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1

Tse-Hei Lee, Joseph. "Teaching The History Of Chinese Christianity." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 33, no. 2 (September 1, 2008): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.33.2.75-84.

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Beginning in the sixteenth century, European Catholic orders, including Jesuits, Franciscans, and Dominicans, introduced Christianity and established mission outposts in China. Protestant missionary societies arrived in the middle of the nineteenth century. Despite the Eurocentric view of Christianity conveyed by Western missionaries, many Chinese believers successfully recruited converts, built churches, and integrated Christianity with traditional values, customs, and social structure. This pattern of Chinese church growth represents a large-scale religious development comparable in importance to the growth of Catholicism, Protestantism, and orthodoxy Christianity in continental Europe, the rise of Islam, and the Buddhist transformation of East Asia. The story of the Chinese church is an important chapter of the global history of cross-cultural interactions. The knowledge and insights gained from the China story throw light on the emergence of Christianity as a fast-growing religious movement in the non-Western world.
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2

Tse-Hei Lee, Joseph. "Chinese Culture and Christianity." Mission Studies 25, no. 1 (2008): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338308x296753.

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3

White, Chris. "History Lessons." Review of Religion and Chinese Society 6, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 126–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22143955-00601007.

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This article contends that Chinese Protestant history is increasingly produced and consumed by various interest groups in China today. Protestant families, church congregations, and local state actors are all involved in reassessing and promoting local Protestant history. These processes reveal vibrant, organic forms of acculturation of Christianity into Chinese society. This article further argues that it would be prudent for scholars of contemporary Chinese Protestantism to focus greater analytical attention on Chinese Protestant history.
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4

MUNGELLO, D. E. "REINTERPRETING THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA." Historical Journal 55, no. 2 (May 10, 2012): 533–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000574.

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ABSTRACTIn the last thirty-five years there has been a fundamental reinterpretation of the history of Christianity in China. This reinterpretation has resulted from a changing atmosphere in China that has greatly reduced anti-Christian feelings and allowed for more extensive study of Chinese historical documents. In addition, there has been a remarkable growth among Chinese Christian churches. These changes have led to a reconceptualization of the role Christianity played in China's long-term history. As a result, there has been a transformation from viewing Christianity as a failed foreign graft to a creative indigenous force. This historiographical review surveys the evolution of this reinterpretation as well as the most significant recent publications on the topic.
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Jia Chyi Hwang, Jackie. "Longing for Belonging: Forwarding Andrew Walls’ Thoughts on Migration and Mission through an Ethnographic Study on Diasporic Chinese in Singapore's Christian Communities." Studies in World Christianity 29, no. 2 (July 2023): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2023.0431.

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This study on migration and Chinese Christianity uncovers both the potential and limitations in the late Professor Andrew Walls’ conception of how migration shapes global Christianity. Using an ethnographic approach, I examine how international students from China engaged in a quest for jia (home, family, belonging) by interacting with Singapore's Chinese Christian communities. For these students from China and the Singaporean Chinese Christians who encounter them, the personal narratives on both sides exhibit three traits: (1) a give-and-take relationship between different notions of ‘Chineseness’, (2) a transnational sense of family, and (3) an understanding of ecclesiology that is under negotiation. The ethnographic profile of Chinese hybridity that emerges shows how Walls’ ideas can be refined by a better understanding of co-ethnic Chinese Christianity which lies beyond China's geopolitical boundaries.
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6

Wang, Dong. "Introduction: Christianity in the History of U.S.-China Relations." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 13, no. 1-2 (2006): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656106793645178.

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AbstractThis special volume comprises six original articles, each of which locates Christianity as an international and local issue reaching beyond an American-, or Chinese-, or missionary-centered history. By bringing lesser-known aspects of Christianity to bear on the story, the contributing scholars from the humanities and social sciences in North America, Asia, and Oceania address three major sets of questions.
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7

LE COUTEUR, HOWARD. "‘True and Pious Men’: Anglican Ministry to Chinese Settlers in Southern Queensland, 1850–1914." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 71, no. 2 (January 31, 2020): 337–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046919002306.

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Chinese men began emigrating to the Australian colonies from the 1840s onward. Past historiography has been sceptical of the impact of Christianity on these Chinese immigrants. This paper revisits this theme, placing it in the wider context of mission to Chinese immigrants in other anglophone countries. It documents the ministry of the Anglican Church among Chinese settlers in colonial Queensland, and especially the role that Chinese converts played in the evangelisation of their fellow countrymen. It provides a new perspective on the ways in which the Chinese embraced Christianity, and their contribution to the evangelisation of their countrymen.
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8

Pelevina, Olga V., and Yang Yunhao. "Bei Cun's works as a manifestation of the cultural Christianity phenomenon in contemporary China." World of Russian-speaking countries 2, no. 12 (2022): 128–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2658-7866-2022-2-12-128-141.

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The article is devoted to the phenomenon of cultural Christianity in modern China. This phenomenon suggests the desire to explain the norms and values of Christianity to the Chinese audience through the prism of the traditional foundations of Chinese culture. Examples of cultural Christianity include Chinese intelligentsia's fascination with the history and philosophy of Christianity; Chinese masters' creating Christian images and scenes of the Virgin Mary, the Nativity, etc. in the traditional Chinese guohua style; Chinese deltiology with pictures of famous temples in Harbin; the folklore heritage of Harbin residents, etc. Sharing the idea of the existence of cultural Christianity phenomenon, the authors analyze the works of the contemporary Chinese writer Bei Cun. After 1992, when he converted to Christianity, a key transformation took place in his work. Bei Cun strives to convey to the Chinese audience the Christian categories of sin, redemption, guilt, forgiveness, love, etc. The main theme of the novel I Have a Covenant with God comes down to the Christian concept that all people are born sinful and hope for redemption, and that confession of sin and repentance are the basis for forgiveness. According to the plot, the first chapters of the novel tell us that the main character, Chen Busen, has fallen into the abyss of sin. Being abandoned by his parents, he becomes a criminal and a murderer. In the final chapters, Chen Busen's soul finds redemption through comprehension, sincere repentance, and even love for the victim's relatives. Thus, by describing the contemporary realities of Chinese society in his works, Bei Cun introduces Christian ideas and values into the Chinese picture of the world and tries to bring Christianity and Chinese culture together.
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9

Rule, Paul. "FROM MISSIONARY HAGIOGRAPHY TO THE HISTORY OF CHINESE CHRISTIANITY." Monumenta Serica 53, no. 1 (December 2005): 461–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/mon.2005.53.1.015.

