Дисертації з теми "History of International Public Law"

New methods of conflict and coercion can prompt tectonic shifts in the international system, reconfiguring power, institutions, and norms of state behavior. Cyberattacks, coercive acts that disrupt or destroy the digital infrastructure on which states increasingly rely, have the potential to be such a tool — but only if put into practice. This study examines which forces in the international system might restrain state use of cyberattacks, even when they are militarily advantageous. To do so I place this novel technology in the context of existing international regimes, employing an analogical approach that identifies the salient aspects of cyberattacks, and compares them to prior weapons and tactics that share those attributes. Specifically, this study considers three possible restraints on state behavior: rationalist deterrence, the jus ad bellum regime governing the resort to force, and incompatibility with the jus in bello canon of law defining just conduct in war. First, I demonstrate that cyberattacks frustrate conventional deterrence models, and invite, instead, a novel form of proto-competition I call ‘structural deterrence.’ Recognizing that states have not yet grounded their sweeping claims about the acceptability of cyberattacks in any formal analysis, I consider evidence from other prohibited uses of force or types of weaponry to defining whether cyberattacks are ‘legal’ in peacetime or ‘usable’ in wartime. Whereas previous studies of cyberattacks have focused primarily on policy guidance for a single state or limited analysis of the letter of international law, this study explicitly relates international law to state decision-making and precedent. It draws together previously disparate literature across strategic studies, international law, and diplomatic history to offer conclusions applicable beyond any single technology, and of increasing importance as states’ dependence on technology grows.

The Alien Tort Statute is a short, thirty-two word section of the United States Code enacted in 1789 as part of the Judiciary Act. The Alien Tort Statute, or ATS, has an uncertain and controversial beginning and remains controversial in current jurisprudence. The ATS reads as follows: “The district courts shall have original jurisdiction of any civil action by an alien for a tort only, committed in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States." It is my intent for this thesis to be an academic discussion of the mysterious history, intent, and court cases that have evolved the ATS; and the way in which the evolution took place. Having lain dormant for almost two decades, it is important to understand how the ATS was finally utilized and how this affected the statutes ability to become a tool for human rights persecution abroad; until the decision in Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum. Examining the language of two opinions by the District Court of the Second Circuit and the Supreme Court in Kiobel we will be able to understand, but reject, the arguments of both these courts.
B.A.
Bachelors
Legal Studies
Health and Public Affairs

This thesis consists in a critical analysis of international law’s traditional historical narrative about the prohibition of the use of force. Most contemporary textbooks teach that this prohibition was a creation of the twentieth century, and that beforehand States were free to resort to armed force against each other unconstrained. Positive international law, the story goes, was ‘indifferent’ to the use of force – it did not prohibit it but did not authorize it either, which meant that, in practice, States could do as they pleased. ‘Reality’ as it stems from historical sources, however, appears much more complex. In fact, not only did the vast majority of nineteenth century authors claimed war and measures short of war to be strictly ring-fenced by international law, but it also seems that States quasi-systematically felt the urge to justify their actions when they employed force against another nation. Starting from the observation of this discrepancy and using tools of history, sociology, anthropology and social psychology, the present research seeks to understand the roots of the ‘indifference’-narrative and how it became the commonly accepted version of the history of the use of force in international.
Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L’actualité de l’affaire de la Caroline en droit international public.

La doctrine de la légitime défense préventive en procès.

La principale préoccupation au centre de cette recherche a consisté à trancher la controverse qui divise les spécialistes au sujet de la légalité de la doctrine de la légitime défense préventive, spécialement du point de vue du système juridique international institué au lendemain de la deuxième Guerre mondiale. La doctrine en cause préconise clairement qu’un gouvernement d’un Etat, qui éprouverait des craintes ou des soupçons d’une menace d’attaque contre son intégrité territoriale, et dans une certaine mesure, ses intérêts éparpillés à travers le monde, serait autorisé à frapper militairement l’Etat dont le territoire est susceptible de constituer le point de départ de telles menaces :soit, parce qu’un tel Etat détient les armes de destruction massive, notamment l’arme nucléaire et les armes chimiques ;ou soit parce qu’il hébergerait des bandes hostiles, en l’occurrence, les groupes terroristes, à l’origine de ses craintes. Les partisans de cette thèse soutiennent qu’il s’agit là d’une norme de nature coutumière élaborée à l’issue du règlement de l’affaire de la Caroline survenue en 1837, entre la Grande Bretagne et les Etats-Unis d’Amérique.

En effet, un petit navire battant pavillon américain, dénommé la Caroline, avait l’habitude d’effectuer des navettes entre les territoires de Buffalo, aux Etats-Unis, et Navy Island, au Canada. Et dans cet ordre d’idées, il entama comme à l’accoutumée, la traversée du fleuve Niagara en embarquant à son bord des passagers, vers le Canada, en date du 29 décembre 1837. Mais il fut, dans ce contexte, accusé de transporter des rebelles qui étaient sur le point d’envahir le territoire canadien. C’est ainsi qu’à l’issue de ses voyages opérés durant la journée du 29 décembre 1837, alors qu’il se trouvait déjà accosté dans un port situé dans les eaux intérieures américaines, une intervention armée, décidée par le gouvernement anglais, avait eu lieu sur le territoire des Etats-Unis durant cette nuit là. Elle s’est soldée par la destruction de nombreux biens américains, dont le navire en question, qui fut au final coulé dans le fleuve Niagara.

Cet incident va du coup provoquer une grande controverse diplomatique entre les deux Etats précités. La Grande-Bretagne prétendit notamment que ce navire était engagé dans des opérations pirates, et que par ailleurs, sa destruction par ses forces armées relevait de l’exercice du droit d’autoconservation et de légitime défense. Mais au termes de nombreux rebondissements, le Secrétaire d’Etat américain, du nom de Daniel Webster, adressa en date du 24 avril 1841, une note diplomatique à l’Ambassadeur britannique basé à Washington, M. Henry Fox, dans laquelle il contestait l’ensemble de motifs avancés par la Grande-Bretagne, mais en insistant spécialement sur le fait que la destruction de la Caroline, aurait été acceptée comme relevant de la légitime défense, si et seulement si, les forces britanniques ayant agi militairement au cours de cette nuit là étaient en présence « d’une situation de nécessité absolue de légitime défense, pressante, écrasante, ne permettant pas le choix des moyens, et ne laissant pas de temps pour délibérer ». Un consensus de principe se serait donc, semble-t-il, formé autour de ce dictum, mais non de son application aux faits d’espèce.

C’est en prenant en compte les considérations historiques qui précèdent que beaucoup d’auteurs, essentiellement anglo-saxons, se permettent d’affirmer que l’affaire de la Caroline est un précédent fondateur de la légitime défense en droit international public. Et dans cette même optique, considérant par ailleurs que la singularité de cette note consiste dans le fait de subordonner la validité de telles actions armées anticipatives, à l’existence d’une menace imminente d’attaque du territoire canadien par des insurgés, la célèbre formule de Webster précitée aurait également consacré de ce fait même, la doctrine de la légitime défense préventive en droit international coutumier.

Notre hypothèse de travail est simple. En effet, nous partons du point de vue selon lequel, le raisonnement des partisans de la doctrine de la légitime défense préventive, fondée spécialement sur le précédent de la Caroline, soulève de vrais problèmes d’équilibre et de cohérence du système international élaboré après la deuxième Guerre mondiale, dans la mesure où, il aboutit dans ses applications, à cautionner, au sujet de l’interdiction de la force, l’existence d’un ordre juridique ambivalent. Autrement dit, si l’on transpose les enseignements tirés de l’affaire de la Caroline, dans le droit international positif, on aurait immanquablement, d’un côté, un régime conventionnel restrictif de la Charte, qui limite la possibilité de riposter militairement à la seule condition où un Etat a déjà effectivement subi une attaque armée. Tandis que de l’autre côté, on aurait parallèlement un régime coutumier plus permissif, qui laisserait à l’Etat un pouvoir discrétionnaire d’appréciation des circonstances de temps et de lieux, dans lesquelles il peut se permettre de frapper militairement un autre Etat, en invoquant la légitime défense.

