 1957. It gives also the opportunity to show that Kayser illustrates well these 20th century "radical" politicians, who stayed faithful for all their life to the ideal of a peaceful, parliamantary, laic and social republic. This remarkable faithfulness contributes without doubt to explain his progressive political marginalisation as of 1946
Bézias, Jean-Rémy. "Georges Bidault et la politique étrangère de la France, 1944-1948 (Europe, Etats-Unis, Proche-Orient)." Nice, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996NICE2002.
Повний текст джерелаGeorges Bidault (1899-1983) was the first Christian-Democrat to become a French foreign minister. He headed the Quai d'Orsay from september 1944 to july 1948, thus leading a policy whose main goal was to achieve national grandeur more than to enforce the basic principles defended by the political body he came from. Under the rule of General de Gaulle, he first defended very strict positions against Germany while favouring the balance of power between the East and the West. Later, progressively, he aligned himself with those positions of the USA and Great Britain. Yet, he managed to give a very personal touch to his treatment of foreign affairs. We can mention the moderate attitude (in sharp contrast with de Gaulle's) he adopted while handling the Levant crisis ; his determination to make political overtures to the Italian government ; the conviction that led him (from summer 1947 onwards) to direct the French foreign policy towards the foundation of European institutions - conceived as a solution to the German problem ; and his determinatioin to consolidate links with the USA
Prévot, Maryvonne. "Alain Savary : les combats d'une vie, 1940-1971." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001IEPP0018.
Повний текст джерелаGagneur, David. "Prosopographie des élites politiques d'une colonie républicaine : La Réunion, 1870-1914." La Réunion, 2004. http://elgebar.univ-reunion.fr/login?url=http://thesesenligne.univ.run/04_17_Gagneur_1.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаUnder Second Empire, political elites in Reunion Island, thanks to their wealth and skills secured their privileged position at the top of hierarchy. In that sense, it was an oligarchy. Does the 1870 rupture, consisting in settling the Republic, provide the keys of an eventual renewal? Is the Gambetta's "new layers" model, emerging in metropolitan France, likely to be implemented in colonies ? The ambit of our work is to feature this group (governors, deputies, senators, presidents of the General Council, mayors), in which collective and individual dimensions merge. This prosopographical study lies on several Histories, synchronical and diachronical, quantitative and "qualitative", each of them combining demographical, sociological and political approaches. Years 1870 and 1914, limiting the examined period of time, are references to measure the "effects of political change on elites": family, training, professional activities, sociabilities illuminate behaviours, motives and draws on a typology these politicians
Jansen, Sabine. "Pierre Cot, un itinéraire politique du radicalisme au progressisme." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000IEPP0035.
Повний текст джерелаDucerf, Laurent. "François de Menthon, un catholique au service de la République : 1900-1984." Lyon 3, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000LYO31001.
Повний текст джерелаMéchoulan, Éric. "Jules Moch et le socialisme, 1893-1985." Paris 4, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA040102.
Повний текст джерелаFormer student at the École polytechnique and war veteran, Jules Moch became Member of Parliament in 1928. He placed his experience as an administrator and an engineer in the service of the socialist party S. F. I. O. He found himself in the heart of the most hotly debated issues of the time: rationalization, economic planning, reflation and the fight against fascism. His participation in the renewal of political ideas, coupled with intense parliamentary activity, led him to the office of general secretary of Blum's government, in 1936. On July 10th 1940, he is one of the '80' who refuse full powers to maréchal Pétain. Member of the resistance, then officer in the free French forces, he became minister of public works and transports between 1945 and 1947, with the mission of conciliating socialist hopes and government necessities. At the ministry of the interior from 1947 to 1950, he succeeded in putting down the insurrectionary communist strikes. At the ministry of defense from 1950 to 1951, he organized France’s insertion into the atlantic bloc and took part in the negotiations on German rearmament, which did not prevent him from becoming one of the leading adversaries to the EDC. The break-up of the '3rd force' enabled him to dedicate himself to his principal ambitions: renewing the socialist doctrine and working at the U. N. O. For world disarmament. When called back to the ministry of the interior in may 1958, he could not but rally de Gaulle, before turning into a relentless opponent to Gaullism in the 60's. Although he favored the union between left-wing parties, he disapproved of the socialist-communist common program, and, in the end, broke with the socialist party shortly after Mitterrand’s appointment as 1st secretary. Moch embodies faithfulness to a certain jauressian and blumian ideal, as well as an unsuccessful will to free the S. F. I. O. Of the 'marxist vulgate'
Glasser-Yverneau, Elisabeth. "Gaston Palewski, acteur et témoin d'un demi-siècle de vie publique et politique française (1924-1974)." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008IEPP0040.