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10

Yi, Liu. "From Christian Aliens to Chinese Citizens: The National Identity of Chinese Christians in the Twentieth Century." Studies in World Christianity 16, no. 2 (July 2010): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2010.0003.

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Christianity used to be an alien affair in China, both culturally and politically. Since the Boxer Movement in 1900, Chinese Christians began to reflect on their own national identity. The Anti-Christian Movement in the 1920s accelerated this process, with the indigenisation movement as a key programme. It was due to the Three-Self Patriotic Movement in the 1950s that Chinese Christians finally became part of the Chinese People. This achievement was consolidated with the accommodation and reform in the 1980s: the greatest change in Christianity in twentieth-century China. In the global context, Chinese Christians not only need consider how to adapt to Chinese culture and society, but also how they will contribute to the world Christian movement.
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Ping Guo, Sheng. "From ‘Sacrificing to Ancestors’ (jizu) to ‘Reverencing Ancestors’ (jingzu): Bread of Life Christianity's Cultural Negotiation between Christianity and Confucianism for a Hybrid Identity." Studies in World Christianity 28, no. 2 (July 2022): 188–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2022.0389.

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Among many issues associated with religious negotiation and intercultural ministry and mission in the history of Christianity in China, the most important issue involves the Chinese rite of offering sacrifice to ancestors. This issue has been closely connected to the process of the Sinicisation of Christianity in all Pan-Chinese societies, including the Greater China and Chinese diasporic communities worldwide. This paper first reviews key historical elements of the Chinese Rites Controversy (1645–1941) on ‘Sacrificing to Ancestors’ ( jizu), and then considers some details of the ‘Three Rites’ of ‘Reverencing Ancestors’ ( jingzu) as a historical development within the Bread of Life Christian Church (BOLCC, Ling Liang Tang) in Taipei and the Bread of Life Global Apostolic Network (BGAN) of nearly 600 local churches on all continents as of 2020. Through this case study, the paper argues that the BOLCC, an independent Christian church established in 1942 and a contemporary Sinophone-based Christian movement, could expand quickly by applying its intercultural ‘Ling Liang Rule’ to continue the successful culture-accommodating ‘Matteo Ricci Rule’ among the Pan-Chinese (Chinese descendants in China and beyond) by providing an ‘in-between space’ negotiating for Christianity and Confucianism to satisfy their believers’ ‘hybrid identity’. Through the Christianised Reverencing Ancestors Rites to hybridise the Confucian Sacrificing to Ancestors Rites, Bread of Life Sinophone Christians in many places of the world can simultaneously affirm their cultural ‘hybrid identity’ as both Christian and Sinophone through core cultural interactions between Christianity and Confucianism in filial piety ( xiao).
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12

Lung (龍歐陽可惠), Grace. "Internalized Oppression in Chinese Australian Christians and Its Mission Impact." Mission Studies 39, no. 3 (December 5, 2022): 418–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341866.

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Abstract This paper argues that Chinese Australian Christians have unaddressed wounds of internalized racism and a colonized and colonizing mentality that adversely impacts their evangelistic witness and mission work by elevating Anglo-centric Christianity and subordinating their own ethno-racial status. Drawing on theoretical analyses, the sources of internalized racism and colonial mentality in Chinese Australians are first outlined within their ancestral countries of Hong Kong and Malaysia, and then their host country of Australia. Second, the essay explains how Anglo-centric Christianity impacts Chinese Australian Christians in the academy and then in missions, perpetuating prejudice towards one’s own ethnic group, complicity in racialized systems, as well as elevating Anglo-centric Christian thought as biblically normative. Third, the paper shows how the rise of Asian Christianity could further privilege Anglo-centric theologies at the expense of indigenous and/or Asian theologies. Consequently, internalized racism and a colonial mentality negatively affect the mission endeavours of Chinese Australians, particularly to new Chinese migrants and other people of colour. Finally, proposed ways to combat internalized oppression will be offered so that Chinese Australian Christians and other diasporic Christians living in the West do not perpetuate systems of racial injustice in the name of Christ locally or overseas through mission.
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13

Wong, Diana, and Ik Tien Ngu. "A “Double Alienation”." Asian Journal of Social Science 42, no. 3-4 (2014): 262–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04203004.

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Scholarship on Christianity in Malaysia has been dominated by denominational church history, as well as the study of urban, middle-class and English-speaking church congregations in the post-Independence period. In focusing on the vernacular Chinese Protestant church in Malaysia, and one of its most prominent para-church organisations, called The Bridge, this paper draws attention to the variegated histories of Christian conversion and dissemination in Malaysia, and the various modes and meanings of Christian identity as incorporated into different local communities and cultures. The history of the Chinese Protestant church suggested in the first part of the paper takes as its point of departure the distinction between mission and migrant churches, the latter being the origin of the vernacular Chinese churches in Malaysia. The second part of the paper traces the emergence of a Chinese para-church lay organisation called The Bridge, and the Chinese Christian intellectuals behind it, in their mission to engage the larger Chinese and national public through literary publications and other media outreach activities. In so doing, these Chinese Christian intellectuals also drew on the resources of an East Asian and overseas Chinese Christian network, while searching for their destiny as Chinese Christians in the national context of Malaysia. By pointing to the importance of regional, Chinese-language Christian networks, and the complexity of vernacular Christian subjectivity, the paper hopes to fill a gap in the existing literature on Christianity in Malaysia, as well as make a contribution to on-going debates on issues of localisation, globalisation and authenticity in global Christianity.
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14

Kong Wong, Man, and George Kam Wah Mak. "Editorial: The Anglo-Chinese College and the Beginnings of Chinese Protestant Christianity." Studies in World Christianity 27, no. 3 (November 2021): 203–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2021.0349.