Le travail de déconstruction auquel nous avons procédé pendant nos recherches, nous a amené à constater, au bout de cette thèse, que tous les arguments qui sont généralement invoqués par les partisans du précédent de la Caroline présentent des limites et des excès, dans leur prétention à fonder juridiquement, une règle de légitime défense préventive en droit international public, et du coup, ils doivent être relativisés dans leur teneur respective. Pour cette raison, nous soutenons en ce qui nous concerne l’hypothèse selon laquelle, le droit international public en vigueur, ne permet pas encore en son état actuel, l’extension du champ opératoire du concept de légitime défense, tel que stipulé à l’article 51 de la Charte, de manière à justifier l’emploi de la force dans les rapports entre les Etats, en cas d’une simple menace, peu importe son intensité et sa nature, tant qu’il n’y a pas encore eu véritablement une attaque armée de la part de l’Etat envers qui on agit militairement. En conséquence, la tentative doctrinale qui consiste à justifier l’existence d’une règle coutumière, autorisant la légitime défense préventive, en se fondant sur l’autorité de l’affaire de la Caroline, procède en quelque sorte d’un malentendu doublé d’un anachronisme évident.

Bruxelles, le mardi 6 mai 2008

Ivon Mingashang
Doctorat en droit
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Tens of thousands of contractors work for private military and security companies (PMSCs) in armed conflicts around the world, often hired by states to fulfil functions that were once the exclusive domain of the armed forces. In this context, PMSCs have performed a wide range of activities including offensive combat, prisoner interrogation, military advice and training, armed security, intelligence and logistics. The proliferation of PMSCs during the past two decades has challenged conventional conceptions of the state as the primary holder of coercive power in the international arena. Nonetheless, this Thesis argues that the traditional state-centred frameworks of international law remain vitally relevant to the regulation of private security activity in contemporary armed conflict. Three states are in a strong position to influence PMSCs in this context—the state that hires the PMSC, the state in which the company is based or incorporated, and the state in which the company operates—and this capacity for influence enables international law to regulate PMSC activities indirectly using these states as an intermediary. This Thesis critically analyses the pertinent international obligations on these three categories of states and identifies the circumstances in which PMSC misconduct may give rise to state responsibility in each case. It also examines the recent practice of certain key states in order to evaluate their compliance with these obligations. By providing a clear and in-depth analysis of states' international obligations to control PMSCs in armed conflict, this Thesis may not only facilitate the assessment of state responsibility in cases of PMSC misconduct; it may also play an important prospective role in setting standards of conduct for states in relation to the private security industry. This in turn may encourage and assist states to develop their domestic laws and policies in order to improve overall PMSC compliance with international law.

Cette thèse étudie la dimension historique de la notion d'ordre public. Celle-ci, bien que très usitée en droit positif, est difficile à définir et à déterminer. L'analyse historique de son émergence et de son développement à partir du XVIe siècle permet de comprendre les grandes caractéristiques et problématiques que soulève son utilisation par les juristes. Afin de restreindre le champ d'investigations autrement inépuisable, le cadre d'étude choisi est l'ordre public dans sa dimension étatique. La notion d'ordre public mise en œuvre par l'État suppose la recherche de la stabilité et de la pacification de la société. Elle combine pour ce faire, d'une part des procédés de police administrative visant à prévenir les troubles à l'ordre avant qu'ils ne surviennent ; et d'autre part des outils de droit pénal visant à l'appréhension et à la punition des infractions brisant l'ordre établi. À travers l'histoire, la notion évolue selon deux axes. D'abord, l'ordre public est conçu comme une notion-cadre, permettant de rassembler un ensemble de techniques et d'outils juridique concourant la protection de la société et des personnes, ensemble qui se développe de manière pragmatique sous l'Ancien Régime. Ensuite, l'ordre public est étudié à travers son rôle de vecteur, stimulant l'intervention de l’État et de ses institutions, les amenant à agir sur la société et à la contrôler pour imposer une série de valeurs comme la garantie de la vie humaine, de la propriété, de la cohésion sociale. La dimension historique de la notion révèle la pérennité remarquable d'un modèle né sous l'Ancien Régime, conservé et perfectionné après la Révolution, qui est toujours de droit positif en ce qui concerne ses caractéristiques essentielles
This dissertation deal with the historical dimension of the notion of public order. Public order is often used today but its meaning remains unclear. The study of the birth and evolution of public order, since the 16th century, allows a better understanding of its impacts on modern societies. It shows that public order is a notion used to summarise a vast range of public policies designed to protect society and people. It is also used to control and to drive the society in the way the political power intends.The study argues that the historical model of public order, though created in a pragmatic way in the Ancien Régime, then continued to be valid after the Revolution and is still, up to a point, valid today

An entire body of administrative law exists to guide the administrative discretion of public administrators. Although an increasing share of public services is being outsourced to the private sector, much of administrative law is not applicable to governments’ contracted agents. Alternatively, contracting agencies use the contract instrument to guide and constrain contractors’ exercise of delegated administrative discretion. This essay reports on a study of selected Florida local governments’ contracts for residential trash collection services. Although minimal discretion was placed in contractors’ hands, it still presented opportunities for abuse. The local governments used a variety of ways to manage the administrative discretion, including the imposition of public service ethics and transparency requirements. Upon analysis of contractual grants of and constraints upon administrative discretion, some suggestions are offered for enhancing contractual management of delegated administrative discretion.

This thesis considers the extent to which the International Criminal Court's Office of the Prosecutor ('OTP') has been successful in realising its self-defined mandate of ending impunity in Kenya. In particular, it focuses on the OTP's attempts to encourage domestic investigations and prosecutions as part of its strategy of positive complementarity. This strategy has been hailed as being the best and perhaps the only way that the OTP may use its finite resources to make a significant contribution to ending impunity. Despite this, no empirical study has been published that evaluates the effectiveness of this strategy and the impact that it has on ending impunity in the targeted situation country. This thesis seeks to address this gap in the literature by conducting a case study on the OTP's implementation of its strategy of positive complementarity in Kenya following that country's post-election violence in 2007/08. In doing so, I also hope to make a modest contribution to existing debates over the effectiveness of the ICC as an institution as well as international criminal justice and transitional justice more generally.

L’ouvrage World Peace Through World Law de Grenville Clark et Louis Sohn, publié entre 1958 et 1973, a contribué à façonner le droit international de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle en soutenant l’idée d’instaurer une paix durable par le biais de mécanismes juridiques et coercitifs. Plus précisément, il s’agissait d’un projet de réforme de la Charte des Nations Unies instaurant un État fédéral mondial et mettant en place un plan de désarmement général et complet des États. Si ces propositions nous apparaissent aujourd’hui comme ambitieuses, elles étaient pourtant au cœur des débats politiques et juridiques de cette période.L’étude de cet échec nous permet de saisir comment le droit international s’est structuré à cette époque, tout en offrant une perspective originale sur des concepts clefs du droit tels que l’État, la souveraineté, les institutions internationales ou encore le système juridictionnel international. Cette thèse a ainsi pour objectif d’explorer les éléments qui ont façonné le droit international, à travers l’analyse de l’œuvre de Grenville Clark et Louis Sohn, et met en évidence l’influence déterminante des facteurs de confiance entre États et d’assouvissement de leurs intérêts immédiats
Grenville Clark and Louis Sohn's World Peace Through World Law, published between 1958 and 1973, helped shape international law in the second half of the twentieth century by supporting the idea of achieving lasting peace through legal and coercive mechanisms. More specifically, it was a proposal to reform the United Nations Charter, establishing a global federal state and a plan for the general and complete disarmament of states. These proposals may seem ambitious today, but were at the heart of the political and legal debates of the period.The study of this unaccomplished attempt allows us to grasp how international law was structured at the time, while offering an original perspective on key legal concepts such as State, sovereignty, international institutions and the international jurisdictional system. Through an analysis of the work of Grenville Clark and Louis Sohn, this thesis explores the elements that shaped international law and highlights the decisive influence of the factors of trust between states and the pursuit of their immediate interests

The purpose of this thesis is to prove the existence of the right to adequate healthcare through a critical analysis of the law of obligations, constitutional law and international law framed in the wider focal point of South African medical law. The Constitution only makes provision for the right to access to health care. Conclusively this thesis will have to establish a link between a minimum standard in health care and the Constitution. It is submitted that the most efficacious method of establishing this link is with the duty of care, which is intrinsically linked to the doctor-patient relationship. If a critical analysis of the doctor-patient relationship can establish a clear link between the duty of care and state liability then such a link can successfully be applied to the Constitution. If this link is transposed onto the Constitution, a critical evaluation of the rights in the Bill of Rights will then reveal the most applicable right that can house the right to an adequate standard of health care. Such an analysis is only part of the solution however. In order to make this right effective, the international body of medical laws must be critically analysed and juxtaposed against this adequate standard. This carries the dual purpose of adding normative content as well as determining the current state of South Africa’s obligations under international human rights law, and to what extent those obligations have been discharged. Finally, and most significantly, the right to adequate healthcare, as it was forged in the international legal analysis, will be transposed onto the current South African jurisprudence of socio-economic rights. This practical application will then be reflected onto the new National Health Care Insurance to show conclusively that the current governmental approach of effecting health care is wholly inoperable and will ultimately result in significant harm and extensive human rights violations. This is based on the government only considering access to health care sufficient to discharge its duties and being totally incapable of effectively managing its resources. The core outcome for this thesis is to prove the existence of the right to adequate healthcare. Secondary outcomes are tracing the history of medicine to illustrate the creation and evolution of the doctor-patient relationship, a critical analysis of the application of medical ethics to South African law of obligations, a critical analysis of the Constitution and its fundamentals, an exhaustive evaluation of South Africa’s duties and accomplishments under its international obligations and effectively applying the right to adequate healthcare which is diametrically opposed to the current course South Africa is taking to provide health care.
Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Public Law
unrestricted