Повний текст джерелаUnknown to a great majority, G. Palewski played a significant role in the French social and political life for about fifty years. He indeed led an enterprising and wide-ranging professional career : Cabinet Head, member of the Free French Forces, RPF activist, minister, deputy, ambassador and President of the Constitutional Council. Born in Paris in 1901, he studied in France and in Oxford as well. In 1924-1925, he was posted to the Field Marshal Lyautey's office in Morocco. He became one of P. Reynaud's assistant in 1928. In 1934 he realized how decisive his meeting with Colonel De Gaulle would be. As a matter of fact, De Gaulle's ideas had such an impact on G. Palewski that he decided to leave P. Renaud at the beginning of 1940. In August the same year, he enlisted in De Gaulle's Free French organisation located in London. He became Cabinet Head of the Chief of the Free French Forces in London, Algiers and Paris. One of the founders of the Rassemblement du Peuple Français in 1947, activist with oratory skills, he was elected deputy in 1951. For a few months in 1955 he came to be minister for nuclear matters in E. Faure's government. From 1957 to 1962, he represented France as an ambassador in Rome. He was once again State Minister for scientific research, nuclear and spatial matters. He completed his political career as President of the Constitutional Council from 1965 to 1974. He was to die in 1984. Famous for his Gaullist commitment, Gaston Palewski was a trustworthy, outgoing, broad-minded modern man. He would be reminded as a man who lived in the shadow of three strong characters of the twentieth century: Field Marshal Lyautey, Paul Reynaud and General de Gaulle
Joumas, Georges. "Louis Gallouédec (1864-1937), un vulgarisateur de la géographie engagé en politique." Orléans, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005ORLE1072.
Повний текст джерелаLouis Gallouédec (1864-1937) has acted simultaneously as a prominent geographer and a politician in the Loiret department. From a very modest Briton background, he has enjoyed an impressive social advancement throught "meritocracy". One of Vidal de La Blache's students, he passed the agregation, contribued to the Annales de géographie, and then specialized in the writing of textbooks. From 1912 onwards, he ran the whole Hachette collection of atlas and geography books for all levels of teaching. From 1911 to 1933, he exercised as a inspector general. All the same time, he took an active part in the political life in the Loiret departement : first as a militant : defence of Dreyfus, defence of the republican and civil causes, then as an elected representative for the radical party : mayor, department councilor and eventually president of the department Council. Obviously, all the points of this research have been studied in the historical context of the Third Republic
Bellamy, David. "Geoffroy de Montalembert (1898-1993) : héritage dynastique et notabilité politique." Paris 4, 2002. http://books.openedition.org/pur/7193.
Повний текст джерелаGeoffroy de Montalembert offers an example of a normand notable whose aristocratic culture had been shifted to a political movement of the 20th century. First of all, this thesis sheds light upon the dynastic heritage as the foundation of his political identity. Next, the thesis questions the aspects of an exceptional parliamentary career of more than 50 years as the representative of the Seine-Maritime nearly exclusively on the bench of the Senate. His career started at the Fédération Républicaine and continued among the successive gaullist parties. Finally, the thesis studies the aspects of a nobility marked by a strong local establishment, who was a mayor for 68 years, who defended the agricultural world, who had a way of life and a particular representation and a strong commitment from his wife, born de Wendel, and a unique place in the political world because of his longevity
Joly, Bertrand. "Paul Déroulède (1846-1914)." Paris 4, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA040127.