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15

Liu, Linhai. "The past and present of the Christianity in China." Chronos 36 (August 20, 2018): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v36i0.88.

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Christianity is on the list of the legitimate religions in modern China. Thepast several decades have witnessed a wide spread and rapid developmentof the Christianity across the country. As an important world religion whichhad first emerged in the West Asia and which has to a certain extent beenidealized as the symbol of the Western culture, or the democracy in specific,Chinese Christianity has been attracting attentions both from within andwithout, especially the scholars. Unlike other religions such as Buddhismand Taoism, the existence and development of Christianity in China areoften attached to special dimensions such as politics and ideology whichgo beyond the religion per se. In the expectation of many Westerners andChinese, the Chinese Christianity, especially the Protestantism is the hope forthe Western democracy. What does it mean for China in particular and for theworld in general for the upsurge of Christianity? Although there are variousresearches, an agreement is far from being reached. This short article tries totrace in concise the past and present of Christianity in China, the challengesit is facing, and to provide some thought on its history. A short caveat isnecessary before we proceed further.
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16

Ken-pa, Chin. "Jingjiao under the Lenses of Chinese Political Theology." Religions 10, no. 10 (September 26, 2019): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10100551.

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Conflict between religion and state politics is a persistent phenomenon in human history. Hence it is not surprising that the propagation of Christianity often faces the challenge of “political theology”. When the Church of the East monk Aluoben reached China in 635 during the reign of Emperor Tang Taizong, he received the favorable invitation of the emperor to translate Christian sacred texts for the collections of Tang Imperial Library. This marks the beginning of Jingjiao (景教) mission in China. In historiographical sense, China has always been a political domineering society where the role of religion is subservient and secondary. A school of scholarship in Jingjiao studies holds that the fall of Jingjiao in China is the obvious result of its over-involvement in local politics. The flaw of such an assumption is the overlooking of the fact that in the Tang context, it is impossible for any religious establishments to avoid getting in touch with the Tang government. In the light of this notion, this article attempts to approach this issue from the perspective of “political theology” and argues that instead of over-involvement, it is rather the clashing of “ideologies” between the Jingjiao establishment and the ever-changing Tang court’s policies towards foreigners and religious bodies that caused the downfall of Jingjiao Christianity in China. This article will posit its argument based on the analysis of the Chinese Jingjiao canonical texts, especially the Xian Stele, and takes this as a point of departure to observe the political dynamics between Jingjiao and Tang court. The finding of this paper does show that the intellectual history of Chinese Christianity is in a sense a comprehensive history of “political theology”.
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Xu, Ximian. "How to Make Sino-Reformed Theology Possible?" Journal of Chinese Theology 8, no. 2 (December 28, 2022): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27726606-20220010.

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Abstract This article aims to retrieve Abraham Kuyper’s theology to develop Reformed theology in mainland China. It shall argue that Kuyper’s concern about the varying contexts where theology is practiced shows an underdeveloped proto-Reformed contextual theology. Nonetheless, his idea of common grace serves as a conceptual apparatus through which his proto-Reformed contextual theology can underpin the construction of Sino-Reformed theology, a Reformed theology that is organically united with the history of Christianity while taking root in Chinese culture and interacting closely with the Chinese context. Such a contextualised Reformed theology can make Reformed faith an indigenous plant in the garden of Chinese Christianity on the one hand and prove conducive to the development of an organic Reformed community and theology on the other.
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Xie, Dingjian. "Creation and the Great Parent: The Thought of Yang Tingyun, a Chinese Christian in Late Ming China." Studies in World Christianity 29, no. 3 (November 2023): 268–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2023.0445.

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The paradigm shift from missiology to the study of the Chinese indigenous context has driven scholars in the area of Christianity in late imperial China to the Chinese reactions to the Catholic missions, either positive or negative. As an influential yet controversial model, Jacques Gernet's approach to Chinese responses to Catholicism in late imperial China has been recognised as an essentialist analysis of both Christianity and China, which are treated in that approach as two confrontational and monolithic entities. This article, by contrast, explores the dynamics of Chinese Christians' reception of Christian teaching by focusing on the interiorisation of creation theology in Yang Tingyun, one of the earliest Chinese Catholics in Late Ming China. While accepting the Christian idea that God created the world out of nothing ( ex nihilo), Yang has to respond to the cosmogonic discourses advocated by Song Confucians, who exerted considerable influence on Confucianism in the Ming dynasty. Moreover, his way of expounding the Great Parent, Dafumu, as the Creator and Sustainer further shows an active engagement with both the Christian idea of creation and Chinese traditional discourses of cosmology and ethics. Approaching this concept of the Great Parent will provide a window into Chinese Catholic theology in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 1
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Huang, Yuqin. "Western-Educated Chinese Christian Returnees, Nationalism, and Modernity: Comparison Between the Pre-1949 Era and the Post-1978 Era." SAGE Open 11, no. 1 (January 2021): 215824402199481. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244021994816.

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For more than 100 years, China has seen waves of students and scholars heading overseas and studying in the West as well as the concomitant returning waves. This study draws on information obtained from secondhand documents and firsthand field studies to analyze and compare two returning waves involving the complex dynamics of globalization/indigenization of Christianity in China. The first returning wave began in the early 1900s and lasted until 1950, in which many went overseas because of their connections with Western missionaries. The second returning wave is currently occurring following the study-abroad fever after 1978, in which many were exposed to the proselytizing endeavor of overseas Chinese Christian communities and eventually converted to Christianity before returning to China. The article compares the following themes in relation to these two groups of Christian returnees: their negotiation with their religious identities upon the return, perceptions on the meaning of Christianity to themselves and to China, their transnational religious networks, and potential implications to the glocalization of Christianity in China. Consequently, it involves the following topics that are important throughout the modern Chinese history: modernity/religion paradox, East–West interaction in relation to Christianity, contributions of Western-educated professionals to China, glocalization of Christianity in China, and complex internationalist/nationalist interaction.
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Xie, Dingjian. "“Jingjiao”: Naming “Christianity” in the Realm of the Tang Empire (618–907)." Archiv orientální 91, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 255–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.91.2.255-278.