L’histoire du développement a été marquée par deux grandes révolutions. La révolution néolithique a fait passer l’humanité d’une économie paléolithique organisée autour de la chasse, de la pêche et de la cueillette à une économie néolithique basée sur l’agriculture et l’élevage. Cette première révolution planétaire est caractérisée par le passage d’un mode de vie nomade à un mode de vie sédentaire; lui-même conduisant à terme à la naissance des premières civilisations de l’Antiquité. La révolution industrielle, deuxième révolution planétaire, constitue une seconde rupture. Cette révolution se caractérise par le passage d'une société à dominance agraire à une société à dominance industrielle et urbaine.Dans un contexte de crise globale, qui s’apprécie notamment à l’aune de l’échec patent desOMD, nous posons l’hypothèse d’une troisième révolution planétaire en devenir dont l’ampleur pourrait être comparable aux deux précédentes. Depuis la révolution industrielle, lemonde a connu une croissance économique et démographique sans précédent; entraînant certes des progrès notoires, mais aussi un accroissement exponentiel de son empreinteécologique. À travers l’étude des principaux paradigmes contemporains du développement,nous avons décidé de revisiter prospectivement le modèle onusien. Au carrefour des divers modèles nationaux, l’ONU constitue, nous semble-t-il, le lieu le plus approprié pour aborder cette question. Enfin, dans la mesure où derrière la présente crise globale se cache une crise écologique profonde, nous considérons que le prochain paradigme qui émergera sera, pour les raisons que nous exposons, le fruit d’une dialectique entre les modèles anthropocentriste et biocentriste
The history of development was marked by two great revolutions. The Neolithic revolution has seen humanity passed of an economy organized around Paleolithic hunting, fishing andgathering to a Neolithic economy based mainly on agriculture and livestock. The first planetary revolution is characterized by the transition from a nomadic to a sedentary lifestyle;himself eventually leading to the birth of the first civilizations of antiquity. The Industrialrevolution, the second planetary revolution, is a second major break in development history.This revolution is essentially characterized by the transition from a predominantly agrariansociety to a predominantly industrial and urban.Against a backdrop of global crisis, including appreciating in terms of the obvious failure ofthe MDGs, we hypothesize a third planetary revolution with a magnitude that could becomparable to the previous two. Since the beginning of industrial revolution, the world hasexperienced an economic and population growth unprecedented, certainly at the origin ofsignificant progress, but also an exponential increase of its ecological footprint. Through thestudy of major contemporary paradigms of development, we prospectively decided to revisitthe UN model and framework. At the crossroads of different national models, the UN is themost appropriate place to address this issue. Finally, since behind this global crisis lies aprofound ecological crisis, we believe that the next paradigm that will emerge, for reasonsthat are set, is going to be the result of a dialectic between anthropocentric models, on onehand, and biocentric models, on the other hand

Book Summary: Spanning three volumes, this comprehensive encyclopedia of over six hundred entries covers the full range of civil rights and liberties in America from the antecedents of the Bill of Rights through the most recent controversies over political and social issues, including abortion, free speech, religious liberty, voting rights, and the guarantees of equality. It also addresses the civil rights and liberties issues stemming from America's ongoing war on terrorism. Detailed entries include key concepts, historical events and developments, major trials and appellate court decisions, landmark legislation, legal doctrines, important personalities, and key organizations and agencies. Entries have an objective tone, allowing readers to draw their own conclusions.Designed as an up-to-date reference source for students, scholars, and citizens, the encyclopedia will help broaden and heighten understanding and appreciation for the wide range of issues associated with civil rights and liberties in the United States, and is the most sophisticated treatment available. The volumes of the encyclopedia consist of original entries, arranged alphabetically, on many current hot-button issues as well as in-depth coverage of the rights Americans hold sacred. Written by experts in the field, including attorneys, judges, and legal scholars, the encyclopedia takes a historical-legal approach, providing important information on the background and development of an issue or event. The third volume concludes with over three dozen essential primary documents, including landmark statutes, key court decisions, and influential essays.

This thesis examines the theory of diplomacy in the formative phase of the European states-system. From the viewpoint of the discourse on the 'ideal ambassador', it explores early modern diplomacy as cultural history encompassing ideas, discourses, perceptions and 'codes'. The scope of study is the century following the Peace of Westphalia (1648), and three states and regions (France, Britain, the Holy Roman Empire) serve as case studies for a comparative approach of diplomatic theory and practice. In five parts, the adaptation of the theory and practice of diplomacy to the new demands of international relations after 1648 are considered. The first section sets the stage by illustrating that the mid-seventeenth century was regarded as a turning point in the practice of diplomacy. Part II examines diplomatic theory as a particular 'language' in its intellectual and socio-professional contexts. While published treatises on the 'ideal ambassador' build the core of this study, related genres of international law theory, ceremonial theory and political and state science are also taken into account. From the viewpoint of this diplomatic theory, the following section examines the ways in which the instruments and practices of diplomacy were aligned to the new framework. These ranged from changes in the structural framework of diplomacy to the evolution of norms and procedures of negotiation, international law and ceremonial. Part IV reconsiders the issue of 'professionalism' in diplomatic theory with regard to the preparation and training of diplomats. Special attention is given to proposals for diplomatic 'academies', which are for the first time examined in comparison. Finally, section V recasts the findings of this thesis in a comparative perspective. It underlines that, with the emergence of a states-system, the techniques of diplomacy became formalised and uniform, constituting a common European diplomatic practice. Against the background of the different regional and structural conditions, the alleged model role of France in the evolution of diplomatic theory and practice is re-evaluated.

Cette recherche propose un éclairage historique des avatars de deux mécanismes désormais intégrés au système français de droit international privé, celui des « lois de police » et celui de « l’ordre public international », qui ont pour trait commun de s’opposer au jeu normal de la règle de conflit et de s’appuyer, l’un et l’autre, sur l’art. 3, al. 1er du Code civil de 1804. Prévenant par préemption les atteintes à l’utilitas publica vel communis ou y réagissant par éviction de la loi normalement applicable, ces deux types de normes tissent une histoire commune depuis les antécédents que furent les statuts prohibitifs et les statuts territoriaux identifiés par la doctrine romano-canonique médiévale. Adaptés par les juristes de l’Ecole Hollandaise et de l’Ecole Française à l’hypothèse dominante à la fin de l’Ancien Régime des conflits de souverainetés, ceux-ci sont recueillis en 1804 par l’art. 3, al. 1er. Le travail conjoint de la doctrine et de la jurisprudence et une réaction à la notion hybride de « lois d’ordre public » qui émerge au long du siècle suivant permettent leur reformatage en les séparant l’un de l’autre dès le tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles. Le déclin du conflit des souverainetés qui porte à se désintéresser des lois de droit public, voire des lois pénales, et une représentation plus privatiste du conflit de lois qui ne peut cependant méconnaitre l’interventionnisme croissant de l’Etat, confirment la distinction de deux figures appelées à être théorisées sous les concepts de lois de police ou d’application immédiate (promouvant l’utilitas communis) et d’exception d’ordre public (défendant les valeurs fondamentales)
This research aims at shedding light on the historical background of the avatars of two mechanisms now integrated into the French system of private international law: lois de police (i.e. overriding mandatory rules) and (international) ordre public (i.e. public policy). Both share the common feature of opposing the normal interplay of choice-of-law rules and rely on Art. 3, para. 1 of the 1804 Civil Code. Preventing by pre-emption infringements of utilitas publica vel communis or reacting to them by eviction from the normally applicable law, these two types of norms have emerged from a common history beginning with the antecedents of prohibitive and territorial statutes identified by medieval romano-canonical commentators. Then members of the Dutch and French Schools adapted the two concepts to the prevailing hypothesis at the end of the Ancien Régime, that of conflicts of sovereignties. In 1804, lois de police and ordre public were collected in the French Civil Code. Thanks to the joint work of scholars and case law, on the one hand, and to a reaction to the hybrid notion of lois d’ordre public that emerged over the next century, on the other hand, the distinction between the two concepts was made possible at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. As conflict of sovereignties declined, leading to a loss of interest in public law, or even in criminal law, and as a more private-law-driven representation arose, without ignoring, however, growing state interventionism, the distinction has been confirmed between the two concepts: lois de police or d’application immédiate, promoting the utilitas communis, and exception d’ordre public, defending fundamental values