Повний текст джерелаPaul Déroulède (1846-1914) was born in Paris in a wealthy family. His father was a prominent solicitor, his mother was the sister of the playwright Emile Augier. After a happy childhood, Déroulède studied law, dreamed of writing, claimed to be republican and had a passionate affair with an actress; then he fought bravely in the 1870 franco-prussian war. After the defeat, his life thenceforth was dedicated to revenge. The huge success of the chants du soldat (1872) endowed him with near official authority. Worried about mounting resignation, he first put his hopes on Gambetta, and then founded the Ligue des patriotes (1882). This organization recruited over 80. 000 members, but never achieved a satisfactory structure. A sequence of internal conflicts between the majority and Déroulède, who was increasingly critical of the regime, left the boulangist minority in control of the league. In spite of this, Déroulède was not able to achieve within boulangism the leading role he wished for and to prevent the final disappearance of boulangism, which did however bring him the parliamentary seat for Angouleme. He resigned in 1893 in the aftermath of the Arton affair and went back to literature. The Dreyfus affair brought him back to politics. Although he was hostile to antisemitism and occasionally had his doubt Dreyfus guilt, he brought the Ligue des patriotes back to life and attempted a coup d’état which was a sorry failure. He was acquitted, then re-arrested and finally sentenced by the haute court to ten years in exile. He settled in San Sebastian and from there he was a witness to the nationalist defeat. He was amnestied in 1905, returned in France in a quieter frame of mind and involved himself exclusively in patriotic propaganda
Robin, Christophe-Luc. "Le personnel politique du libournais de napoleon bonaparte a albert lebrun - etude prosopographique des parlementaires, conseillers generaux, conseillers d'arrondissement de libourne de 1800 a 1940." Bordeaux 3, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001BOR30008.
Повний текст джерелаBayon, Nathalie. "Eugène Spuller (1835-1896) : itinéraire d'un républicain entre Gambetta et le Ralliement." Bordeaux 3, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001BOR30037.
Повний текст джерелаRésumé : This work is a political biography of Eugène Spuller(1835-1896) : opportunist Member of Parliament elected from Paris' district, then from Dijon's district ; twice Secretary for Public instructi n and Religious Affairs, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Senator from Dijon's district, and "Conseiller général". This character, whose life is linked to Gambetta's own life, disappears in 1933 from the collective memory ; though alive he was considered as being one of the most important fonder fathers of tht Third Republic. The study of Eugène's Spuller's life was led according to a prosopografic method, enabling an analysis of "oppotunism" and enables also to interrogate the process of political canonisation and the construction of State memory
Perrier, Jérôme. "Entre administration et politique, Michel Debré (1912-1948) : du service de l'État à l'entrée au forum." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012IEPP0048.
Повний текст джерелаAs a high-ranking official turned politician, Michel Debré had always given much importance to ideas, which are the necessary prelude to any political action. His rich personal archives bear witness to that and make it possible to pinpoint his professional and intellectual progression between 1935 and 1948, at a time when the liberal values at the core of the French republican model were being severely tested. When he was a young technocrat, Michel Debré painfully experienced the crisis undergone by the parliamentary régime until its collapse in 1940 and was triggered into a short-lived desire for authoritarianism. That was before he joined the Resistance movement, a period which coincided with a form of new liberal synthesis aiming at linking liberty and authority. He was as such the exact contrary of the citizen opposed to any form of power embodied by Alain -the philosopher- but rather in agreement with the definition of "state liberalism" coming from the great founders of the Third Republic. Hence, a thorough study/analysis of Michel Debré's progression would bring a new outlook to the study of the genesis of the 1958 Constitution, and give a concrete example of the complicated and ambiguous relations that exist between civil service and policy or politics, even before the "République des énarques"
Schmeitzner, Mike. "Alfred Fellisch 1884-1973 : eine politische Biographie /." Köln ; Weimar ; Wien : Böhlau, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38856140v.