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One of the first things we learn about Christianity in Tang China is the naming of the religion. Naming matters because the name capsulates some basic ideas and conveys metaphorical implications intended by the name-giver in the Chinese context. This paper attempts to trace the origin of identifying and naming Christianity in the Tang dynasty and investigates the meanings and implications of the names as reflected in Chinese Christian texts in Tang. The naming issue of Tang Christianity involves the process of being identified and self-identification. Jingjiao 景教 is a neologism invented around the period of Jingjing, the major contributor to the famous Christian Stele of Tang China. The name, coupled with the toponym Da Qin, can be seen not just in the Xi’an Inscription but also in other surviving manuscripts. Besides, this paper draws attention to the variant character jing 景, which appears in all those inscriptions and manuscripts, and argues that this phenomenon is under the influence of the state name taboo in the realm of the Tang Empire.
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YUNG, Lawrence. "生物醫學與生命倫理學: 科學主義的問題". International Journal of Chinese & Comparative Philosophy of Medicine 13, № 2 (1 січня 2015): 119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/ijccpm.131599.

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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract in English only.This commentary offers a review of Jeffrey Bishop’s reflections on the history of medicine in the West. It agrees with Bishop’s criticisms of scientism in biomedicine and with how the problems of scientism persist despite various attempts at reform. However, it also points out that Bishop’s discussion of the influence of philosophical dualism on Christianity and scientism is inadequate. Dualism is in fact deeply rooted in the West (such as in Plato’s philosophy and some early interpretations of Christianity). This commentary concludes that Chinese biomedicine, much like Western biomedicine, needs to forge its own path, as biomedicine is a social response to physical and psychological threats to the human mind and body.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 89 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.
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Qin, Ling. "Cultural Anxiety in East Asian Clouded by “Tradition” and “Modernity”—Based on Chinese Scholars’ Studies on Religion Mixture in Akutagawa Ryūnosuke’s Kirishitanmono." International Journal of Languages, Literature and Linguistics 10, no. 1 (2024): 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijlll.2024.10.1.495.

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In Akutagawa Ryūnosuke’s series of Christian-themed works, known as “Kirishitanmono”, the conflicts between Buddhism and Christianity can be seen everywhere. Some Chinese scholars believed that Akutagawa broke down under the burden of the unbelievable speed of westernization in modern Japan because he was closer to the Japanese tradition. The aim of this paper is to revise the problem of this statement. By sorting out the history of both Buddhism and Christianity and using ‘perspective’ stated by Kojin Karatani, it can be revealed that this belief is actually a conceptual misalignment under the East Asian modern perspective, which contains the equivalence between local religion and tradition, as well as Christianity and modernity. Chinese scholars live in similar social and cultural environment as Akutagawa, thus such interpretation was just a repetition of their own perspective rather than an interpretation of Akutagawa’s work. By organizing all the Kirishitanmono of his, Akutagawa’s attitudes towards mixing religions can be shown: at first, he managed to accept foreign culture, only to find that it would leave the root of Japanese culture hanging; later he tried to domesticated foreign religions, finding that this would cause the modernity which the introduction of Christianity brought about dissolute. This paper focuses on this conceptual misalignment in Chinese scholars’ studies, reveals Akutagawa’s real struggle and constructs a new way interpreting the ‘tradition’ and ‘modernity’ in Japanese culture.
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Chou, Chuan Chiang, and Shu-Yi Wang. "Christian Ethical Foundations of Modern Nursing in China." Journal of Christian Nursing 41, no. 2 (March 4, 2024): E32—E37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/cnj.0000000000001165.

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ABSTRACT: The influence of Western Christian missionary nurses has been recorded in the history and development of nursing in China. The purpose of this study was to investigate the influence of Christianity on Chinese nursing ethics. This documentary research used content analysis to investigate Christian value trends over 13 years (1920-1932) as reflected in a major bilingual Chinese nursing journal.
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徐以骅. "Comparative Study of the History of Christianity in Chinese Three Different Regions." China Studies 44, no. ll (December 2008): 353–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18077/chss.2008.44..019.

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Wang, Suryowati. "Makna “Janganlah Kamu Melakukan Telaah Atau Ramalan” Menurut Imamat 19:26b dan Pengaruhnya Terhadap Shio Pada Budaya Tionghoa." Excelsis Deo: Jurnal Teologi, Misiologi, dan Pendidikan 3, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.51730/ed.v3i1.8.

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Chinese Christianity faces a problem when the congregation begins to doubt the future and wants everything to be fast and instant without wanting to go through a process that feels long. This fact led Christians to turn to Shio's predictions which were nothing more than occult. This study of prediction based on Shio will try to prove that no one in the world can predict what can happen, because God himself plans and regulates everything. True Christianity relies its life on God, its fate is determined by faith and not divination. The history of Shio use in Chinese culture cannot be separated from the origin of its use as a means of making it easier to mark the year and season on the Chinese Luni-Solar calendar. This history and theology is needed for Chinese Christianity to be compatible with the gospel. Kekristenan umat Tionghoa menghadapi masalah ketika jemaat mulai ragu akan masa depan dan menginginkan segala sesuatu serba cepat dan instan tanpa ingin melewati proses yang dirasa lama. Kenyataan ini membawa orang-orang Kristen berpaling pada ramalan Shio yang tidak lebih dari okultisme. Penelitian akan ramalan berdasarkan Shio ini akan berusaha membuktikan bahwa tidak ada seorangpun di dunia ini yang dapat meramal apa yang dapat terjadi, karena Allah sendiri yang merencanakan dan mengatur segala sesuatu. Kristen sejati menyandarkan hidupnya kepada Allah, nasibnya ditentukan imannya dan bukan ramalan. Sejarah penggunaan Shio pada budaya Tionghoa tidak bisa terlepas dari asal mula pengunaannya sebagai sarana mempermudah menandai tahun dan musim pada kalender Luni-Solar bangsa China. Sejarah dan teologi ini yang diperlukan bagi Kekristenan Tionghoa agar berpadanan dengan Injil.
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Bernier, Lucie. "CHRISTIANITY AND THE OTHER: FRIEDRICH SCHLEGEL'S AND F. W. J. SCHELLING'S INTERPRETATION OF CHINA." International Journal of Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (June 30, 2005): 265–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591405000124.