Book Summary: Spanning three volumes, this comprehensive encyclopedia of over six hundred entries covers the full range of civil rights and liberties in America from the antecedents of the Bill of Rights through the most recent controversies over political and social issues, including abortion, free speech, religious liberty, voting rights, and the guarantees of equality. It also addresses the civil rights and liberties issues stemming from America's ongoing war on terrorism. Detailed entries include key concepts, historical events and developments, major trials and appellate court decisions, landmark legislation, legal doctrines, important personalities, and key organizations and agencies. Entries have an objective tone, allowing readers to draw their own conclusions. Designed as an up-to-date reference source for students, scholars, and citizens, the encyclopedia will help broaden and heighten understanding and appreciation for the wide range of issues associated with civil rights and liberties in the United States, and is the most sophisticated treatment available. The volumes of the encyclopedia consist of original entries, arranged alphabetically, on many current hot-button issues as well as in-depth coverage of the rights Americans hold sacred. Written by experts in the field, including attorneys, judges, and legal scholars, the encyclopedia takes a historical-legal approach, providing important information on the background and development of an issue or event. The third volume concludes with over three dozen essential primary documents, including landmark statutes, key court decisions, and influential essays.

La mer Caspienne qui est devenue l’objet du droit international depuis le XVIIIe siècle n’a jamais connu un statut juridique précis. Cet espace dont la nature aquatique fait l’objet de divergence était dominé par l’URSS jusqu’en 1991. Cependant, à la suite de la disparition de l’URSS, la mer Caspienne - désormais entourée de cinq États riverains (Azerbaïdjan, Iran,Kazakhstan, Russie et Turkménistan) – a fait sa réapparition sur la scène internationale, surtout en raison de ses riches ressources naturelles. C’est précisément dans ces conditions que la question de la situation juridique de la mer Caspienne au regard du droit international s’est posée à la fin du XXe siècle. Il convient donc de former un régime juridique de la mer Caspienne adéquat et durable à long terme et de trouver des solutions pour le règlement desdifférends juridiques entre les États caspiens
The Caspian Sea which has become the object of international law since the eighteenth century has never had a clear legal status. This space of which the aquatic nature is not defined was dominated by the Soviet Union until 1991. However, following the collapse of the USSR, the Caspian Sea - now surrounded by five littoral States (Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan) - has re-emerged on the international scene, especially because of its rich natural resources. It is precisely in these circumstances that the question of legal status of the Caspian Sea under international law arose in the late twentieth century. Therefore, it is necessary to form an adequate and sustainable long-term legal regime of theCaspian Sea and to find solutions for the settlement of legal disputes between the Caspian States

Book Summary: Offering a unique resource for students, scholars, and citizens, this work fully explains all of the 21 enumerated powers of the U.S. Congress, from the "power of the purse" to the power to declare war. • Presents comprehensive coverage of all congressional powers through authoritative essays by recognized experts • Enables readers to connect the long-ago goals and perspectives of the Founding Fathers to current issues and controversies • Facilitates a fully contextualized understanding of the legislative power of Congress―and the extent and limitations of leverage that it can wield on domestic and foreign policy • Provides an accessible gateway to further, more detailed research of each of the individual congressional powers • Includes appendices containing the full texts of the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union and the Constitution of the United States

La justice cosmopolite présuppose la justice dans l’ordre interne d’un État ainsi que la justice internationale, en se différenciant aussi bien de l’une que de l’autre pour s’interroger sur le juste et l’injuste qui porte sur l’être humain en tant que tel et en tant qu’individu singulier, au-delà de son statut en tant que habitant, ressortissant ou citoyen d’un État, prenant ainsi aussi en compte les générations futures et l’environnement. Être cosmopolite est une condition à dimension individuelle et collective, liée à la construction de soi (un soi cosmopolite), à la manière de penser et de vivre dans sa dimension quotidienne (l’action sous un angle cosmopolite), ainsi qu’à une réflexion sur ce qu’est le juste et l’injuste cosmopolite, sur l’émergence des groupes sociaux qui exigent le cosmopolitisme et sur la normativité des institutions nationales, internationales et supranationales qui veulent le réaliser. Ainsi, la notion de justice cosmopolite se révèle être un objet commun au champ de la philosophie, des sciences politiques, de la sociologie, des sciences de la culture, de la psychologie sociale ainsi que du droit. Nous analysons d’abord les enjeux de la justice cosmopolite tels qu’ils ont été formulés aux XVIII et XIX siècles chez Hobbes, Kant, Hegel et Alexander von Humboldt, en confrontant ses idées avec les débats contemporains; ensuite, les nouveaux problématiques de la justice cosmopolite qui se dessinent au XX siècle avec Freud, Kelsen, la Théorie Critique et Bourdieu; et enfin, quelques enjeux fondamentaux contemporains de la justice cosmopolite : les droits humains, le droit humanitaire, le droit des minorités et l’espace public mondial
Cosmopolitan justice presupposes justice in the order of a State as well as international justice, but differs from these two forms in that it questions the just and unjust concerning human beings as such and as a unique individual, beyond one’s status as a resident, national or citizen of a State, and also takes into account future generations and the environment. Being cosmopolitan has an individual and collective dimension related to the construction of the self (a cosmopolitan self), to one’s way of thinking and living in its everyday dimension (action from a cosmopolitan standpoint) and a reflection on what is just and unjust cosmopolitanism, the emergence of social groups that require cosmopolitanism and the normativity of national, international and supranational institutions that want to achieve it. Thus, the notion of cosmopolitan justice proves to be a common object in the field of philosophy, political science, sociology, cultural studies, social psychology and law. This thesis first analyzes the challenges of cosmopolitan justice as they were formulated in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries by Hobbes, Kant, Hegel and Alexander von Humboldt, comparing their ideas with contemporary debates (Part I). It then analyzes new issues regarding cosmopolitan justice that emerged in the twentieth century with Freud, Kelsen, Critical Theory and Bourdieu (Part II). Finally, an analysis is offered on fundamental contemporary issues of cosmopolitan justice, such as human rights, humanitarian law, the rights of minorities and global public space (Part III)

Book Summary: Spanning three volumes, this comprehensive encyclopedia of over six hundred entries covers the full range of civil rights and liberties in America from the antecedents of the Bill of Rights through the most recent controversies over political and social issues, including abortion, free speech, religious liberty, voting rights, and the guarantees of equality. It also addresses the civil rights and liberties issues stemming from America's ongoing war on terrorism. Detailed entries include key concepts, historical events and developments, major trials and appellate court decisions, landmark legislation, legal doctrines, important personalities, and key organizations and agencies. Entries have an objective tone, allowing readers to draw their own conclusions. Designed as an up-to-date reference source for students, scholars, and citizens, the encyclopedia will help broaden and heighten understanding and appreciation for the wide range of issues associated with civil rights and liberties in the United States, and is the most sophisticated treatment available. The volumes of the encyclopedia consist of original entries, arranged alphabetically, on many current hot-button issues as well as in-depth coverage of the rights Americans hold sacred. Written by experts in the field, including attorneys, judges, and legal scholars, the encyclopedia takes a historical-legal approach, providing important information on the background and development of an issue or event. The third volume concludes with over three dozen essential primary documents, including landmark statutes, key court decisions, and influential essays.