Повний текст джерелаErrera, Christine. "La construction des images médiatiques des hommes politiques." Bordeaux 4, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003BOR40034.
Повний текст джерелаWorking on "the brand image of" is not only today the particular expression of marketing, advertising or media professions vocabulary. It has also become a politicians' main concern. From now on, as any thing, any profession etc. , the politicians are attributed, putting into play mental associations more or less justified, a few number of socioculturally constructed qualities which are used for identifying them. But, at a time of the great explosion that technologies and means of communication know, in the world in which television has become the main medium and played a part in the establishment of the visibility as an essential principle, bodies alone are not enough to be images. On the other hand, true or fictious but at first strategically worked, qualities and personal characteristics help to make up images which are not physical but mental. Images which, at last, have taken the place of politicians. And more, they have taken place of their ideas and electoral platforms. It is all the logic of this astonishing evolution of political play and its effects that this work wanted to catch through the construction by the media, of these "media images" as they are called. So thanks to an empirical, médiologie and interactionism approaches, it can be linked the material, strategic and symbolic dimensions of this media image phenomenon which is still quite unawared. But, defined, placed in prospect and their consequences measured, these images have brought to be discerned differently. Without apriorisms. And maybe above all as a symbolic resource without which probably doing politics nowadays would very likely prove to be difficult
La, Burgade Denis de. "La vie privée des hommes politiques." Paris 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA010335.
Повний текст джерелаFoscolo, Mona. "Georges Dimitrov : une biographie critique." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004IEPP0033.
Повний текст джерелаOllivier, Anne-Laure. "Gaston Defferre : un socialiste face au pouvoir, de Marseille à l'élection présidentielle de 1969." Thesis, Cachan, Ecole normale supérieure, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011DENS0039.
Повний текст джерелаI began my work on Gaston Defferre for two main biographical reasons : first of all I was unsatisfied by the fact that Gaston Defferre’s political career was often reduced in public discourse to « the Mayor of marseille » – thus ignoring the policy maker, and Member of parliament for over 40 years, in charge of a ministery many times under the 4th and 5th Republics, and major socialist leader - the second element was the paradox of a very long political career that never gave him the occasion to play any major part un French politics. His failure at the 1969 presidential election is to be regarded as an important break in his career, that put a final dot to his national ambitions meanwhile his local leadership was getting to an edge. This dynamic gap between local and national career, comparable to that of many other political french leaders, makes this biographic research relevant - examining firmly the link between both aspects helps understand why this career remained unfulfilled. This work, proceeding through comparisons between local and national public documents, as well as private ones, uncovers four series of questions : the Resistance regarded as a matrix and a structuring experience in Defferre’s career - the local settings that gave him political longevity and a parachute in the event of failure, as well as a real restraint for political decisions - his relation to socialism as an ideology and to the socialist party – to which he always remained faithfull - the statesman, his reforms, his relation to the institutions, and the way he dealt with general interest, his socialist commitment to local interest
Coquard, Olivier. "Jean-Paul Marat, une lumière en Révolution : biographie d'un homme des Lumières devenu l'Ami du peuple." Paris 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA010583.
Повний текст джерелаBefore 1789, Marat, a French Revolution mythical figure - took up the career of an enlightened man. He was an autodidact but he learned a lot during his trips (Bordeaux, London, Paris). He became a scientist and after 1773 propounded his scientifical and political theories - aggresively democratic. When in Paris, where he was a very famous doctor, he didn't succeed in making his physical points of view get the better and wasn't able to enter the academies. During the French Revolution, Marat used his experience : he took up very fast the career of a journalist. The People's friend (the paper) allowed Marat to explain his positions against the constitutional monarchy. Pursued,he set up as an emblematic figure of the Revolution
Eloundou-Rey, Céline. "Le cumul d'activités des représentants politiques." Grenoble 2, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001GRE21014.