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Every culture is self-centred and distinguishes itself from others which are inadvertently positioned off-centre. Thus ancient Greece called the non-Greeks barbarians, and the ancient Chinese called their own country the Celestial Empire and considered those who did not practise their culture as barbaric. In the modern age, Europe distinguished itself from the non-West principally by two features: Christianity and capitalism. Generally, it is considered that Christianity produced capitalism (Max Weber), so that the former can really be considered the foundation of Western Culture. In my paper, I demonstrate that Christianity is used to measure and construct non-European peoples and cultures within the western perception of the philosophy of history. Christianity is given supreme value, and related religions are considered to be corrupted in varying degrees, with non-theistic cultures bringing up the very rear.
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27

Hsu, Madeline Y. "Chinese and American Collaborations through Educational Exchange during the Era of Exclusion, 1872–1955." Pacific Historical Review 83, no. 2 (November 2012): 314–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2014.83.2.314.

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Overlapping communities of American missionaries and higher education administrators and faculty laid the foundations for international education in the United States during the first half-century of that movement’s existence. Their interests and activities in China, in conjunction with Chinese efforts to develop modern educational systems in the early twentieth century, meant that Chinese students featured prominently among foreign students in the United States. Through the education and career of Meng Zhi, an American-educated convert to Christianity, staunch patriot, and long-term director of the China Institute in America, this article examines the transition of international education programs from U.S.-dominated efforts to extend influence overseas to initiatives intended to advance Chinese nationalist projects for modernization.
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28

Xu, Xiaoqun. "The Dilema of Accommodation: Reconciling Christianity and Chinese Culture in the 1920s." Historian 60, no. 1 (September 1, 1997): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1997.tb01385.x.

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29

Meynard, Thierry. "For the record: The Canton exile of the missionaries (1666-1671) by the Polish Jesuit Szpot Dunin." Annales Missiologici Posnanienses, no. 25 (December 31, 2020): 145–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/amp.2020.25.10.

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The Chinese Rites Controversy definitively shaped the history of Christianity in China. When some missionaries were exiled in Canton from 1666 to 1671, they sought to resolve their disagreement on whether certain Confucian rituals could be practiced by Chinese Christian converts but their differences ended up even more entrenched. In his unpublished history of the China mission covering the period from 1640 to 1700, the Polish Jesuit Tomasz Ignacy Szpot Dunin (1644-1713) gives an account of the discussions held in Canton. His account not only reveals previously known materials but also offers new insights on the Controversy.
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30

Buchholz, Meiken. "‘Love of the Nation’ and the Church in China: An Issue of Belonging and Moral Identity." Mission Studies 40, no. 3 (December 7, 2023): 366–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341928.

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Abstract This article contributes to a deeper understanding of Christian patriotism in China by reflecting on the phenomenon from a pastoral-theological perspective and by considering the sociocultural meaning of patriotism in the Chinese context. Through three examples, the author analyzes different discourses of Christian patriotic identity, which represent a large specter of contemporary Protestant Christianity in China. She demonstrates that the phenomenon of Chinese Christian patriotism primarily concerns moral identity and is only secondarily a political issue.
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31

Lee, Joseph Tse-Hei. "Reconstructing Christianity in China: K. H. Ting and the Chinese Church." Mission Studies 26, no. 1 (2009): 108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338309x450192.

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32

HUANG, Jiaofeng. "The "Jesus-Mozi Dialogue" In The Revival of Mohism In The Republic Of China——Take Zhang Yijing, Wang Zhixin And Wu Leichuan As Examples." International Journal of Sino-Western Studies 21 (December 9, 2021): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37819/ijsws.21.146.

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"Jesus-Mozi Dialogue" is an underflow in the revival of Mohism in the Republic of China. Since modern times, the intellectual circles have mostly taken Christianity as the "rational model" of Mohism. When it comes to the best reference for Christianity in traditional Chinese culture, Mohism is always used as an example, which has been discussed in the field of Mohism research. However, in the past, people still paid little attention to the church's view of the "Jesus-Mozi Dialogue" between Mohist School and Chinese Christians, which is a pity. This article attempts to discuss the various viewpoints of Zhang Yijing, Wang Zhixin, and Wu Leichuan on Mohism and "Mohist religion" as examples, and looks forward to giving a clear definition of the literature and the division of school attribution to the results of the "Jesus-Mozi Dialogue".
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33

Israeli, Raphael. "The Cross Battles the Crescent One Century of Missionary Work Among Chinese Muslims (1850–1950)." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1995): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012671.

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Much has been written and published about Christianity in China, less has been known about the particular interest that the Mission had evinced toward the Muslims of China, much less has been recorded about the Muslim reactions to this activity, and almost nothing has been concluded in terms of the dialectical interaction between Christianity and Islam in that part of the world.
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34

Rao, Xinzi. "Revisiting Chinese-ness: A Transcultural Exploration of Chinese Christians in Germany." Studies in World Christianity 23, no. 2 (August 2017): 122–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2017.0180.