In this doctoral thesis, Kant's distinction between perfect and imperfect duties is examined. The thesis begins with an exploration of how the distinction originates and evolves in the writings of three of Kant's most prominent natural law predecessors: Hugo Grotius, Samuel von Pufendorf, and Christian Wolff. The thesis then moves on to Kant's own writings. It is argued that Kant draws the perfect-imperfect distinction in as many as twelve different ways, that these ways are not entirely consistent with one another, and that many of them, even taken by themselves, do not hold up to scrutiny. Furthermore, it is argued that Kant's claim that perfect duties always trump imperfect duties - which can be referred to as "the priority claim" - is not actually supported by any one of the ways in which Kant draws the perfect-imperfect distinction. After this critical reading of Kant's writings, the thesis then switches gears and a more "positive" project is attempted. It is argued that the perfect-imperfect distinction, even though it does not support the priority claim, is not altogether normatively neutral or uninteresting. In particular, for some of the ways in which the distinction is drawn, it is shown that the distinction yields the following normative implication: Sometimes perfect duties override imperfect duties and all other times there is no priority one way or the other. Finally, it is explained that this normative implication - which can be referred to as the "privilege claim" - translates into the following practical directive: When there is a conflict between a perfect duty and an imperfect duty, sometimes one must act in conformity with the former duty and all other times one is free to choose which of the two duties to act in conformity with. This practical directive represents the ultimate finding of this thesis.

The emergence of regional security organisations during the 1990s in Africa proved to be of great significance for the lives of many Africans, including those living in conflict-torn countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Côte d’Ivoire or the Democratic Republic of Congo, but, at the same time, this phenomenon has been understudied. This dissertation explores why regional security organisations with an agenda of democratic governance emerged in Africa in the 1990s. This question is answered with two in-depth case studies on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Driven by an empirical puzzle, this study is both hypothesis-testing and hypothesis generating. The study starts by laying out the different possible factors put forward by several bodies of theory in international relations to explain the emergence of ECOWAS and SADC as security organisations. These hypotheses are then tested throughout the history and the evolution of ECOWAS and SADC in order to highlight the circumstances of their creation and their qualified failure as economic communities. This is followed by a comparative analysis of the security and democracy mandates entrusted to ECOWAS and SADC by its member states based on the study of the legal texts that outline the specific objectives of each regional security organisation and the tools they were given to implement their mandates. The study finally analyses the implementation records of ECOWAS and SADC in order to assess the commitment of their member states to their new democracy and security mandate. The research concludes with the two following hypotheses: 1) A security agenda cannot emerge without the involvement of the regional hegemon. 2) What the regional hegemon can do, including affecting the speed of the transformation, is constrained by the acceptance of its leadership by its neighbours (legitimacy) and by state weakness (capability).

La justice cosmopolite présuppose la justice dans l’ordre interne d’un État ainsi que la justice internationale, en se différenciant aussi bien de l’une que de l’autre pour s’interroger sur le juste et l’injuste qui porte sur l’être humain en tant que tel et en tant qu’individu singulier, au-delà de son statut en tant que habitant, ressortissant ou citoyen d’un État, prenant ainsi aussi en compte les générations futures et l’environnement. Être cosmopolite est une condition à dimension individuelle et collective, liée à la construction de soi (un soi cosmopolite), à la manière de penser et de vivre dans sa dimension quotidienne (l’action sous un angle cosmopolite), ainsi qu’à une réflexion sur ce qu’est le juste et l’injuste cosmopolite, sur l’émergence des groupes sociaux qui exigent le cosmopolitisme et sur la normativité des institutions nationales, internationales et supranationales qui veulent le réaliser. Ainsi, la notion de justice cosmopolite se révèle être un objet commun au champ de la philosophie, des sciences politiques, de la sociologie, des sciences de la culture, de la psychologie sociale ainsi que du droit. Nous analysons d’abord les enjeux de la justice cosmopolite tels qu’ils ont été formulés aux XVIII et XIX siècles chez Hobbes, Kant, Hegel et Alexander von Humboldt, en confrontant ses idées avec les débats contemporains; ensuite, les nouveaux problématiques de la justice cosmopolite qui se dessinent au XX siècle avec Freud, Kelsen, la Théorie Critique et Bourdieu; et enfin, quelques enjeux fondamentaux contemporains de la justice cosmopolite : les droits humains, le droit humanitaire, le droit des minorités et l’espace public mondial
Cosmopolitan justice presupposes justice in the order of a State as well as international justice, but differs from these two forms in that it questions the just and unjust concerning human beings as such and as a unique individual, beyond one’s status as a resident, national or citizen of a State, and also takes into account future generations and the environment. Being cosmopolitan has an individual and collective dimension related to the construction of the self (a cosmopolitan self), to one’s way of thinking and living in its everyday dimension (action from a cosmopolitan standpoint) and a reflection on what is just and unjust cosmopolitanism, the emergence of social groups that require cosmopolitanism and the normativity of national, international and supranational institutions that want to achieve it. Thus, the notion of cosmopolitan justice proves to be a common object in the field of philosophy, political science, sociology, cultural studies, social psychology and law. This thesis first analyzes the challenges of cosmopolitan justice as they were formulated in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries by Hobbes, Kant, Hegel and Alexander von Humboldt, comparing their ideas with contemporary debates (Part I). It then analyzes new issues regarding cosmopolitan justice that emerged in the twentieth century with Freud, Kelsen, Critical Theory and Bourdieu (Part II). Finally, an analysis is offered on fundamental contemporary issues of cosmopolitan justice, such as human rights, humanitarian law, the rights of minorities and global public space (Part III)

Les difficultés rencontrées pour assurer le maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationale sur le continent africain constituent un réel obstacle au développement économique, un danger pour les populations et une menace sérieuse pour la survie des Etats.Les outils théoriques classiques de la sécurité internationale s’étant révélés insuffisants pour apporter une réponse à cette problématique, notre objectif est ici, en recourant à l’approche constructiviste, de déterminer si les États africains manifestent une réelle volonté et/ou capacité à construire une communauté de sécurité (CS) à même de palier ces difficultés.Pour ce faire nous nous interrogeons sur l’existence d’un lien entre la production d’actes de parole, la promotion et l’adoption de normes de régulation pacifiques des conflits et la manière qu’ont les États africains d’appréhender leurs relations avec les autres membres de la CS supposée.L’utilisation additionnelle du concept de région et l’adoption d’une perspective africaine nous permettent en outre de diviser l’objet d’étude « Afrique » en plusieurs sous-Ensembles plus propices à la réalisation d’une étude scientifique et d’évaluer d’une part la pertinence et d’autre part le sens même du concept de CS lorsqu’il est appliqué au terrain africain
The difficulties met to insure the preservation of the peace and the international security on the African continent constitute a real obstacle to the economic development, a danger for the populations and a serious threat for the survival of States.The classic theoretical tools of the international security having proved insufficient to provide an answer to this issue, our objective is to determine, on the basis of the constructivist approach, whether African States show a real willingness and\or a capacity to build a Security Community (SC) that would be able to overcome these difficulties.In order to do so we question whether a link exists between the production of “speech acts” on the one hand and the promotion and the adoption of pacific regulation norms for conflicts on the other, and we examine the way African States apprehend their relations with other members of the supposed SC.The additional use of the concept of “region” and the adoption of an African perspective allow us to divide the object of study "Africa" into several subsets more propitious to the achievement of a scientific study, and to evaluate the relevance and the meaning of the SC concept when applied to the African field of study

La coopération internationale est inscrite sur l'acte constitutif de l'Organisation des Nations Unies du 26 juin 1945. Moyen d'échange et de dialogue entre acteurs internationaux, son objectif a été de trouver des solutions aux difficultés économiques, sociales, culturelles et sécuritaires de l'après-guerre pour sauvegarder la paix du monde. Elle s'est considérablement développée, allant de la forme bilatérale à celle multilatérale, dans tous les domaines et sur tous les continents. Parmi ses nombreux cadres d'échanges, le dispositif français de coopération, avec son assistance technique spécialisée dans tous les domaines, demeure une référence certaine. Il s'est déployé à travers une stratégie de géopolitique internationale où domaines militaire en plus grand et sportif en plus petit en constituent un des traits caractéristiques. La coopération française et internationale ont été un accompagnement décisif pour le continent africain après les indépendances, mais aussi un important moyen stratégique d'influence pendant la Guerre Froide. Le sport et la coopération sportive y joueront leur partition. Pour les Américains, Français, Anglais, Soviétiques et leurs partenaires respectifs, la coopération a été très efficace et a permis de sauvegarder leurs intérêts sur le continent africain. Elle demeure encore aujourd'hui un important moyen de pression sur la scène africaine, influant souvent sur les résultats des échanges et l'efficacité des actions de coopération. Finalement, c'est une coopération internationale de 1960 à 2010, avec ses réussites et ses échecs, d'une taille parfois limitée mais qui reste un moyen de dialogue pour le monde et surtout pour le continent africain engagé sur le difficile chemin de la démocratie. C'est par une approche théorique libérale et une méthode qualitative que cette recherche a été réalisée, sur le principal terrain du Burkina Faso avec ses particularités sociales et son histoire, qui constituent une grille de lecture idéale.