Повний текст джерелаRoux, Emmanuel. "La démission en droit public français." Aix-Marseille 3, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000AIX32060.
Повний текст джерелаLandot, Éric. "L'intérêt personnel des élus locaux en droit administratif français." Paris 2, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA020087.
Повний текст джерелаGuiselin, Emmanuel-Pie. "Le régime juridique du financement de la vie politique." Rennes 1, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995REN11005.
Повний текст джерелаThe french regulation related to the financing of political parties was elaborated from 1988 when the political class realised that a situation apart from law might endanger the democracy itself. Therefore different acts were passed in 1988, 1989 and 1990 on the initiative of the governments of mr. Chirac and mr. Rocard. As the acts of march 11th, 1988 which were related to the transparency of financial statements concerning political life, were the results of compromises, such acts proved rapidely to be inadequate. However the acts of 1990 constitute a regulation which is appropriate and complete. The application of this regulation has particularly enabled commissions to intervene in an appropriate way to favour the transparency of the financial statements concerning political life. The "commission pour la transparence financiere de la vie politique" created in 1988 is in charge of controlling the development of patrimonial situations of political men, whereas the "commission nationale des comptes de campagnes et des financements politiques" which was created by the act of january 15th, 1990, is in charge of controlling the ways of financing the parties and the accounts of electoral campaigns
Fradin, Guillaume. "Les politiques dans les émissions télévisées de divertissement : L'exemple français." Paris 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA020120.
Повний текст джерелаBiard, Michel. "Jean-Marie Collot d'Herbois, homme de théâtre et homme politique (1749-1796)." Paris 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA010672.
Повний текст джерелаA gloomy, persistent legend has been following Jean-Marie Collot d'Herbois for two centuries. This work aims at analysing the building and the evolution of this mythical image and allows to give the character his true-dimension back. He became an actor as soon as 1767, is the author of 20 works meant for the stage andwas in charge of the entertainment in geneva and then in Lyon. As man of the stage he apparently enjoyed repeated success both before and after the revolutionary caesura. From 1789 to 1792, he worked once more for the world of theatre (both as author and critic) meanwhile his political commitments asserted themselves and progressively brought to light the one who later became a man of power. He was elected at the convention by the citizens of paris, became a prominent member of the jacobins and went several times on assignments to the departements (Nice, Nièvre, Loiret, Oise, Lyon). He became a member for the committee of public safety in september 1793. On these accounts he is one of the key elements in the understanding of the tragedies and challenges of the year ii, as well as the period that follows
Bordier, Dominique. "La responsabilité personnelle du maire." Rennes 1, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004REN1G013.
Повний текст джерелаA mayor is a personality elected on a political level. He benefits by an institutional independence, and in principle, he is politically irresponsible. His important power, and the weaknesses of the municipal decision making process, end in a penal sanction which is a subtitute for a political responsability. A new organization of the local executive and a creation of a political responsability, allow to remedy for this penal shift. In his capacity as public agent, the mayor is submitted to the rules of an administrative responsability, on the basis of a personal offence. The responsability rules, on the penal law level, conduct to a general penal judicial system, which leads, for the mayor, to a repressive evolution of his involvement. Redefining and precisely, the concepts of personal offence, civil offence and penal violation, means to allow a reasserted civil responsability and a penal confined responsability. Moreover, the mayor's tasks based on general interest justify a conversion of the penal process
Soubigou, Alain. "Thomas Garrigue Masaryk (1850-1937) : Biographie intellectuelle et politique." Paris 1, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA010547.