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This paper proposes a transcultural exploration of Chinese Christians in Germany, based on two years of fieldwork. I problematise the key term ‘Chinese-ness’ in particular, and offer a re-imagination of culture, religion and religious community.Literature on Chinese migrants rarely focuses on the religious perspective, and even when it does, it does not focus on the practitioners of Christianity and often assumes ‘Chinese’ as a national category or a culture that is confined to traditional philosophy. I call my informants ‘transcultural Chinese’ because this term best captures the complex dynamics of their unique community. Instead of being fellowships that only welcome Christian believers from the People's Republic of China, the term ‘Chinese’ in the name of these fellowships must be understood culturally rather than politically. My transcultural approach to their focus on being ‘Chinese’ and preserving the ‘Chinese-ness’ of the fellowship – a ‘Chinese-ness’ which lies in sharing the same language, similar experiences and selected cultural traditions – illuminates perception of the members’ identities and agency. Moreover, such selective Chinese-ness is a two-way street: non-Christian Chinese deny a welcome to the Christian Chinese as a part of their Chinese identity.
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35

Truong, Anh. "The Conflicts Among Religious Orders of Christianity in China During the 17th and 18th Centuries." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (November 2021): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.5.5.

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Introduction. The article studies the conflicts between the Spanish Mendicant Orders (Dominican Order, Franciscan Order, etc.) as well as the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris with Portuguese Society of Jesus, which took place during the 17th and 18th centuries in China. Methods and materials. To study this issue, the author used the original historical materials recorded by Western missionaries working in China during the 17th and 18th centuries and research works by Chinese and international scholars related to the Chinese Rites Controversy as well as the process of introduction and development of Christianity in this country during the 17th and 18th centuries. The author combines two main research methods of History Science (historical and logical methods) with other research methods (systemic approach, analysis, synthesis, comparison, etc.) to complete the study of this issue. Analysis. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the struggle for faith of the peoples in the Far East, especially China, became the desirable goal of religious orders of Christianity. Therefore, during this period, Western missionaries belonging to various religious orders of Christianity, such as the Society of Jesus, Mendicant Orders, Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, etc., gradually entered this country. In the course of evangelization, the struggle for influence as well as the right to manage missionary affairs in China at that time created conflicts among Christian religious orders. It is manifested in the form of a debate about Chinese rituals. In fact, these conflicts not only caused great losses to the missionary career of contemporary Christian religious orders taking place in China but also made the relationship between China’s ruling authorities and The Holy See became very tense. Results. Based on the study of the conflicts among religious orders of Christianity in China during the 17th and 18th centuries, the article clarifies characteristics, the root and direct causes leading to this phenomenon, making a certain contribution to the study of the relationship among religious orders in the process of introduction and development of Christianity in China in particular and the history of East-West cultural exchange in this country in general in the 17th and 18th centuries.
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36

HSIEH, Chih Wei. "轉變與堅持: 回應婚姻與家庭觀念的改變". International Journal of Chinese & Comparative Philosophy of Medicine 16, № 2 (1 січня 2018): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/ijccpm.161644.

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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract in English only.As the cornerstone of today’s pro-same-sex-marriage rhetoric, Western Liberalism is often placed in opposition to Christianity and Confucianism. Under a fashionable preference for liberal values, Christianity and Confucianism’s adaptation to the modern value of gender equality has been under-valued. Gender neutrality remains controversial in Christianity and Confucianism because distinct gender roles serve to maintain morality. Further, the shortcomings of liberally oriented family values and the danger of favoringindividuality over social norms are often undiscussed. This article aims to remind readers that rights ought to be balanced with morality, and that traditional values can still serve our present age, even in the face of change.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 351 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.
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37

Barfield, Thomas. "JONATHAN N. LIPMAN, Familiar Strangers: A History of Muslims in Northwest China, Studies on Ethnic Groups in China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997). Pp. 302. $22.50 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 164–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002154.

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Chinese Muslims, known today as the Hui and during the 19th century as Dungans, present a particular problem for a historian. Why should Chinese-speaking believers in Islam constitute a separate ethnic group when believers in other religions of foreign origin (Buddhism and Christianity, for example) do not? Did Chinese Muslims have a common history across China, or has one been created for them because they are now labeled an ethnic minority group (minzou) in the People's Republic of China? Jonathan Lipman begins his history by challenging the whole notion of the “Hui” as an ethnic group, which he argues in his Introduction has been taken as an unproblematic category by both Chinese and Western scholars. Lipman prefers the term “Sino-Muslim” to “Hui” to emphasize the reality that these Muslims are and have been Chinese in culture for centuries and to distinguish them from non–Chinese-speaking Muslim groups in China.
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38

LAI, Pan-chiu. "Orientalism and Reverse Orientalism in the Interactions between Christianity and Confucianism: With Special Reference to the Problem of “Immanence vis-à-vis Transcendence”." International Journal of Sino-Western Studies 21 (December 9, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.37819/ijsws.21.137.

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Through making references to some inter-disciplinary and cross-cultural studies of “Transcendence” as well as the usage of the relevant terms in contemporary Confucianism and Christianity, especially the concepts of “transcendence” and “immanence” (which is translated sometimes as nèi zài in Chinese), this study attempts to challenge some of the prevalent stereotypes of Christianity and Confucianism. With special references to the historical and contemporary Christian-Confucian discourses related to the concepts of immanence and transcendence, this study argues that certain features of “orientalism” can be found in the Christian interpretations of Confucianism, especially their tendency of downplaying the transcendence in Confucianism in order to highlight that Christianity is the fulfillment of Confucianism. In contrast to the Christian interpretations, the Confucian interpretations tend to highlight the “transcendence” in Confucianism and ignore the “immanence” in Christianity. Certain “reverse orientalism” can be found at the Confucian interpretations of Christianity, especially their attempts at arguing for the superiority of Confucianism through articulating the contrast between “external transcendence” (wài zài chāo yuè) and “internal transcendence” (nèi zài chāo yuè). This study further argues that no matter whether it is orientalism or reverse orientalism, these stereotypes of the contrast between Christianity and Confucianism misinterpret not only the other’s tradition, but also one’s own, and thus hinder the communication between the two traditions.
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39

Bohr, P. Richard. "Liang Fa: Pioneer Chinese Protestant Evangelist." Studies in World Christianity 27, no. 3 (November 2021): 253–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2021.0352.