Arbitration tribunals rely on public policy principles to exclude or determine the applicable law. At times, the notion of public policy will contain fundamental yardsticks recognised by the world community at large. In such cases public policy may be called transnational or truly international. The thesis expounds the notion and content of transnational public policy as applied by international tribunals. This objective is met by exploring the method, functions and purpose of transnational public policy in international arbitration. The opening chapter sheds light on the origins and concept of public policy and the different levels it has been applied by international tribunals and national courts. It suggests a criteria for the distinction between domestic, domestic-international, regional and transnational public policy. The thesis then gives an in depth analysis of the origins and notion of transnational public policy. It suggests that international tribunals have relied on transnational public policy in their awards and proposes a method to determine its content and sources. Such method is then applied to deduct the content of transnational public policy from decided arbitration awards. The thesis shows that transnational public policy can be relevant at three different stages in international arbitration. At the outset of the proceeding, where the arbitrators determine their jurisdiction; during the arbitration, where it controls the procedure applicable in the arbitration; or at the stage of drafting the final award, where it determines fundamental substantive rules relied upon by the tribunal.

Today, some twelve million immigrants are unlawfully present in the United States. What response to this situation does Christian theology suggest for these immigrants and those who receive them? To this question about the status of immigrants before the law, the theological literature lacks an understanding of how federal U.S. immigration law developed, and it lacks a robust theological account of the governance of immigration. To fill this gap, the thesis presents three stages in the formation of the laws that designate some immigrants as aliens unlawfully present or illegal aliens, drawing out the moral argumentation in each phase and responding with moral theology. In the first stage, non-citizens were called aliens in U.S. law. In response to the argument that aliens exist as a consequence of natural law, Christian teaching indicates that immigrants are not alien either in creation or for the church. In the second stage, the authority of the federal government to exclude and expel aliens was established, leaving those who do not comply to be designated illegal aliens. To the claim that the federal government has unlimited sovereignty over immigration, interpretations of the Christian Scriptures respond that divine sovereignty limits and directs civil authority over immigration. In the third stage, legal reforms that were intended to end discrimination between countries allowed millions from countries neighboring the U.S. to become illegal aliens. These reforms turn out to be unjust on philosophical grounds and unneighborly on theological grounds. While federal law classes many as aliens unlawfully present in the United States, Christian political theology indicates that immigrants are not alien, the government of immigration is limited by divine judgment, and nationals of neighboring countries deserve special regard.

Enforcement of international judicial decisions of the International Court of Justice has suffered serious negligence in public international law. Thus, the first significance of this thesis lies in dearth of the authoritative legal literature on this topic. Bearing in mind the unprecedented increase interest in international dispute settlement which can be explained by the phenomenon of proliferation of international judicial bodies and in the qualitative and quantitative nature· of contentious disputes brought before the ICJ, non-compliance with the judicial decisions of the Court is definitely to increase. This study has explored the problem of non-compliance with and enforcement of the judicial decisions of the ICJ; a problem that now exists beyond any doubt as Chapter 1 of this study exposes. However, enforcement cannot be directly made without some initial and critical scrutiny into the legal foundations of the bindingness and enforceability of these judicial decisions normally the rules of pacta sunt servanda and of res judicata, to which Chapters 2 and 3 are devoted. Similarly, the problem of non-compliance with and enforcement of judicial decisions should not usefully be considered in the abstract. Thus, Chapter 4 elucidates the legal nature and the scope of judicial decisions that are subject to enforcement. Article 94 (2) of the UN. Charter provides no exclusive authority for the Security Council to be the ultimate and sole enforcer of the judicial decisions of the I CJ decisions nor is there a straightforward and independent enforcement means of international obligations especially those derived from international judicial decisions. Hence, this study explores and involves various players and invests various means to establish a network of enforcement mechanisms available to all States regardless of their position in the international community. In so doing, the rest of the thesis is devoted to judicial enforcement and institutional enforcement respectively. Chapter 5 examines judicial enforcement through the ICJ itself, while Chapter 6 examines the role of domestic courts of States in this process. Injured State could also seek institutional enforcement. Chapter 7 examines the role of the United Nations, while Chapters 8 and 9 deal with the role of regional organisations and specialised agencies in this process respectively. Notwithstanding the indispensability of judicial and institutional enforcement, they are not always successful or predictable or independently adequate. They may fail to be effective or incapable of inducing a defaulting State to comply with its international legal obligations under the judgment of the ICl So, proposals have been advanced to mitigate or to contain this problem. These proposals, however, have suffered from a lack of support in law and practice, and thus other alternative recommendations and suggestions are provided in Chapter 10, which presents also the final conclusions of this study.

This thesis is concerned with the ways in which international law regulates state and individual complicity. Complicity is a derivative form of responsibility that links an accomplice to wrongdoing by a principal actor. Whenever complicity is prohibited, certain questions arise about the scope and structure of the complicity rule. To answer these questions, this thesis proposes an analytical framework in which complicity rules may be assessed, and defends a normative claim as to their optimal structure. This framework and normative claim anchor the thesis’ analysis of complicity in international law. The thesis shows that international criminal law regulates individual complicity in a comprehensive way, using the doctrines of instigation and aiding and abetting to inculpate complicit participants in international crimes. These doctrines are marked by the breadth of the complicit conduct prohibited, a standard of knowledge in the fault required of the accomplice, and an underused nexus requirement between the accomplice’s acts and the principal’s wrong. In contrast, international law’s regulation of state complicity was historically marked by an absence of complicity rules. In respect of state complicity in the wrongdoing of another state, international law now imposes both specific and general complicity obligations, the latter prohibiting states from aiding or assisting another state in the commission of any internationally wrongful act. In respect of the ways that states participate in harms caused by non-state actors, the traditional normative structure of international law, which imposed obligations only on states, foreclosed the possibility of regulating the state’s participation as a form of complicity. As that traditional normative structure has evolved, so the possibility of holding states responsible for complicity in the wrongdoing of non-state actors has emerged. More and more, both the wrongs that international actors commit, and the wrongs they help or encourage others to commit, matter.