Повний текст джерелаThomas Garrigue Masaryk (1850-1937) became a philosophy professor in Vienna's and Pragues universities. As a former specialist of Plato and soon of Comte, he tought idealistic humanism. In the 1880's, in the manuscripts affair, he claimed that truth is always better than lies for people. He engaged against antisemitism in the so-called Hilsner's affair. As a member of the Autrian Parliament, he fought against Vienna's anti-slav policy and tried to avoid World War 1. During this war, he went to exile to build Czecho-Slovakian organisation and army. From Paris and London (1915-1917), he went to Russia (1917) and to the United States (1918) to convince politicians to support his project of an independent Czechoslovakia. With the help of the president Wilson, Masaryk succeed and Czechoslovakia was born the 28th of October 1918. Elected president in 1918 and again in 1920, 1927 and 1934, Masaryk had to deal with three great problems : -how to integrate in this new democratic project some special citizens : Germans, Slovaks, women and jews ? - How to find a balance between a democratic humanism and geostrategy ? - How to built a new state with some strong democratic institutions but also with the anticonformistic touch of Masaryk ? This PhD is an intellectual and political biography and examines the simple question : did Masaryk as a president achieved to realize his intellectual projects he built before WW1 ?
Clotté-Sygnavong, Marithone. "Souphanavong, le "Prince Rouge" : biographie de l'ancien président de la République Démocratique Populaire du Laos (1909-1995)." Paris, INALCO, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001INAL0007.
Повний текст джерелаBorn in 1909, Souphanavong was the son of vice-roy Luang Prabang. He studied in Hanoï and Paris where he was graduated as engineer. He returned to Indochina in 1937, worked in Nha Trung and married a Vietnamese. Since 1945, he fought to obtain power in Laos with the support of Ho Chi Minh and Vietnamese troops. He was thus called "the Red Prince". The general agreement of July 21st 1954 and July 23rd 1962 should have guaranteed the neutrality of Laos. But Souphanavong used them to introduce communism in his country. Souphanavong reached his aim in 1975 with the assistance of socialist coutries. After the fall of Phnom Penh and Saigon, Laos became communist. On December 2nd, Souphanavong acceded to the functions of president of the Republic. Then more than four hundred thousand Laotians took refuge abroad. Souphanavong resigned in 1986 and died in 1995. His life was closely linked with Laos history
François, Abel. "Économie politique des ressources affectées aux campagnes électorales : analyse théorique et empirique." Paris 1, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA010049.
Повний текст джерелаHamedi, Karine. "Scandale et suicide politiques : un drame social de la rupture." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010287.
Повний текст джерелаSornom, Jean-Claude. "Syndicalistes, politiques et entrepreneurs réunionnais, de l'autoformation à la néo-autodidaxie." Phd thesis, Université de la Réunion, 2005. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00458041.
Повний текст джерелаL'Hôte, Vincent. "La responsabilité pénale des membres des exécutifs." Nancy 2, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001NAN20009.
Повний текст джерелаCharvin, Arnaud. "La responsabilité des élus." Paris 12, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA122015.
Повний текст джерелаHavas, Nathalie. "La responsabilité ministérielle en France : contribution à une approche historique des responsabilités politique et pénale des ministres de la Révolution de 1789 à la Cinquième République." Caen, 2010. http://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://www.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr/pvurl.php?r=http%3A%2F%2Fdallozbndpro-pvgpsla.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr%2Ffr%2Fpvpage2.asp%3Fpuc%3D7982%26nu%3D14%26selfsize%3D1.