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Through a meticulous study of the life and times of Liang Fa, this article explores the ways in which the Anglo-Chinese College prepared him to become a pioneer Chinese Protestant evangelist. While not overlooking his struggle with deep-rooted Chinese cultural precepts, on the one hand, and his responses to changing circumstances in late Qing China while presenting the Christian message, on the other, this study examines both the questions of the relationship between Liang and his missionary mentors and of Liang's proselytisng strategies that involved both direct and indirect evangelism, including his major Chinese publication, Quanshi Liangyan (commonly known as Good Words to Admonish the Age). Special attention is paid to the question of how Hong Xiuquan misinterpreted Liang's book, thereby creating the Taiping heresy and its tragic consequences. The study concludes with an overall assessment of Liang's place in the history of Chinese Christianity.
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40

Dunch, Ryan. "Protestant Publishing in Chinese at the Anglo-Chinese College, Malacca, 1818–1843." Studies in World Christianity 27, no. 3 (November 2021): 280–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2021.0353.

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Established in Malacca in 1818 by Robert Morrison, the Anglo-Chinese College ( Yinghua shuyuan 英華書院) became an important centre for translation and publishing of Protestant books and tracts in Chinese in the formative decades before the Opium War (1839–42). The extant publications in Chinese from the Anglo-Chinese College in this period shed light on the process of experimentation followed by missionaries and their Chinese collaborators, about how to make books that would appeal to Chinese readers – a necessary prelude to making converts to Christianity. This article traces that process of experimentation through an examination of the publications in Chinese from the Anglo-Chinese College press over the twenty-five years of the College’s operation there, prior to its relocation to Hong Kong in 1843. After an overview of the publications, the article discusses the books as physical objects and then considers the content and language within them. These examples suggest common ground between Chinese and Protestant print cultures: both saw close connections between reading, education and virtue, and both employed selective appropriation of excerpts from longer canonical texts as a reading practice. 1
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41

Yang, Xiaoli. "Towards a Chinese Theology of Displacement: The Poetic Journey of a Chinese Migrant." Mission Studies 37, no. 2 (June 19, 2020): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341715.

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Abstract While poetry was used as a rich vehicle to express one’s identity, freedom and communal belonging in the “poetry fever” (shige re, 诗歌热) of the 1980s in Mainland China, its connection with Christian theology has been long neglected despite the rapid increase in Chinese conversion to Christianity amongst the post-1989 generation. Using both autoethnographic and phenomenological methodology, this paper explores the relationship between the two using the author’s own poetry writings as a case study. From the vantage point of a Chinese Christian, poet and migrant to Australia, this paper is an inter-disciplinary study that journeys with the poetic voice from the themes of lament to search and then return, followed by some theological reflections. It argues that the dualistic thinking of poetry and theology can move into non-dualist responses so that the two can meet and become fused on the epistemological path towards God. This path parallels with that of the Israelites in exile, and ultimately Jesus’ journey in the gospel. It aims to provide a trajectory to develop further a poetic Chinese theology of displacement.
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42

Hsu, Danny. "Contextualising ‘Sin’ in Chinese Culture: A Historian's Perspective." Studies in World Christianity 22, no. 2 (August 2016): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2016.0145.

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Is the Christian teaching on sin a ‘stumbling block’ to Chinese accepting Christianity? This paper critiques the notion that Chinese have difficulty comprehending ‘sin’ because of the culture's long-standing belief in the humanistic potential for self-perfection without any reference to the divine. This view of Chinese culture has been too narrow and does not account for the fact that Chinese religious traditions have always had at their disposal a wide variety of resources to comprehend the Christian concept of sin. Incorporating a history-of-practice perspective can contribute to a more productive balance between the representation of Chinese culture and its actual practice and avoid the current tendency to posit Western theology against a narrowly constructed and idealised version of Chinese culture that is severed from both historical and present-day realities.
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43

Xian, Huixin. "A Comparative Analysis of the Translator’s Identities of Robert Morrison and Yan Fu in Two Chinese Translations of the Bible." International Journal of Languages, Literature and Linguistics 10, no. 2 (2024): 178–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijlll.2024.10.2.508.

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The Bible, as a classic work of Christianity, holds an important position in the world literary history, and its translation into Chinese has been a difficult and complicated process. This paper selects two Translators Robert Morrison and Yan Fu, as well as their Chinese translations of the Bible as the research objects. Through a comparative analysis of the cultural identities of these two translators, the paper elucidates the influence of different translator identities on their translation behavior. The study found that based on different cultural identities, Morrison and Yan Fu presented different emphases in terms of the text selection and different translation characteristics of the two Chinese translations of the Bible.
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44

Konior, Jan. "Confession Rituals and the Philosophy of Forgiveness in Asian Religions and Christianity." Forum Philosophicum 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2010): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/forphil.2010.1501.06.

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In this paper I will take into account the historical, religious and philosophical aspects of the examination of conscience, penance and satisfaction, as well as ritual confession and cure, in Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. I will also take into account the difficulties that baptized Chinese Christians met in sacramental Catholic confession. Human history proves that in every culture and religion, man has always had a need to be cleansed from evil and experience mutual forgiveness. What ritual models were used by Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism? To what degree did these models prove to be true? What are the connections between a real experience of evil, ritual confession, forgiveness and cure in Chinese religions and philosophies?
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45

Huang, Haibo. "The Bidirectional Construction of Institution-Identification and the Formation of Local Christian Churches in China." Journal of Chinese Theology 8, no. 1 (July 12, 2022): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27726606-20220003.