Thesis (LLD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The existential crisis of the international regime of criminal law is arguably a thing of the past. This is confirmed through a growing body of positive law and the existence of various international criminal courts, notably the permanent International Criminal Court which has been in operation since 2002. Moreover, it is significant that international criminal law (“ICL”) is developing towards increased domestic enforcement, in particular as a result of the complementarity regime envisioned by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. States have generally been receptive and cooperative towards international criminal norms as well as the structures of international criminal justice. As a result international criminal laws are increasingly being transformed into national law and enforced by states on the domestic level. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the abovementioned developments, the characteristics of ICL and certain key concepts. In lieu of the upward trajectory of ICL’s development, the thesis aims to determine whether ICL exerts an influence which holds ‘transformative value’. Chapter 3 unpacks this concept by delineating the different meanings afforded to transformation and identifying the reticent characteristics of transformative change, especially the underlying importance of values during processes of transformation. Transformative value is conceptualised broadly as the product and potential of the type of change that holds some utility for the civitas maxima (or the community of mankind). In Part II, ICL’s transformative value is investigated from a historical and global perspective with emphasis on the purposes, values and politics of international criminal justice. Chapter 4 focuses on the Nuremberg IMT and the trial of Adolf Eichmann. It is submitted that these trials produced a paradigm shift that represents the transformative foundation of modern ICL. Chapter 5 investigates the purposes and aspirations of modern ICL with reference to its underlying assumptions as well as its objectives, the latter which may be found in positive law and the jurisprudence of international criminal courts. The research suggests that ICL is disposed towards objectives which are unique in comparison to those of domestic criminal law. While it cannot be denied that punishment under ICL is predominantly a backward-looking exercise in the tradition of domestic criminal law retributivism, ICL is somewhat removed from this paradigm due to its purpose- and value-driven nature. ICL is also expressive, normative and forward-looking in various respects. Individual criminal liability is however not universally accepted as an appropriate response to collective violence. This is partly a result of ICL’s endemic political dependency. Chapter 6 addresses the impact of politics on ICL’s transformative value. ICL is closely associated with liberal-legalist ideals which essentially promote the interests of individuals. Although it constitutes an important element of ICL’s transformative value, this political influence exposes ICL to criticism and may exert a disruptive influence on its transformative mandate. In this latter respect it is noted that ICL remains somewhat controversial and subject to the general limitations of the decentralised and state-dominated international legal system. In Part III, ICL’s transformative value is investigated using South Africa as a case study, with particular reference to its transitional- and post-transitional periods. Chapter 7 provides a domestic perspective of ICL’s transformative value by investigating the interactions of ICL and the South African legal system, particularly the value of the transformation of ICL into national law. In this regard the impact of Constitutional provisions and national legislation pertaining to ICL are considered, as well as a number of cases related to matters of international criminal justice. It is argued that international criminal norms may promote human values over state authority and political interests in the domestic context. Domestic courts may serve as ‘engine rooms’ for transformative change through more effective enforcement of those international criminal norms that have been ‘transformed’ into national law through implementation legislation. The permeation of international criminal norms into the domestic sphere represents a foray of universal values into an area traditionally dominated by sovereign might and holds potential for promoting the interests of individuals as well as for the institutionalisation of human rights. Yet, as illustrated by the current rift between the ICC and the African Union, international and regional political affiliations may influence the ability of a state to meet its obligations towards international criminal justice. In Part IV (Chapter 8), it is submitted that ICL is historically and ontologically aimed at change that is both backward-looking (repressive) and forward-looking (normative) as well as beneficial in a communitarian sense. ICL’s transformative value derives from the value-and purpose-driven nature of international criminal norms, the political nature of international criminal justice and also from the interaction between international law and domestic legal systems. ICL may be viewed as an authoritative expression of the norms and values of the international community. As such, ICL and its institutions may be viewed not only as a means of punishing the perpetrators of international crime, but also as part of the spearhead towards a desired alternative to the historical and present reality characterised by injustices which have gone unabated under the system of traditional Westphalian sovereignty. As egregious forms of the aforementioned injustices, macro criminality and impunity undermine the protection of internationally recognised individual rights. ICL seeks to remedy this through impacting on those individuals that have not yet acceded to the emergent universal consciousness of the majority in the international community. It is further argued that ICL’s transformative impact is not confined to the “hard” impact of the application of substantive ICL in international and domestic courts. The international criminal justice system as a whole also produces a normative impact through a purpose-driven association with international values and certain political preferences. This thesis offers a new way of thinking about the value, potential and limitations of the ICL regime, as well as the role of politics in international criminal justice.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die eksistensiële krisis van die internasionale strafregbestel is stellig iets van die verlede. Dít word bevestig deur die toenemende hoeveelheid positieweregsmateriaal en die bestaan van verskeie internasionale strafhowe, in die besonder die permanente Internasionale Strafhof wat sedert 2002 in werking is. Daarbenewens is dit beduidend dat internasionale strafreg (hierna ‘ISR’) na binnelandse toepassing begin verskuif, bepaald as gevolg van die komplementariteitsregime wat die Rome Statuut van die Internasionale Strafhof beoog. State is oor die algemeen ontvanklik vir, en tegemoetkomend jeens, internasionale strafnorme sowel as die strukture van internasionale strafregspleging. Gevolglik word internasionale strafwette al hoe meer tot in nasionale wette getransformeer en binnelands deur state toegepas. Hoofstuk 2 bied ’n oorsig van bogenoemde ontwikkelings, die kenmerke van ISR en bepaalde kernbegrippe. In die lig van die opwaartse ontwikkelingstrajek van ISR, het dié tesis ten doel om te bepaal of die invloed wat ISR uitoefen, oor ‘transformasiewaarde’ beskik. Hoofstuk 3 ondersoek hierdie begrip deur die verskillende betekenisse van transformasie uiteen te sit en die versweë kenmerke van transformerende verandering, veral die onderliggende belang van waardes in die transformasieproses, te bepaal. Transformasiewaarde word in die breë verstaan as die produk en potensiaal van die soort verandering wat een of ander nut het vir die civitas maxima (of die gemeenskap van die mensdom). In deel II word die transformasiewaarde van ISR uit ’n historiese en internasionale hoek ondersoek, met die klem op die doel, waardes en politiek van internasionale strafregspleging. Hoofstuk 4 konsentreer op die Neurenberg- internasionale militêre tribunaal en die verhoor van Adolf Eichmann. Daar word aangevoer dat hierdie verhore ’n paradigmaverskuiwing teweeggebring het wat die transformerende grondslag van moderne ISR gelê het. Hoofstuk 5 verken die doelwitte en aspirasies van moderne ISR aan die hand van die onderliggende aannames en oogmerke daarvan. Laasgenoemde is te vinde in die positiewe reg en regsleer van internasionale strafhowe. Die navorsing doen aan die hand dat die oogmerke van ISR uniek is in vergelyking met dié van binnelandse strafreg. Hoewel straf ingevolge ISR onteenseglik ’n hoofsaaklik terugblikkende oefening in die vergeldingstradisie van nasionale strafreg is, is ISR tog ietwat verwyderd van hierdie paradigma vanweë die doel- en waardegedrewe aard daarvan. ISR is in baie opsigte ook ekspressief, normatief en toekomsgerig. Individuele strafregtelike aanspreeklikheid word egter nie allerweë as ’n toepaslike reaksie op kollektiewe geweld aanvaar nie. Dít is deels ’n gevolg van die endemiese politieke afhanklikheid van ISR. Hoofstuk 6 handel derhalwe oor die impak van politiek op die transformasiewaarde van ISR. ISR hou ten nouste verband met liberaal-legalistiese ideale wat in wese individue se belange bevorder. Hoewel dit ’n belangrike element van die ISR-transformasiewaarde uitmaak, stel hierdie politieke invloed ISR ook bloot aan kritiek, en kan dit ’n ontwrigtende uitwerking op die transformasiemandaat daarvan hê. In dié verband word daarop gelet dat ISR ietwat omstrede bly, sowel as onderworpe aan die algemene beperkinge van die gedesentraliseerde en staatsoorheerste internasionale regstelsel. In deel III word die transformasiewaarde van ISR aan die hand van Suid-Afrika as gevallestudie ondersoek, met bepaalde verwysing na die oorgangs- en na-oorgangstydperke van die land. Hoofstuk 7 bied ’n binnelandse beskouing van die transformasiewaarde van ISR deur ondersoek in te stel na die wisselwerking tussen ISR en die Suid-Afrikaanse regstelsel, veral die waarde van die transformasie van ISR tot in die nasionale reg. In hierdie verband word daar besin oor die impak van grondwetlike bepalings en nasionale wetgewing met betrekking tot ISR, sowel as ’n aantal hofsake in verband met aangeleenthede van internasionale strafregspleging. Daar word aangevoer dat internasionale strafnorme in binnelandse verband straks mensewaardes bo staatsgesag en politieke belange bevorder. Binnelandse howe dien moontlik as ‘enjinkamers’ vir transformerende verandering, deur daardie internasionale strafnorme wat deur inwerkingstellingswetgewing tot in die nasionale reg ‘getransformeer’ is, doeltreffender toe te pas. Die deurdringing van internasionale strafnorme tot in die binnelandse sfeer stel ’n verskeidenheid universele waardes bekend op ’n gebied wat tradisioneel deur soewereine mag oorheers is, en hou potensiaal in vir die bevordering van individuele belange sowel as vir die institusionalisering van menseregte. Soos die huidige skeuring tussen die Internasionale Strafhof en die Afrika-unie egter toon, kan internasionale en streek- politieke bande ’n invloed hê op ’n staat se vermoë om sy verpligtinge teenoor internasionale strafregspleging na te kom. In deel IV (hoofstuk 8) word aangevoer dat ISR histories en ontologies afgestem is op terugblikkende (onderdrukkende) én toekomsgerigte (normatiewe) verandering, sowel as verandering wat een of ander gemeenskapsvoordeel inhou. Die transformasiewaarde van ISR spruit uit die waarde- en doelgedrewe aard van internasionale strafnorme, die politieke aard van internasionale strafregspleging, sowel as die wisselwerking tussen internasionale reg en binnelandse regstelsels. ISR kan as ’n gesaghebbende openbaring van die internasionale gemeenskap se norme en waardes beskou word. As sodanig, is ISR en die instellings daarvan nie net ’n middel om die plegers van internasionale misdaad te straf nie, maar ook deel van die strewe na ’n wenslike alternatief vir die historiese én huidige realiteit, wat gekenmerk word deur onregte wat ongebreideld onder die stelsel van tradisionele Wesfaalse soewereiniteit voortduur. Makrokriminaliteit en strafloosheid, synde uiterste vorme van voormelde onregte, ondermyn die beskerming van internasionaal erkende individuele regte. ISR beoog om dít reg te stel deur ’n invloed uit te oefen op daardie individue wat nóg nie die ontluikende universele bewustheid van die meerderheid in die internasionale gemeenskap openbaar nie. Daar word voorts betoog dat die transformerende impak van ISR nie tot die ‘harde’ impak van die toepassing van substantiewe ISR in internasionale en binnelandse howe beperk is nie. Die stelsel van internasionale strafregspleging in die geheel het ook ’n normatiewe impak deur middel van ’n doelgedrewe verbondenheid aan internasionale waardes en bepaalde politieke voorkeure. Hierdie tesis bied ’n nuwe denkwyse oor die waarde, potensiaal en beperkings van die ISR-bestel, sowel as die rol van politiek in internasionale strafregspleging.
Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin for financial support
Stellenbosch University for financial support