Повний текст джерелаReports between the political and penal responsibilities of Ministers were never sharply clarified. Even today, the political and legal reflection persists in wondering if it is possible to distinguish both responsibilities, even if there are two bodies of different rules. An analysis of the historic construction of the political and penal responsibilities of Ministers allows understanding the real nature of these two responsibilities, as well as the reports which they maintained under the various political systems which succeeded one another since 1789. From the French Revolution to the Second Empire, the penal responsibility dominates all the ministerial responsibility and the political responsibility is rejected in the legal area as in the practice. Although it is constitutionally dedicated under the Third and Fourth Republics, the political responsibility remains non-existent in practice. As far as both Republics are transformed into regime of Assembly, Ministers seem more subordinate to the Parliament than really responsible in front of assemblies. While it succeeds - partially - in resolving the difficulties to the penal responsibility of Ministers, the Fifth Republic fails to make the political responsibility in front of the Assembly effective. Such as it is defined in this study, the political responsibility of Ministers remains so untraceable throughout the French constitutional history, in the exception however of the Fifth Republic during which a not written responsibility of Ministers in front of the President of the Republic appears
Laflamme, Daniel. "Le passé au service du futur : le cas du dictionnaire des hommes illustres de la Provence." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/28401.
Повний текст джерелаBrault-Jamin, Vincent. "Les élus et fonctionnaires territoriaux devant la justice pénale." Poitiers, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000POIT3002.
Повний текст джерелаMartel, Céline. "Les détenteurs de pouvoirs d'autorité et le droit pénal : essai sur une responsabilité pénale du décideur." Nice, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004NICE0060.
Повний текст джерелаThere is no penal responsibility for the decision maker. Several regimes modes coexist. The public decision makers, among whom the President of the Republic, the ministers or the members of Parliament, enjoy derogatory provisions to the common right protecting their functions. The company manager has the delegation of powers to exonerate his penal responsibility. This cause of no imputability, applied to all the decision makers, melts a penal responsibility for the decision maker superimposing himself on the existing modes. The decision maker is then distinguished from the only holder of capacities of authority power
Jozefowicz, Henri. "Le statut de l'élu en droit public français." Paris 5, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA05D005.
Повний текст джерелаFrench Constitution clearly mentions the représentants. Their designation participates to the expression of National Sovereignty. The status of the elected person has to be understood through the institutional framework applicable to those who are in charge of a political mandate. The conditions of practice of the mandate relay several principles of French Law: separation of powers, free administration of local authorities… More generally, this status ensures the independence of the elected person issued from representative democracy. For all these reasons, this status is ambivalent as he is based on rights and obligations. The elected person has to comply with limitations or restrictions regulating his non-elective activities and the practice of his mandate. Next to this, he can get advantages and guarantees. The status of the elected person appears to be rooted in an institutional game involving more that the elected person himself without neglecting his own aspirations
Effa, Joseph Pierre. "La responsabilité pénale des ministres sous la Vème République." Bordeaux 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005BOR40006.
Повний текст джерелаAlmeida, Fabrice d'. "La politique au naturel : comportement des hommes politiques et représentations publiques en France et en Italie du XIXe au XXIe siècle /." Rome : [Paris] : École française de Rome ; [diff. de Boccard], 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41221703k.
Повний текст джерелаThomas, Jean-Paul. "Droite et rassemblement du PSF au RPF, 1936-1953 : hommes, réseaux, cultures : rupture et continuité d'une histoire politique." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002IEPP0009.
Повний текст джерелаPerrier, Gwenaëlle. "Intégrer l'égalité entre les hommes et les femmes dans la mise en œuvre des politiques de l'emploi : une comparaison entre Berlin et la Seine-Saint-Denis." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010IEPP0029.