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Abstract The organizational history of Zhabei Church over its one hundred years is a tale of universal Christianity evolving its local form through the bidirectional construction of institution-identification in Chinese society. In this process, its core Biblical theological principles and basic modes of worship have maintained a high degree of stability, but its affiliation, organizational structure, and operational mode have undergone significant changes. Study of the sociology of the evolution of Zhabei Church reveals a bidirectional construction process of institution-identification, which is different from simple transplantation of the Western Christian model and not directly affected by conflict-adaptation logic. This kind of bidirectional construction has become the driving force for the development of Zhabei Church and has thus produced a new form of local church, which roots Chinese Christianity deeply in China’s local socio-cultural network and has transformed her “Christian capital” into a resource for social and cultural identification.
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46

Konior, Jan. "The Phenomenon of Chinese Culture." Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations 4, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/conc-2018-0002.

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Abstract The aim of the presentation is to Define the scope of Chinese Culture 正確的說明中國文化 and to introduce Chinese civilization, history, Chinese religions, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism (in general but also specific meaning), the concept of Chinese archeology, Beijing man – 北京人, including discoveries like: china-ware, powder, silk 生絲, (Kung-fu, zhonguogongfu 中國功夫, Tai-chi-chuien, taijichuen 太極拳, and famous Chinese medicine, zhongyiao 中藥. Chinese Anthropological philosophy, Confucian ethic – 孔夫子的倫理. Silk road which linked Rome 羅馬 to Xian – 西安. The idea of harmony 和諧: joy of Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism 佛家, 道家, 孔教 is included in Christianity. Taking into account Confucian humanism and traditional Chinese society 傳統的社會… Summing up everything is embraced by the definition of Chinese culture 中國文化.
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47

Ellis, James. "Anglican Indigenization and Contextualization in Colonial Hong Kong: Comparative Case Studies of St. John’s Cathedral and St. Mary’s Church." Mission Studies 36, no. 2 (July 10, 2019): 219–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341650.

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Abstract The British Empire expanded into East Asia during the early years of the Protestant Mission Movement in China, one of history’s greatest cross-cultural encounters. Anglicans, however, did not accommodate local Chinese culture when they built St. John’s Cathedral in the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong. St. John’s had a prototypical English style and was a gathering place for the colony’s political and social elites, strengthening the new social order. The Cathedral spoke a Western architectural language that local residents could not understand and many saw Christianity as a strange, imposing, foreign religion. As indigenous Chinese Christians assumed leadership of Hong Kong’s Anglican Church, ecclesial architecture took on more Chinese elements, a transition epitomized by St. Mary’s Church, a Chinese Renaissance masterpiece featuring symbols from Taoism, Buddhism, and Chinese folk religions. This essay analyzes the contextualization of Hong Kong’s Anglican architecture, which made Christian concepts more relevant to the indigenous community.
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48

Marie Wong, Stephanie. "A Society Apart: Rural Chinese Catholics and the Historiography of ‘Otherness’." Studies in World Christianity 22, no. 2 (August 2016): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2016.0144.

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This article examines the theme of ‘otherness’ in historical scholarship on rural Chinese Catholic communities. Whereas studies of the Jesuit Mission in China tend to emphasise the potential harmony between Christianity and elite Confucian culture, a methodological turn towards local history during the 1980s and 90s has revealed that ‘otherness’ or ‘separation’ may be a more helpful heuristic lens for understanding the situation of the vast majority of Catholics in rural China. This article surveys English-language and Chinese-language micro-histories of rural villages. It maps three general historiographical views by which historians explain Catholic villagers’ ‘otherness’ as the result of cultural dissonance, socio-economic inequality or relative political power. By periodising these centuries of history according to the feasibility of opting out of mainstream society, this article seeks to show how Chinese Catholic identity continues to be forged at the ever-moving borderline between Catholic and non-Catholic society.
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49

Huang, Jianbo, and Kun Xiang. "The “Theological” Creation and “Sociological” Foundations of “The Jesus Family” in Modern Shandong." Religions 14, no. 2 (February 1, 2023): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14020192.

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With regards to the Sinicization of Christianity (基督教中國化), there has always been a tension between “Chinese Christians” (中國(人)基督徒) and “Christian Chinese” (基督徒中國人). This paper intends to respond to this tension through the analysis of The Jesus Family (耶穌家庭), an important representative of the indigenous church movement in modern China. The Jesus Family had its own unique theological propositions and ecclesial practices. Particularly noteworthy was its emphasis on the living community of believers. Below, we present research on The Jesus Family, analyzed from two distinct aspects: those of “Jesus” and “family”. If the return to “Jesus” reflected the movement’s restorationist theological position, the “family” can be seen as reflecting the movement’s sociological advocacy for the practice of communitarian Christian principles. We argue that these aspects of The Jesus Family—emphasizing the values of personal intimacy with Jesus alongside communitarian principles—were key to its flourishing precisely within the unique context of modern Chinese social turmoil and history. In this light, The Jesus Family—both in its theological and sociological dimension—eludes simple classification as the product of “Chinese traditions” or “Christian orthodoxy.” Rather, it appears as the product of the interaction between the two, and we argue that in this, one sees also how the process of the Sinicization of Christianity relies on both traditional Chinese culture and Christian orthodoxy as inseparable and playing mutually interdependent roles.
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50

Raymond, Alex. "A window on China. An introduction." Chronos 36 (August 20, 2018): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v36i0.85.

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In May-June 2015, I was invited by the Confucius Institute and the BeijingNormal University to conduct research on the spread of Nestorian Christianityin China, and I was asked by the Beijing Normal University to give a lectureon the subject. That invitation was the earliest stage of links woven betweenthe Faculty of History at Beijing Normal University (now one of the top fiveuniversities in China) and the History department of the Faculty of Arts andSocial Sciences at the University of Balamand. Close cooperation betweenthe two universities is underway with the enthusiastic support of the Dean,Prof. Georges Dorlian, having in view, among other things, to encouragethe exchange of students and teaching staff between our two respectiveuniversities. A delegation from a Chinese university was sent to UOB for thefirst time in April 2016. The delegation was composed of five professors fromBeijing Normal University: two of its faculty members agreed to give twolectures on topics chosen jointly by the responsible of the two universities andwhich were of great significance for both. One was on the history of the SilkRoad and the other on the origins of Christianity in China. We are pleased topresent these two texts.
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