Every state may face a bid for protection in embassies or consulates from persons looking for a shelter in dangerous situations to their lives and safety. Even though diplomatic asylum is more peculiar to Latin America region, no State is prevented from such seekers. Practical examples show that diplomatic asylum helped to safe thousands of people in countries where instability of governments exist, during wars or in situations where no other alternative of protection was available. Grant of diplomatic asylum is a problematic issue because it raises question which value should prevail: inviolability of premises or non interference into internal affairs, protection of human rights or sovereignty of State. This master thesis attempts to find out what is the current position of diplomatic asylum in the context of public international law and on what grounds it could be granted in embassies and consulates. For this aim, the thesis is focused on the evolution and main features of diplomatic asylum, on its relation with regional and universal international law instruments, on dominating positions to diplomatic asylum in the case law. International treaties, state practice and various positions of legal writers were analyzed in order to reveal grounds for granting diplomatic asylum. In the States where diplomatic asylum is recognized, it is granted according to the existing legal regulation. In the States where diplomatic asylum is not considered as legal institute, it is granted on... [to full text]
Kiekviena valstybė savo ambasadose ar konsulatuose gali sulaukti asmenų prašančių prieglobsčio dėl gresiančio pavojaus gyvybei ar saugumui. Nors diplomatinis prieglobstis yra būdingesnis Lotynų Amerikos regionui, nė viena valstybė nėra apsaugota nuo tokio prašymo. Praktiniai pavyzdžiai rodo, kad diplomatinis prieglobstis padėjo išgelbėti tūkstančius gyvybių ten, kur vykdavo dažna politinės valdžios kaita, per karus, ar tokiose situacijose, kur nebuvo galima rasti jokios kitos apsaugos. Diplomatinio prieglobsčio suteikimas yra problematiškas klausimas, kadangi nėra aišku, kam turėtų būti teikiama pirmenybė: atstovybės patalpų neliečiamybei ar nesikišimo į valstybės vidaus reikalus principui, žmogaus teisių apsaugai ar valstybės suverenitetui. Šiuo magistro darbu siekiama išsiaiškinti diplomatinio prieglobsčio svarbą tarptautines teisės kontekste, kokie yra galimi pagrindai šiam prieglobsčiui suteikti. Šiam tikslui pasiekti, didelis dėmesys skiriamas diplomatinio prieglobsčio vystymuisi ir pagrindiniams bruožams, jo santykiui su regioniniais ir visuotiniais tarptautines teises dokumentais, dominuojančia pozicija teismų praktikoje. Pagrindams diplomatiniui prieglobsčiui rasti buvo analizuojamos tarptautinės sutartys, šalių praktika ir skirtingos autorių nuomonės. Tose šalyse, kur diplomatinis prieglobstis yra pripažįstamas, jis yra suteikiamas pagal esamą teisinį reguliavimą. Kitose šalyse, nepripažįstančiose diplomatinio prieglobsčio kaip teisinio instituto, jis yra suteikiamas... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Includes bibliographical references
Edward Snowden is a hero. In 2013, he leaked what can arguably be considered as the greatest quantity of classified and top - secret foreign intelligence in history. The leak revealed the extent of pervasive global government surveillance that has been and continues to be conducted by foreign intelligence agencies such as the National Security Agency (NSA) in the United States and the Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) in the United Kingdom. His actions have led to international security sector reform of the international regulation of foreign intelligence liaison. Citizen Four, the 2015 Oscar award-winning documentary, is the story of Snowden. When asked by Glen Greenwald and Laura Poitras, the journalist and documentarian who covered his journey , why he did what he did, Snowden's response was that : '[I]t all comes down to state power against the people's ability to meaningfully oppose that power .. . if the policy switches that are the only thing that restrain these states were changed, you couldn't meaningfully oppose these ... that hardened me into action.' When closing a TED talk on how we take back the internet, Snowden's idea worth sharing was that: '... [D]emocracy may die behind closed doors but we as individuals are born behind those same closed doors ... We don't have to give up our privacy to have good government ... We don't have to give up our liberty to have security ... By working together, we can have both open government and private lives ... . ' The relationship between state power and people's opposition, the individual and democracy, privacy and good government, liberty and security are themes that run throughout this dissertation. They are thematic relationships that underlie the importance of the international regulation of foreign intelligence liaison. The international regulation of foreign intelligence liaison will continue to be shaped by these relationships. Chapter I picks up on these themes by reviewing the international regulation of foreign intelligence liaison as a phenomenon. Part II defines foreign intelligence, part III sets up the objectives of a regime for international law in liberal democracies, part IV recognises the challenges to effective oversight of foreign intelligence agencies and part V maps out different reasons for and uses and forms of foreign intelligence liaison. A core argument is that the inevitable abuse and misuse of foreign intelligence liaison should be regulated through a horizontal accountability mechanism as an international best practice. Chapter II focuses on the international regulation of foreign intelligence liaison through a legal analysis. It draws on the themes by summarising (part II) and critiquing (part III) two landmark judgments having the potential to set an international best - practice precedent that contributes to the international regulation of foreign intelligence liaison. The core argument is that communications interception warrants should be regulated by judicial pre-authorisation. This is a practical application of Chapter I's core theoretical argument mentioned above. Chapter III develops these themes by analysing the international regulation of foreign intelligence liaison through recommendations. Part II explores the regulation of signals intelligence (SIGINT) in South Africa. Part III sets out the national and regional applications of art 17 of the ICCPR with regard to private communications. Finally, by summarising and applying the core arguments of Chapters I and II to Chapter III, part IV recommends legal reform through a General Intelligence Laws Amendment Bill 2015 (the Bill).

In recent years there has been a likely increase in the incidence of decommissioning of offshore oil and gas installations and considerable dissension has arisen over the legal aspects of decomissioning. There is controversy as to the applicable rules of international law. There is also dissension as to adequacy of both international and state laws and practices in providing for the various interests identified by international law itself as vital to any consideration of the manner in which disused installations ought to be disposed of. The thesis therefore examines the international legal regime of the continental shelf, on which most offshore oil and gas installations are located. There is also a review of relevant principles of the law of the sea as well as other maritime zones known to international law. A comparative study is undertaken of law and practice on abandonment in six jurisdictions, selected as fairly representative of oil-producing regions of the world. Those jusrisdictions are Australia, Kuwait, Nigeria, Norway, the United Kingdom and the United States. From the analysis, it hoped to ascertain representative state practice on abandonment. In view of the issue within the abandonment controversy as to whether or not Article 60(3) UNCLOS and the IMO Guidelines 1989 had become customary international law rules there is analysys of the concept of customary international law. Following that analysis, a model or paradigm is developed for use in assessing the emergence of new norms of customary international law. The objective is that the emergence of the new model will in the future enable the objective, expeditious and forthright assessment of contended rules of customary international law. The work goes further to consider whether the IMO Guidelines achieved a strategic balancing of the contending interests set out in Article 60 (3) and tries to postulate the reasons why those rules and Guidelines failed following the Brent Spar incident. Aspects of the legal-economic theory of regulatory capture are considered as apposite. The work concludes by identifying new and emerging trends in relation to abandonment practices and concludes with a postulation and as well as proposals as to how abandonment is expected to develop into the future.

Includes abstract.
Includes bibliographical references.
The end-goal of this study is to promote a bottom up reconstruction of international law. This implies, first, that reconstruction is necessary, and, second, that such reconstruction has substantive merit. As humanity heads into the future in 'Lifeboat Earth', a number of global storms are brewing, ranging from catastrophic environmental degradation to an economic meltdown and political instability, accompanied by grave human suffering – all of which can be addressed only through ecumenical cooperation at a global level. This, in turn, presupposes a global system of regulation. Thus far, the only regime available has been international law. Hence, it is imperative that it is (or becomes) justifiable, persuasive and relevant for all its participants and recipients. The study construes this to mean that international law must be cosmopolitan, that is, globally relevant and counter-hegemonic, and thereby emancipatory, which signifies a normative order wherein human potential can flourish.