Повний текст джерелаThis research analyzes the place of the gender equality objective in the implementation of labour market policies through a comparison between the Seine-Saint-Denis and Berlin. Based on actors-centered institutionalism, it draws on the analysis of grey literature documents and on the results of 124 half-directive interviews with agents in charge of implementing these policies. It identifies the different ways of operationalising the gender equality objective and the barriers to its integration in the implementation of the labour market policies targeted at the long-term unemployed. As a consequence of the gender mainstreaming policy of the European Union and its application to the labour market sector, agents in charge of labour market policies in Seine Saint-Denis and Berlin were made aware of the existence and implications of the gender equality objective. This objective is also implemented through actions aimed at female job seekers confronted to specific difficulties in accessing the labour market, or difficulties lowering their position on the labour market. In spite of these initiatives, gender equality remains an objective which is not very legitimate and not much operationalised. Different kinds of constraints contribute to explain this. Firstly, the agents in charge of labour market policies do not know much about gender inequalities in the labour market sector; the notion of equality thus remains relatively indeterminate for them. Secondly, various institutional constraints specific to the labour market sector, especially the predominance of the objective of quick return to employment, make the integration of a strategy of promotion of gender equality difficult
Lecat-Ciarafoni, Ludivine. "Art, réseaux et pouvoirs dans la culture : Réseaux artistiques et réseaux politiques sur la Côte d'Azur." Thesis, Nice, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014NICE2024/document.
Повний текст джерелаBased on the study of social networks, we have observed how the interrelationships between the world of contemporary art and the politics in the establishment of cultural policies are numerous. Reform driven by the State from the 1980s has led to the creation of an institutional network become the cornerstone for the advancement of the careers of artists and undertaking the pre-existing merchant network. This upheaval brought the artists in the French Riviera to develop a strategy of seduction regarding to cultural leaders and local politicians, through to school education, openings, artists groups and associations.Only an ethnological investigation, based on conversation and ethnographic observations done during openings, press conference, more or less with formal meetings gave us a better comprehension about interaction between artists and politicians in one place: the French Riviera
Deseuche, Vincent. "Tableau politique de la Mayenne au XIXè siècle." Poitiers, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009POIT3005.
Повний текст джерелаTraditionalism and conservatism are very often the first terms that spring to mind when defining the department Mayenne, such is the extent that the Chouan revolt, the battle between the whites and the blues in which the country folk actively took part, has left its mark on Western France. In light of analysis of the elections and nominations of political and administrative staff in the 19th century, their successes and misfortunes, and their actions in local assemblies or in the Chambers, the desire both to perpetuate the evolutions and revolutions of the nation and the need for modernity nevertheless arises. When public figures and dynasties come into view after the Napoleonic era, the opinions of the elected representatives of the landholding monarchy and the country proper differ from time to time. Universal suffrage leaves nobles in positions of power, progressively shaping the political identity of the department, combining respect of traditional values and republicanism to create a moderated republicanism
Delmas, Virginie. "Le politique dans le médiatique : étude de l’intervention de Nicolas Sarkozy dans l’émission télévisée de la campagne présidentielle de 2007 J’ai une question à vous poser." Paris 5, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA05H045.
Повний текст джерелаThis study proposes an analysis of political discourse through the media genre, which brought political discourse within the general public’s reach. We focused on a particular speech: Nicolas Sarkozy’s interaction with a sample group of interlocutors, in I have a question for you, a French presidential campaign television program. We based our study on the idea that discourse analysis must take into account various levels, each level providing an insight on the construction of meaning. However, we postulate that the syntactic level can constitute the basis of discourse analysis, even if it combines with the semantic, enunciative and interactional levels. Thus, the study of the discursive means used by Nicolas Sarkozy to try to convince his interlocutors and the audience of the program, shows that he implements recurrent syntactic structures, in association with certain semantic and enunciative choices, on which he founds the meaning of his speech and his argumentation. This TV program is structured around an interactional frame; therefore the analysis of the interaction between Nicolas Sarkozy, the French people gathered to interview him and the presenter, gives us the possibility to take into account other discursive means which also contribute to the co-construction of discourse. This program displays a particular media frame (citizens interviewing a candidate); therefore, the interactional analysis triggers a reflection on the media approach of the democracy they pretend to embody. Our results show a tight interweaving of syntactic and semantic levels for the analysis of interactional discourse
Barboni, Thierry. "Les changements d'une organisation : le parti socialiste, entre configuration partisane et cartellisation (1971-2007)." Phd thesis, Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2008. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00485941.
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